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THE 


HISTORY 


OF 


THE     ANGLO-SAXONS, 


THE  EARLIEST  PERIOD  TO  THE 
NORMAN  CONQUEST. 

BY    SHARON   TURNER,    F.A.S,    &    R,A,S,L. 


VOL.  III. 


SEVENTH    EDITION. 


LONDON: 

LONGMAN,  BROWN,   GREEN,  AND   LONGMANS 
1852. 


LONDON : 

SPOTTISWOODES  and  SHAW, 
New-street-Square. 


CONTENTS 


THE  THIRD  VOLUME. 


BOOK  VII. 


ON   THE    MANNERS   OF   THE   ANGLO-SAXONS   AFTER   THEIR 
OCCUPATION   OF   ENGLAND. 


CHAP.  I. 

On  their  Infancy,  Childhood,  and  Names. 

A.  C.  Page 

Benefit  of  the  invasions  of  the  German  tribes  -         2 

Anglo-Saxons  improved  by  conquering  Britain  -         4 

Care  of  their  infancy        -  5 

Occupations  of  their  youth            -             -  7 

Their  names         -             -             -             -  ib. 

On  their  surnames            -  -       10 

if 

CHAP.  II. 

On  their  Education. 

Their  schools  and  preceptors         -  -       12 

Their  youth  or  cnihthade               -             -  -14 

Employment  of  lads  in  monasteries            -  16 

Alcuin's  exhortations        -  -      ib. 
A  2 


IV  CONTENTS. 

CHAP.  III. 

On  their  Food. 

A    C'  Page 

Their  animal  food             -  -  -  -  19 

The  fish  used  at  their  tables  -  -  -  ib. 

Horse-flesh  forbidden        -  -  -  -22 

Their  bread          -             -  -  .  -  ib. 

Their  fruit            -  -  -  -  23 

Their  salted  provisions     -  -  -  -  24 

Their  meals          -  -  -  -  -25 

CHAP.  IV. 

Their  Drinks  and  Cookery. 

Their  three  sorts  of  ale    -  -  -  -  27 

Their  wines                        -  -  .  -  28 

Anglo-Saxon  description  of  a  feast  -  -  ib. 

Their  cookery       -             -  -  ,  -  29 

Their  customs      -             -  -  -  -  30 

CHAP.  V. 

Their  Dress. 

Their  female  dress            -  -  -  -  33 

Dress  of  the  men               -  -  „  -  35 

Their  beards  -  .  -37 

Dresses  on  the  Bayeux  tapestry  -  -  -  38 

Dresses  depicted  in  MSS.  -  -  .40 

CHAP.  VI. 

Their  Houses,  Furniture,  and  Luxuries. 

Their  houses  mean            -  -  -  -  42 

Their  furniture                   -  -  .  -  ib. 

Their  beds            -             -  .  .  -  45 

Their  plate  -  -  ..  .  .45 

Glass  vessels  little  used    -  -  -  -  47 

Their  spices                        -  -  -  -  49 

Their  hot-baths    -             -  ..  -  -  ib. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAP.  VII. 

Their  Conviviality  and  Amusements. 

A,  C.  Page 

Their  gleemen     -  -52 

Their  military  dance         -  53 

Their  taeft-stone  game      -  -       54 

Their  hunting      -  55 

Hawking  and  falconry     -  -             -                    57 


CHAR  VIIL 

Their  Marriages. 

Privileges  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  ladies  -                    59 

Their  marriage-contracts               -  -                    60 
An  Anglo-Saxon  lady's  marriage  settlement          -       61 

Their  morgen-gift             -  62 

The  female  right  of  disposing  of  property  -       63 

Protection  of  their  persons            -  -                    64 

Buying  of  Anglo-Saxon  wives      -  -                    65 

Punishment  of  unchastity  -       66 

CHAP.  IX, 

Their  Classes  and  Conditions  of  Society, 

Advantages  that  have  resulted  from  the  in- 
equality of  society  -  -  68 
Anglo-Saxons  had  dignity  from  birth  -  70 
A  nobility  from  landed  property  -  72 
Official  dignities  -  -  -  74 
Anglo-Saxon  freemen  -  -  -  75 
Their  slaves  -  -  -  77 
Prices  of  their  slaves  -  79 
Instances  of  emancipation  -  82 

CHAP.  X. 

Their  Gilds,  or  Clubs. 

A  gild-scipe  at  Exeter     -  85 

Ditto  at  Cambridge          -  -       86 

A   3 


VI  CONTENTS. 

A.  C.  Page 

Gilds  noticed  in  the  laws  -             -             -       87 

Their  guild-hall                -  -            -            -       88 


CHAP.  XL 

Their  Trades,  Mechanical  Arts,  and  Foreign  Commerce. 

State  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  tradesmen  -  -       89 

Artificers  and  burghers    -             -  -                    92 

Their  gradual  improvement           -  -  -       94 

The  Anglo-Saxon  smith  -             -  -                     95 

Carpenter  and  other  trades            -  -  -       96 
Glass-making       -                                                             97 

Weaving,  embroidering,  and  dyeing  -                     98 

Their  jewellers  and  goldsmiths     -  -                    99 

Their  taverns       -             -             -  -  -       ib. 

Merchants            -             -             -  -  -     100 

Their  public  markets  and  tolls      -  -  -       ib. 

Their  travelling  -             -             -  -  -     102 


CHAP.  xii.  :: 

Their  Chivalry. 

Anglo-Saxon  knighthood               -  -  -     105 

Actions  of  Hereward        -  -  -       ib. 

Its  difference  from  Norman  knighthood    -  -     107 

Their  use  of  the  word  cniht           -  -  110 

Tournaments  in  994         -             -  -  -     113 


CHAP.  XIII. 

Their  Superstitions. 

Magic  and  witchcraft  in  Greece  and  Rome  -  117 

Witch  described  by  Apuleius        -             -  -  118 

Magical  powers  ascribed  to  Simon  Magus  -  ib. 

Anglo-Saxon  witchcraft  -             -             -  -  119 

charms         -             -             -  -  121 

prognostics                -             -  -  ib 


CONTENTS.  Vll 

CHAP.  XIV. 

Their  Funerals. 

A.  C.  Page 

Their  coffins        ...  -125 

Their  last  rites    -                           -  -     126 

Their  saul-sceat  -             -            -            -  -     127 


BOOK  VIII. 

ON  THE  GOVERNMENT  AND  CONSTITUTION  OP  THE  ANGLO- 
SAXONS. 

CHAP.  I. 

The  King's  Election  and  Coronation. 

Anglo-Saxon  kings  elected            -  130 
Hereditary  succession  not  adhered  to  -             -     131 
Yet  generally  followed     -             -  -                   132 
Ceremony    of     their    coronation    from  an     an- 
cient MS.                                     -  -     133 

CHAP.  II. 

The  Royal  Family  and  Officers. 

The  Anglo-Saxon  queen  -  -     138 

The  king's  sons  and  officers          -  -  -     139 

CHAP.  III. 

The  Dignity  and  Prerogatives  of  the  ANGLO-SAXON 
Cyning. 

Five  descriptions  of  kings  in  the  world     *  -  1 40 

The  Anglo-Saxon  king    -  -  -  -  141 

His  personal  veneration]  -  -  -       ib. 

His  subordination  to  the  law         -  -  -  142 

His  dignity  and  prerogatives  -  -  144 

His  titles  -  -  -  150 

His  duties  -  -  151 

His  command  of  the  military  force  -  -  154 
A  4 


Vlll  CONTENTS. 


CHAP.  IV. 

The  Witena-Gemot,   or  ANGLO-SAXON  Parliament,  and  oj 
whom  composed. 

A.  C.  Page 
General  view  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  witena-gemot  156 
Denominations  of  its  members  -  -  162 
Its  similarity  to  our  present  parliament  -  ib. 
The  popular  part  of  our  representation  imme- 
morial -  163 
The  bulk  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  population  without 

constitutional  rights  -  -  -  164 
The  freemen  only  represented  -  -  ib. 
Knights  and  burgesses  in  the  witena-gemot  -  166 
Thegns  and  milites  in  it,  and  others  without  a  de- 
scriptive title  -  -  -  -  168 
Extracts  from  the  charters  proving  this  -  -  169 
Some  were  there  who  had  no  land  -  -  174 
Greater  and  less  barons  distinguished  -  -  175 
Other  intimations  that  burgesses  attended  it  180 
Dr.  Brady's  assertions  not  supported  -  -  183 
Forty  hides  of  land  a  qualification  for  some  of  its 
members  -  -  -  -  184 


CHAP.  V. 

Witena-Gemot,  —  Hoio   convened.  —  Its  Times  and  Places 
of  Meeting.  —  Its  Business  and  Puiver. 

Convened  by  the  king      -                          -  -  186 

Times  of  meeting                             -             -  -  ib. 

Places  of  meeting                                         -  -  187 

King's  speech  to  it            -             -             -  -  ib. 

Its  business          -             -             -             -  -  188 


CHAP.  VI. 

Some    general    principles   of  the   ANGLO-SAXON 
constitution  and  laws    -  -  -     195 


CONTENTS.  LX 

CHAP.  VII. 

Their  Official  and  other  Dignities. 

A.  C.  Page 

The  ealdorman     -            -            -            -  -     199 

Eorl         -            -            -            -            -  -      ib. 

Heretoch,  and  Hold          -                         -  -    201 

Gerefa,  or  reeve                -            -            -  ib. 

Thegn,  or  thane                              -             -  -     202 

Description  of  an  Anglo-Saxon  nobleman  -     206 

CHAP.  VIH. 

Some  Features  of  the  Political  State  of  the  ANGLO-SAXONS. 

Formation  of  their  landed  aristocracy       -  -     208 

Condition  of  their  unprovided  population  -     209 

Their  quantity  of  bullion               -             -  -     211 

State  of  Britain  when  they  invaded           -  -     212 

Increasing  prosperity  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  -     213 

Their  augmenting  traffic               -            -  -     215 

CHAP.  IX. 

A  Sketch  of  the  ANGLO-SAXON  Population. 

Population  of  Bedfordshire           -            -  -    217 

Berkshire  -             -             -  -      ib. 

Buckinghamshire    -             -  ib. 

Cambridgeshire       -             -  -     218 

Cheshire     -             -             -  ib. 

Cornwall    -             -             -  ib. 

Derbyshire              -             -  ib. 

Devonshire             -            -  -      ib. 

Dorset        -                          -  219 

Essex         -            -            -  ib. 

Gloucestershire      -            -  ib. 

Hampshire               -             -  ib. 

Herefordshire         -            -  ib. 

Hertfordshire          -            -  -    220 

Huntingdonshire    -             -  ib. 

Kent           -             -  ib. 

Leicestershire          -             -  -       ib. 

Lincolnshire            -             -  -     221 


X  CONTENTS. 

A.  C.  Page 

Population  of  Middlesex  -  -  -221 

Norfolk      -  -       ib. 

Northamptonshire  -  -  -      ib. 

Nottinghamshire  -  -  -      ib. 

Rutlandshire  -  -  «•  -      ib. 

Oxfordshire  -  -     222 

Shropshire  -  -  -      ib. 

Somersetshire  -  -  -       ib. 

Staffordshire  -       ib. 

Suffolk        -  -  -     223 

Surrey        -  -  -  ib. 

Sussex        -  -  -  ib. 

Warwickshire  -  -  ib. 

Wiltshire  -  -  ib. 

Worcestershire  ...     224 

Yorkshire  -  -  ib. 

General  total  -  -  -  -  ib. 

Danish  counties  -  -  -  -  ib- 

Other  counties  placed  according  to  the  number  -  ib. 

Total  -  -  -  225 

Counties  omitted  in  Domesday  -  -  ib. 

Persons  and  classes  not  inserted  -  -  ib. 

Freemen  in  the  Danish  counties  -  228 


BOOK  IX. 

THEJR   POETRY,    LITERATURE,    ARTS,    AND   SCIENCES. 

CHAP.  I. 

Their  Native  or  Vernacular  Poetry  -    230 

A  New  Zealander's  song  -             -             -  -      ib. 

Anglo- Saxon  native  poetry            -             _  -     231 

Their  periphrasis  -  233 

Metaphors            -  234 

Omission  of  particles        -  235 

Short  phrases       -             -             -             -  -     236 

Inversions  and  transitions              -             -  -       ib. 
Progress    and-  character     of    the    Anglo-Saxon 

poetry  .     238 

The  Saxon  ballads            -  243 

The  song  on  Ethelstan's  victory  at  Brunanburh  -     245 

Ditto  on  Edgar's  death     -  -     247 


CONTENTS.  XI 

CHAP.  II. 

The    ANGLO-SAXON    Narrative  Poems    or   Romances.  — 

Poem  on  BEOWULF. 

A.  C.  Page 

Cotton  MS.  of  the  poem  on  BEOWULF     -  -     252 

lately  printed  by  Dr.  Thorkelin         -  -       ib. 

Its  commencement            -  253 

Analysis  of  the  poem,  with  extracts          -  -       ib. 

Beowulf's  final  victory  over  Grendel        -  -     268 

Poem  on  Byrhtnot                                        -  -     269 

CHAP.  III. 

The  ANGLO-SAXON  Poems  of  JUDITH  and  CEDMON.  — 
Their  other  Poetry. 

Extracts  from  JUDITH      -                          -  -    270 

CEDMON 's  paraphrase       -  ...     275 

On  the  fall  of  the  angels            -             -  ib. 

On  the  creation             -  -     277 

Description  of  Satan    -  279 

Soliloquy  of  Satan        -                           -  -     280 

Latin  narrative  poems  between   the  fourth  and 

ninth  centuries              -  283 
Anglo-Saxon  lyric  poetry             ...     288 

Poems  in  the  Exeter  MS.             -  290 

Rev.  J.  Conybeare's  translations  -             -  -       ib. 

The  exile's  song  -             -             -             -  -       ib. 

Hymn  on  the  creation      -  292 

Poem  on  the  grave           -  -     296 

Anglo-Saxon  poems  mixed  with  Latin  lines  -       ib. 

Their  versified  pater  noster          -  -     299 

Their  metrical  gloria  patri             -  305 

Mr.  "W.  Conybeare's  list  of  their  poetry    -  -     307 

CHAP.  IV. 

On  the  Anglo-Saxon  versification  -     308 

One  of  their  rimed  poems              -  -     310 

CHAP.  V. 
The  LATIN  POETRY  of  the  ANGLO-SAXONS. 

Roman  poets  the  originals  of  this               -  -     312 

ALDHELM'S  Latin  poetry  .     315 


Xli  CONTENTS. 

A.  C.  Page 

His  initial  and  final  acrostic         -             -             -  315 

De  Laude  Virginum     -             -             -             -  316 

poem  on  the  eight  vices             -  322 

jEnigmata        -----  324 

mention  of  rime  before  700       -  326 

BEDE'S  Latin  poetry         -             -             -             -  ib. 

BONIFACE'S                                    -            .            -  329 

LEOBGITHA'S        _--.--  330 

CENA'S 331 

ETHILWALD'S       -                         -            -            -  ib. 

ALCULN'S                            -  333 

His  Latin  Sonnets            -             -             -  ib. 

address  to  his  cell          -             -             -             -  334 


CHAP.  VI. 

Of  the  GENERAL  LITERATURE  of  the  ANGLO-SAXONS. 

Saxons  an  active,  but  not  literary  people  -  338 
Their  literature  began  with  their  Christianity  -  339 
Theodore  and  Adrian  -  344 

Egbert  the  archbishop      -  345 

Library  at  York  -  -  -  -  -       ib. 

Studies  cultivated  there  -  347 

ALDHELM'S  education       -  348 

709.  His  death  -  349 
His  Latin  alliteration  -  ...  350 
His  treatise  on  virginity  -  -  -  ib. 
Specimens  of  his  violent  metaphors  -  .<•  351 
of  continued  figures  -  352 

673.      BEDE'S  life  narrated  by  himself   -  -     353 

works,  ditto          -  -  -  -       ib. 

Remarks  on  them  -  354 

735.      His  death  described  by  his  pupil  -  356 

BONIFACE  the  German  missionary  -  -     357 

754.      killed  in  East  Friesland  -  -     358 

EDDIUS,  biographer  of  Wilfrid      -  359 

ALCUIN  or  ALBINUS          -  -  -  -       ib. 

804       His  death  -  -  -  -     360 

IRISH  ecclesiastics  at  this  period  -  -  -     361 

JOANNES  ERIGENA  -  -  -      ib. 

His  works  -  362 

His  wit   ------     3(j4 


CONTENTS.  Xlll 

A.  C.  Page 

His  violent  death              -  -                  365 

Causes  of  the  decline  of  literature  -            -     366 

General  subject  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  MSS.  -     367 

Elfric  Bata  -     368 

Elfric  the  Abbot,  his  scholar        -  -            -       ib. 

His  Heptateuch  -  -      ib. 

Anglo-Saxon  Romance  of  Apollonius        -  -     369 
Illiterate  state  of  Italy  and  France  at  this  period        ib. 

CHAP.  VII. 
On  the  SCIENCES  of  the  ANGLO-SAXONS. 

Anglo-Saxon  arithmetic  -  -     371 

Bede's  Natural  Philosophy  -     372 

Astronomy           -  -     375 

Elfric's  Astronomy  -  376 
Their  Geography  -  ib. 
Their  views  on  Philosophy  -  -  378 
Alcuin's  Physics  -  379 
.  His  dialogue  with  Prince  Pepin  -  -  380 
Their  Chemistry  -  382 
Their  art  of  gold  writing  -  -  ib. 
Their  secret  writing  -  -  383 
Their  medicinal  charms  -  -  ibT1 
Cild's  Medical  Treatise  -  -  385 
MSS.  of  Medical  Botany  -  ib. 
Their  Surgery  -  -  386 
Their  medicine  for  consumption  -  387 
for  gout  -  -  ib. 


CHAP.  VIII. 
On  the  ANGLO-SAXON  METAPHYSICS. 

Bede's  metaphysical  remarks        -  389 

Alcuin  on  the  soul  -  -  -  ib. 

Erigena  on  the  division  of  nature  -  -     391 

CHAP.  IX. 
On  the  ARTS  of  the  ANGLO-SAXONS. 

Their  music  -     393 

The  organ  described  by  Aldhelm  -      ib. 


XIV  CONTENTS. 

A.  C.  Page 

The  organ  described  by  Bede  -  -             -     396 

A  very  large  one  by  Walstan  -  -             -       ib. 
Their  church  singing       -                                                398 

Their  painting     -             -  -  -             -       ib. 

Their  preparation  of  parchment  -                                400 

j            Their  gilding  their  skins  -  -             -       ib. 

Their  architecture            -  -  -            -      ib. 


BOOK  X. 

THEIR  RELIGION. 

CHAP.  I. 

Utility  and  Decline  of  SAXON  Paganism.  —  The  Intro- 
duction of  Christianity  among  the  ANGLO-SAXONS.  — 
Its  general  Effect. 

State  of  religion  in  Britain  on  their  arrival          -    408 
Temporary  utility  of  Paganism    -  -410 

Religious  passages  in  the  Welsh  Bards     -  -     412 

Benefits  of  Christianity  to  the  Anglo-Saxons        -     416 
Table  of  progressive  increase  of  Christians  in  the 
world  ------     419 

CHAP.  II. 

ANGLO-SAXONS  become  Missionaries  to  other  Nations. 

Willebrod  to  Heligoland  -             -  -  -  420 

Boniface  to  Germany       -             -  -  ib. 

Lebuin  and  Adelbert,  a  prince     -  -  -  ib. 

Alcuin's  instructions  to  missionaries  -  -  421 

CHAP.  III. 

View  of  the  Form  of  Cliristianity  introduced  among  the 
ANGLO-SAXONS  —  and  of  some  of  their  Religious  Rites 
and  Notions. 

The  form  imperfect,  but  the  best  then  known  -     422 

Augustin's  questions  to  Gregory  -  423 

Anglo-Saxon  monasteries              -  424 

Bede's  complaint  of  their  decay    -             -  -     426 


CONTENTS.  XV 

A.  C.  Page 

Account  of  the  formation  of  one  in  Edgar's  reign  428 

Form  of  their  hierarchy    -             ...  429 

Their  reading  of  the  Scriptures    -             -             -  431 

Their  ideas  on  transubstantiation              -            -  432 

Their  relics          -             -             -             -  ib. 

Their  use  of  the  cross       -                                       -  433 

Moral  duties  of  their  clergy           -             -  ib. 

Duties  enjoined  by  law  to  their  priests      -             -  ib. 

Elfric's  statement  of  these            -            -            -  434 

An  Anglo-Saxon  sermon                            -             -  435 

Their  ideas  of  Heaven      -            ...  437 

Paraphrases  of  the  Lord's  prayer  and  Creed          -  ib. 

Their  confessions              -  438 

Proclamation  for  an  Anglo-Saxon  fast      -             -  ib. 

Their  penitentiary  injunctions      -             -             -  ib. 

Liberty  to  buy  off  penance            -  439 

Their  saints          -                           ...  440 

Their  views  of  Antichrist             -             -             -  441 


CHAP.  IV. 

The  ANGLO-  SAXON  Te  Deum  ;  Jubilate  ;  Magnificat,  and 
Specimens  of  their  Prayer. 

The  Te  Deum      -                                                    -  443 

Jubilate,  and  Magnificat                -             -  ib. 

Their  poetical  prayers      -  444 

Prayers  in  prose               ....  446 


A  VINDICATION  of  the  genuineness  of  the  ancient  British 
Poems  of  Aneurin,  Taliesin,  Llywarch  Hen,  and  Merd- 
hin,  with  specimens  of  the  poems  -  455 

ESSAY  on  the  Antiquity  of  Rime  in  Europe          -  -     575 

A  Specimen  of  Chinese  Kime  and  Poetry     -  -    582 


THE 

HISTORY 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


BOOK  VII, 

Of  the  MANNERS  of  the  ANGLO-SAXONS  after  their  OCCUPATION 
of  ENGLAND. 

CHAPTER  I. 

On  their  Infancy,  Childhood,  and  Names. 

IN  the  Appendix  to  the  first  volume  of  this  history, 
we  have  described  the  Saxons  as  they  were  on  the 
continent,  before  they  possessed  themselves  of  the 
south  part  of  Britain,  during  the  fifth  and  sixth  cen- 
turies ;  and  we  may  remark,  that  the  human  cha- 
racter has  seldom  displayed  qualities  more  inauspi- 
cious to  the  improvement  of  intellect  or  of  moral 
^character.  When  they  first  landed,  they  were  bands  of 
fierce,  ignorant,  idolatrous,  and  superstitious  pirates, 
enthusiastically  courageous,  but  habitually  cruel. 
Yet  from  such  ancestors  a  nation  has,  in  the  course 
of  twelve  centuries,  been  formed,  which,  inferior  to 
none  in  every  moral  and  intellectual  merit,  is  superior 
to  every  other  in  the  love  and  possession  of  useful 
liberty  :  a  nation  which  cultivates  with  equal  success 

VOL.  III.  B 


HISTOEY   OF   THE 

BOOK  the  elegancies  of  art,  the  ingenious  labours  of  industry, 
.  the  energies  of  war,  the  researches  of  science,  and  the 
richest  productions  of  genius. 

This  improved  state  has  been  slowly  attained  under 
the  discipline  of  very  diversified  events.  The  first  gra- 
dation of  the  happy  progress  was  effected  during  that 
period,  which  it  is  the  object  of  this  work  to  elucidate. 

The  destruction  of  the  Roman  Empire  of  the  West 
by  the  German  nations  has  been  usually  lamented  as 
a  barbarization  of  the  human  mind  ;  a  period  of  misery, 
darkness,  and  ruin ;  as  a  replunging  of  society  into 
the  savage  chaos  from  which  it  had  so  slowly  escaped, 
and  from  which  through  increased  evils  and  obstacles, 
it  had  again  to  emerge.  This  view  of  the  political 
and  moral  phenomena  of  this  remarkable  epoch  is  not 
correct.  It  suits  neither  the  true  incidents  that  pre- 
ceded or  accompanied,  nor  those  which  followed  this 
mighty  revolution.  And  our  notions  of  the  course  of 
human  affairs  have  been  made  more  confused  and  un- 
scientific by  this  exaggerated  declamation,  and  by  the 
inaccurate  perceptions  which  have  occasioned  it. 

The  conquest  and  partition  of  the  Western  Roman 
Empire  by  the  Nomadic  nations  of  Germa/iy  was,  in 
fact,  a  new  and  beneficial  re-casting  of  human  society 
in  all  its  classes,  functions,  manners,  and  pursuits. 
The  civilisation  of  mankind  had  been  carried  in  the 
previous  Roman  world  to  the  fullest  extent  to  which 
the  then  existing  means  of  human  improvement  could 
be  urged.  That  this  had  long  been  stationary,  and  for 
some  time  retrograding,  the  philosophical  examiner 
into  the  government,  literature,  religion,  public  habits, 
and  private  morals  of  the  Roman  Empire,  will,  if  he 
make  his  researches  sufficiently  minute  and  extensive, 
be  satisfactorily  convinced.  Hence,  either  the  progress 
of  mankind  must  have  been  stopped,  and  their  cor- 
rupting civilisation  have  stagnated  or  feebly  rolled 
on  towards  its  own  barbarization,  or  some  extensive 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 

revolution  must  have  broken  up  the  existing  system 
of  universal  degeneracy,  and  begun  a  new  career  of 
moral  agency  and  social  melioration.  The  fact  is  in- 
contestable that  this  latter  state  has  been  the  result 
of  the  irruptions  and  established  kingdoms  of  the 
Teutonic  tribes ;  and  this  visible  consequence  of  their 
great  movement  should  terminate  our  dark  and  que- 
rulous descriptions  of  this  momentous  period,  which 
suit  rather  the  age  and  mind  of  a  doleful  Gildas  than 
of  an  enlightened  student  of  history  of  the  nineteenth 
century. 

That  the  invasions  of  the  Roman  Empire  by  the 
warlike  tribes  of  the  North  were  attended  with  great 
sufferings  to  mankind  at  the  time  of  their  occurrence 
is  strictly  true ;  but  these  calamities  were  not  greater 
than  those  which  all  the  wars  of  the  ancient  world 
had  produced  to  almost  every  people  in  whose  ter- 
ritory they  had  been  waged.  The  hostilities  of  Rome 
against  Carthage,  against  Gaul  under  Caasar,  and 
against  Germany  from  the  time  of  Drusus  to  the 
days  of  Stilicho,  not  to  mention  many  others,  had 
been  as  fatal  to  the  Carthaginians,  Gauls,  and  Germans, 
as  those  of  the  fierce  invaders  of  the  fourth  and  fifth 
centuries  were  to  the  then  population  of  the  debased 
Western  Empire.  The  destruction  of  human  life  and 
comfort  in  the  regions  attacked  were  the  same  when 
the  Romans  invaded  the  barbarians,  as  when  the 
latter  retaliated  their  aggressions.  War  itself  must 
cease,  from  the  increasing  wisdom  and  virtue  of  man- 
tkind,  before  such  calamities  will  disappear ;  but  it  is 
consolatory  to  human  reason  to  observe,  that,  while  the 
moral  imperfections  of  the  world  operate  to  continue 
it,  a  benevolent  order  of  things  compels  even  its  mis- 
chiefs to  produce  good ;  and,  if  this  view  of  such 
periods  be  not  taken,  we  shall  never  attain  the  dis- 
cernment of  the  true  philosophy  of  the  moral  govern- 
ment of  the  world. 

3  2 


HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK          That  the  settlements  of  the  German  kingdoms  in 

VII 

,  '  .  the  Roman  Empire  were  not  so  calamitous  to  the 
world  as  so  many  have  supposed,  is  most  forcibly 
implied  by  the  intimations,  before  mentioned,  from 
Salvian,  that  many  Romans  emigrated  from  their  own 
parental  empire  to  place  themselves  under  the  bar- 
baric governments,  that  they  might  escape  the  op- 
pressions of  the  Roman  collectors  of  the  imperial 
taxations.  The  barbaric  establishments  were  a  new 
order  of  things  in  Europe,  but  cannot  have  been  so 
prolific  of  misery  to  mankind  as  we  have  hitherto  too 
gratuitously  assumed  ;  when,  notwithstanding  the 
discouragement  of  new  languages  and  institutions, 
and  ruder  habits,  they  were  preferred  by  many  to  the 
country  which  was  their  birth-place,  which  had  been 
so  long  consecrated  by  deserved  fame,  and  whose 
feelings,  mind,  and  social  manners,  were  congenial  to 
their  own. 

The  invasions  of  the  German  nations  destroyed  the 
ancient  governments,  and  political  and  legal  systems 
of  the  Roman  Empire  in  the  provinces  in  which  they 
established  themselves ;  and  dispossessed  the  former 
proprietors  of  their  territorial  property.  A  new  set 
of  land-owners  was  diffused  over  every  country,  with 
new  forms  of  government,  new  principles,  and  new 
laws,  new  religious  disciplines  and  hierarchies,  with 
many  new  tenets  and  practices.  A  new  literature, 
and  new  manners,  all  productive  of  great  improve- 
ments, in  every  part  superseded  the  old,  and  gave  to 
Europe  a  new  face,  and  to  every  class  of  society  a 
new  life  and  spirit.  In  the  Anglo-Saxon  settlements 
in  Britain  all  these  effects  were  displayed  with  the 
most  beneficial  consequences  ;  and  we  will  endeavour 
to  delineate  them  as  clearly  as  the  distance  of  time, 
and  the  imperfections  of  our  remaining  documents, 
will  permit  us  to  discern  them. 

The  Anglo-Saxons  must  have  been  materially  im- 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  O 

proved  in  their  manners  and  mental  associations  by  the     CHAP. 
civilisation  to  which  Britain  had  attained  at  the  time  • 

of  their  invasion,  from  the  Roman  government  and  in- 
tercourse, and  which  has  been  alluded  to  in  the  former 
part  of  this  work. 

The  first  great  change  in  the  Anglo-Saxons  ap- 
peared in  the  discontinuance  of  their  piracies.  They 
ceased  to  be  the  ferocious  spoilers  of  the  ocean  and 
its  coasts ;  they  became  land-owners,  agriculturists, 
and  industrious  citizens ;  they  seized  and  divided  the 
acquisitions  of  British  affluence,  and  made  the  com- 
monalty of  the  island  their  slaves.  Their  war-leaders 
became  territorial  chiefs ;  and  the  conflicts  of  caprici- 
ous and  sanguinary  robbery  were  exchanged  for  the 
possession  and  inheritance  of  property  in  its  various 
sorts ;  for  trades  and  manufactures,  for  useful  luxuries, 
peaceful  industry,  and  domestic  comfort. 

We  will  proceed  to  consider  them  as  they  displayed 
their  manners  and  customs  during  their  occupation  of 
England,  and  before  the  Norman  conquest  introduced 
new  institutions. 

'"^X 

Their  tenderest  and  most  helpless  years  were  under 
the  care  of  females.    ,  The  gratitude  of  Edgar  to  his 
nurse  appears,  from  his  rewarding  with  grants  of  land      / 
the  noble  lady,  wife  of  an  ealdorman,  who  had  nursed 
and  educated  him  with  maternal  attention.1    This  was 
not  unusual :  Ethelstan,  an  Anglo-Saxon  aetheling,  says      / 
in  his  will,  "  I  give  to  Alfswythe,  my  foster-mother, 
for  her  great  deservingness,  the  lands  of  Wertune,  that      \ 
I  bought  of  my  father  for  two  hundred  and  fifty  man- 
cusa  of  gold  by  weight."2 

They  had  infant  baptism :  hence  the  Saxon  homily 
says,  "  though  the  cild  for  youth  may  not  speak  when 
men  baptize  it."3  They  were  enjoined  to  baptize  their 

1  Hist.  Raines.     3  Gale,  x.     Script.  387.  405. 
2  Sax.  Diet.  App.  3  Wanley,  Catal.  Sax.  p.  196. 

B  3 


HISTORY    OF   THE 

BOOK  children  within  thirty  days  after  birth.4  They  bap- 
•  tized  by  immersion ;  for  when  Ethelred  was  plunged 
in,  the  royal  infant  disgraced  himself.  They  used  the 
cradle.5  It  is  mentioned  in  the  laws,  of  a  person  of 
the  dignity  of  a  gesithcund  man,  that  when  he  tra- 
velled he  might  have  with  him  his  gerefas,  his  smith, 
and  his  child's  nurse.6  Kings  sometimes  stood  as  god- 
fathers ;  and  their  laws  so  venerated  this  relationship, 
as  to  establish  peculiar  provisions  to  punish  the  man 
who  slew  another's  godson  or  godfather.7  On  the 
death  of  the  father,  the  children  were  ordered  to 

""}  remain  under  the  care  of  the  mother,  who  was  to 

7 

/  provide  them  with  sustenance ;  for  this  she  was  to  be 
allowed  six  shillings,  a  cow  in  summer,  and  an  ox  in 
I  winter ;  but  his  relations  were  to  occupy  the  frum-stol, 
V^the  head  seat,  until  the  boy  became  of  age.8 

The  Northmen  were  in  the  habit  of  exposing  their 
children.  The  Anglo-Saxons  seem  not  to  have  been 
unacquainted  with  this  inhumanity  ;  as  one  of  the  laws 
of  Ina  provides,  that  for  the  fostering  of  a  foundling 
six  shillings  should  be  allowed  the  first  year,  twelve 
the  next,  thirty  the  third,  and  afterwards  according 
to  his  wlite,  or  his  personal  appearance  and  beauty.9 

Bede  mentions,  that  their  period  of  infancy  ended 
with  the  seventh  year,  and  that  the  first  year  of  their 
childhood  began  with  the  eighth.10  In  the  early  stage 
he  exhibits  the  person  of  whom  he  speaks  as  amusing 
himself  with  his  play -fellows  in  the  tricks  and  sports 
of  his  age,  but  as  excelling  in  his  dexterity,  and  in  his 
power  of  pursuing  them  without  fatigue.11  It  is 

4  Wilkins,  Leg.  Anglo-Sax,  p.  14. 

5  Th a  cilb  the  laes  on  chain  cjiabele,  ibid.  p.  145. 

6  Wilkins,  p.  25.  7  Ibid.  p.  26. 
8  Wilkins,  p.  20.                                                         9  Ibid.  p.  19.* 
10  Bede  Vit.  Cuthb.  c.  i.  p.  229.                             "  Bede,  ibid, 

*  At  Repton,  where  the  kings  of  Mercia  had  a  palace,  and  in  the  monastery  of 
which  place  many  were  buried,  a  stone  coffin  was  found,  containing  a  skeleton 
nine  feet  long.  It  was  surrounded  with  an  hundred  other  skeletons  of  a  common 
size.  Phil.  Trans,  v.  xxxv.  art.  9. 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 

hardly  worth  a  line  to  remark,  that  the  Anglo-Saxon     CHAP. 
child  must  have  resembled  every  other;  restless  acti-   • 
vity  without  an  object,  sport  without  reasoning,  grief 
without  impression,  and  caprice  without  affectation, 
are  the  usual  characteristics  of  our  earliest  years,  in 
every  age  and  climate 

As  the  Anglo-Saxons  were  not  a  literary  people,  it 
is  natural  that  their  childish  occupations  should  be  the 
exercises  of  muscular  agility.  Leaping,  running, 
wrestling,  and  every  contention  and  contortion  of 
limb  which  love  of  play  or  emulation  could  excite, 
were  their  favourite  sports.  Bede  describes  his  hero 
as  boasting  of  his  superior  dexterity,  and  as  joining 
with  no  small  crowd  of  boys  in  their  accustomed 
wrestlings  in  a  field ;  where,  as  usual,  he  says,  they 
writhed  their  limbs  in  various,  but  unnatural  flex- 
ures.12 

The  names  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  were  imposed,  as 
with  us,  in  their  infancy,  by  their  parents.  In  seve- 
ral charters  it  is  mentioned,  that  the  persons  therein 
alluded  to  had  been  called  from  their  cradles  by 
the  names  expressed ;  and  which  they  had  received, 
"not  from  accident,"  but  from  the  will  of  "their 
parents." 13 

Their  names  seem  to  have  been  frequently  compound 
words,  rather  expressive  of  caprice  than  of  appro- 
priate meaning.  The  appellation  of  Mucil,  "  large," 
which  Alfred's  wife's  father  bore14,  may  have  been 
suggested  by  the  size  of  the  new-born  infant ;  as 
hwithyse,  "  the  white  boy,"  or  Egbert,  "  bright  eye," 
might  have  been  imposed  from  some  peculiar  appear- 
ance. But  the  following  names,  when  considered  as 
applied  first  in  infancy,  appear  to  be  as  fantastic,  and 
as  much  the  effusions  of  vanity,  as  the  lofty  names  so 
dear  to  modern  parents : 

12  Bede,  Vit.  Cuthb.  c.  i.  p.  230.  "  MS.  Claud.  B.  vi.  p.  34.  et  62.,  &c. 

11  Asser,  p.  19. 
B  4 


HISTOKY    OF    THE 


BOOK  JEthelwulf,  the  noble  wolf. 

VII.  Berhtwulf,  the  illustrious  wolf. 

"~~*       '  Eadwulf,  the  prosperous  wolf. 

Ealdwulf,  the  old  wolf. 

JEthelwyn,  noble  in  battle,  or  the  noble  joy. 

Eadric,  happy  and  rich. 

^Elfred,  an  elf  in  council. 

Hundberht,  the  illustrious  hound. 

Heardberht,  the  illustrious  protector. 

JEthelheard,  the  noble  protector. 

Sigered,  victorious  counsel. 

Sigeric,  victorious  and  rich. 

jEthelred,  noble  in  council. 

Eadmund,  the  prosperous  patron. 

Eadwin,  prosperous  in  battle. 

JElfheag,  tall  as  an  elf. 

Dunstan,  the  mountain-stone. 

-<Ethelbald,  noble  and  bold. 

Wulfric,  powerful  as  a  wolf. 

Eadward,  the  prosperous  guardian. 

Ethelstan,  the  noble  rock, 

Ethelbert,  noble  and  illustrious 

^>  Of  the  female  names,  the  meaning  is  more  appli- 
cable, and  sometimes  displays  better  taste.  We  give 
the  following  as  specimens,  taken  as  they  occurred : 


JEthelswytha, 

Selethrytha, 

Editha, 

Elfhild, 

Beage, 

Ethelfritha, 

Adeleve, 

Eadburh, 

Heaburge, 

Eadfled, 

Adelfleda, 


Eadgifa, 

^thelgifa," 

Wynfreda, 

^thelhild, 

^Ifthrythe, 


very  noble. 

a  good  threatener. 

the  blessed  gift. 

the  elf  of  battle. 

the  bracelet. 

noble  and  powerful. 

the  noble  wife. 

the  happy  pledge. 

tall  as  a  tower. 

the  happy  pregnancy. 

the  noble  pregnancy. 

the  elf  favor. 

the  happy  gift. 

the  noble  gift. 

the  peace  of  man. 

the  noble  war-goddess. 

threatening  as  an  elf. 


In  the  will  of  a  Dux  Alfred,  written  888,  we  have 
the  following  names,  chiefly  of  priests  and  monks 
who  witnessed  it : 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 

Beornhelm,  the  helmet  of  the  nobles.  CHAP. 

Eardwulf,  the  wolf  of  the  province.  !• 

"Werburg,  the  hedge  of  the  city.  " 

Sigfred,  the  peace  of  victory. 

Beonheah,  the  soaring  bee. 

Beagstan,  the  bracelet  stone. 

Wulf  heah,  the  tall  wolf. 

Beornoth,  the  noble's  oath. 

Wealdhehn,  the  ruling  helmet. 

Wine,  the  dear  one. 

Ssefreth,  the  freedom  of  the  sea. 

Ceolmund,  the  protecting  ship. 

Eadwald,  the  prosperous  governor. 

Sigwulf,  the  victorious  wolf. 

We  will  subjoin  a  few  specimens  of  the  names  pre- 
vailing in  the  same  families  : 

A  father  and  three  daughters : 
Dudda,  the  family  stem. 

Deorwyn,  dear  to  man,  or  the  precious  joy. 

Deorswythe,  very  dear. 

Golde,  golden.15 

A  father  and  his  four  sons  : 
JEthelwyn,  the  noble  joy. 

^Ethelwold,  the  noble  governor. 

Alfwold,  the  ruling  elf. 

Athelsin,  always  noble. 

JEthelwyn. 

A  brother  and  two  sisters : 
Leonric,  the  lion  of  the  kingdom. 

Adelfleda. 
Adeleve,  the  noble  wife. 

A  husband,  wife,  and  daughter : 
Ridda,  the  horseman. 

Bugega,  nimble  as  a  hind. 

Heaburge. 

To  which  we  may  add, 

Ethehvulph  and  his  four  sons  : 
Ethelbald, 
Ethelbert, 
Ethelred, 
Alfred. 

15  The  state  of  this  family  is  thus  mentioned  in  a  Saxon  MS.  :  "  Dudda  was  a 
husbandman  in  Hsethfelda ;  and  he  had  three  daughters  :  one  was  called  Deorwyn ; 
the  other  Deorswythe ;  and  the  third  Golde.  Wullaf,  in  Hsethfelda,  hath 
Deorwyn  for  his  wife ;  and  ^Ifstan,  at  Kingawyrth,  hath  Deorwythe ;  and 
Ealhstan,  the  brother  of  ^Elfstan,  married  Golde."  Cott.  MS.  Tib.  B.  5. 


10  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK          It  lias  been  a  subject  of  discussion,   whether  the 
.   Anglo-Saxons   used   surnames.      There    can    be    no 
question  that  many  were  distinguished  by  appellations 
added  to  their  original,  or  Christian  names.      Thus  we 
find  a  person  called  Wulfsic  se  blaca,   or  the  pale ; 
Thurceles  hwitan,  or  the  white ;  others  J^thelwerde 
Stameran,  and  Godwine  Dreflan.     Sometimes  a  person 
is  designated  from  his  habitation,  as  ^Elfric  at  Bertune ; 
.^fceonmaere  at  Biggrafan.     Very  often   the  addition 
^expresses  the  name  of  his  father,  as  ./Elfgare  JElfan 
•;  suna,   Mlmser  JElfrices    suna,  Sired  JElfrides    suna, 
/  Godwine  Wolfnothes  suna,  or  more  shortly  Wulfrig 
Madding;  Badenoth  Beotting.16      The  office,   trade, 
affinity,  or  possession,  is  frequently  applied  to  distin- 
guish the  individuals  mentioned  in  the  charters  :  as 
Leofwine  Ealdorman,  Sweigen  Scyldwirtha,  Eadwig, 
his  maeg,  JEgelpig  munuc,  Osword  preost,  Leowine  se 
Canon,    Heording    gerefa,     and    such    like.17      But 
although  it  is  certain  that  such  additional  appellations 
were  occasionally  used  by  the  Anglo-Saxons,  yet  they 
appear  to  have  been  but  personal  distinctions,  and  not 
to  have  been  appropriated  by  them  as  family  names, 
in  the  mariner  of  surnames  with  us.     In  the  progress 
of  civilisation,  the  convenience  of  a  permanent  family 

16  It  is  a  remarkable  peculiarity  in  some  of  the  Mahomedan  countries,  and  is 
universal  in  Syria,  and  nearly  so  in  Arabia,  that  instead  of  the  child  being  called 
from  his  parents,  as  among  the  Anglo-Saxons  and  the  Northerns,  with  the  addition 
of  son,  like  our  Richard-son,  William-son,  &c.  ;  both  the  Eastern  parents  take  their 
name  from  their  first-born  son.     Thus  the  paternal  person  assumes  the  appellation 
of  abu-Michael,  or  the  father  of  Michael,  because  his  eldest  son  received  that  name. 
For  the  same  reason  the   maternal  parent  is  styled  om-Suleyman,   the  mother  of 
Solomon.     Jowett's  Researches.     Hence,   whenever  we  meet  with   the   common 
prefix  of  abu,  as  abu-bekr,  abu-taleb,  &c.,  it  always  means  the    father  of  the 
son   whose  name  follows  the  abu.     This  fact  may  lead  us  to  consider  the  system 
of  primogeniture  as  not  merely  a  civil  institution.     It  seems  to  have  had  an  origin 
still  more  venerated,  for  we  cannot  avoid  recollecting  the  ordination   in  Exodus, 
that  the  first-born  should  be   considered  as  consecrated  to  God.  (Exod.  xiii.    2.); 
nor  that  promise  of  the  Mi-ssiah  descending  from  Abraham,  which  gave  such  im- 
portance among  all  his  posterity,  and,  therefore,  among  its  Arabian  branch,  to  the 
eldest  or  first-born  son.     Primogeniture,  as  a  principle  or  revered  feeling  of  the 
mind,  may  in  this  view  be  supposed  to  have  come  to  us  from  the  East,  with  the 
earliest  migration  of  our  forefathers  from  it. 

17  See  Hickes's  Dissert.  Epist.  p.  22—25. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  1 1 

denomination  was  so  generally  felt  as  to  occasion  the  CHAP. 
adoption  of  the  custom.  It  is  probable  that  the  first  «___,! — . 
permanent  surnames  were  the  appellations  of  the 
places  of  birth,  or  residence,  of  a  favourite  ancestor. 
To  these  the  caprice  of  individual  choice  or  popular 
fancy,  the  hereditary  pursuit  of  peculiar  trades,  and 
the  continued  possession  of  certain  offices,  added  many 
others,  especially  in  towns.  But  this  custom  of  appro- 
priating a  permanent  appellation  to  particular  families, 
became  established  in  the  period  which  succeeded  the 
Norman  conquest.18 

The  power  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  parent  over  his  child 
was  limited  ;  or  at  least  the  clergy,  as  soon  as  Chris- 
tianity was  introduced,  began  to  confine  it.  Theodore, 
the  second  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  in  668,  allowed 
that  a  father,  if  compelled  by  necessity,  might  deliver 
up  his  son  to  a  state  of  servitude,  that  is,  slavery, 
without  the  child's  consent.  But  he  declared  that  a 
boy  of  fifteen  might  make  himself  a  monk,  and  a  girl 
of  sixteen  or  seventeen  might  choose  a  religious  life. 
Up  to  the  age  of  fifteen  the  father  might  marry  his 
daughter  as  he  pleased;  but  after  fifteen,  he  was 
forbidden  to  dispose  of  her  against  her  will. 19 

18  And  yet  one  Saxon  MS.  seems  to  express  an  actual  surname,  Hatte.     Thus, 
"  Hwita  Hatte  was  a  keeper  of  bees  in  Haethfelda ;  and  Tate  Hatte,  his  daughter, 
was  the  mother  of  Wulfsige,  the  shooter ;  and  Lulle   Hatte,  the  sister  of  Wulfsige, 
Hehstan  had  for  his  wife  in  Wealadene.      Wifus,  and  Dunne,  and  Seoloce,  were 
born  in  Haethfelda. 

"  Duding  Hatte,  the  son  of  Wifus,  is  settled  at  Wealadene ;  and  Ceolmund  Hatte, 
the  son  of  Dunne,  is  also  settled  there ;  and  ^Etheleah  Hatte,  the  son  of  Seoloce, 
is  also  there ;  and  Tate  Hatte,  the  sister  of  Cenwald,  Maeg  hath  for  his  wife  at 
Weligan ;  and  Ealdelm,  the  son  of  Herethrythe,  married  the  daughter  of  Tate. 
Werlaf  Hatte,  the  father  of  Werstan,  was  the  rightful  possessor  of  Hsethfelda,"  &c. 
Cott.  MS.  Tib.  B.  6.  —  The  above  is  a  literal  translation. 

19  Caepitula  Theodore  ap.  D'Acheri  Spiccl,  vol.  L  p.  489. 


12  HISTORY   OF   THE 


CHAP.  II. 

Their  Education. 

BOOK  WE  cannot  detail  the  particular  course  of  education 
vn'  .  by  which  the  Anglo-Saxons  conducted  their  children 
to  maturity,  but  some  information  may  be  gleaned. 
Their  society  was  divided  into  two  orders  of  men, 
laymen  and  ecclesiastics.  Among  the  latter  as  much 
provision  was  made  for  intellectual  improvement,  as 
the  general  darkness  of  the  period  would  allow.  The 
laity  were  more  contented  with  ignorance ;  and  neg- 
lecting the  mind,  of  whose  powers  and  nature  they 
knew  nothing,  they  laboured  to  increase  the  hardihood 
and  agility  of  the  body,  and  the  intrepidity,  perhaps 
the  fierceness,  of  the  spirit. 

Some  men,  rising  above  the  level  of  their  age,  en- 
deavoured to  recommend  the  use  of  schools.     Thus 
Sigebert,  in  the  seventh  century,  having  enlarged  his 
mind  during  his  exile  in  France,  as  soon  as  he  re- 
gained the  East  Anglian  throne,  established  a  school 
in  his  dominions  for  youth  to  be  instructed  in  learning.1 
So  we  find  in  Alfred's  time,  and  under  his  improving 
auspices,  most  of  the  noble,  and  many  of  the  inferior 
orders,  were  put  under  the  care  of  masters,  with  whom 
/they  learnt  both  Latin  and  Saxon  books,  and  also 
v  writing,  that  "  before  they  cultivated  the  arts  adapted 
/  to  manly  strength,  like  hunting,  and  such  others  as 
/  suited  the  noble,   they  might  make  themselves  ac- 
V^jjuainted  with  liberal   knowledge."     Hence  Edward 
and  ^Elfthrythe  are  stated   by  Asser  to   have    stu- 

1  Bede. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  13 

diously  learnt  Psalms  and  Saxon  books,  and  chiefly     CHAP. 
Saxon   poetry.2     But   among   the   laity,  these  were  - 

transient  gleams  of  intellectual  sunshine,  neither  gene- 
ral nor  permanent.  The  great  and  powerful  under- 
valued knowlege  ;  hence  Alfred's  brothers  did  not 
offer  to  attain  the  faculty  of  reading  which  he  was 
tempted  to  acquire.3  Hence,  even  kings  state  in  their 
charters,  that  they  signed  with  the  cross,  because  they 
were  unable  to  write4 ;  and  hence  so  many  of  Alfred's 
earls,  gerefas,  and  thegns,  who  had  been  illiterate  all 
their  lives,  were  compelled  by  his  wise  severity  to 
learn  in  their  mature  age,  that  they  might  not  dis- 
charge their  duties  with  such  shameful  insufficiency. 
It  is  mentioned  on  this  occasion,  that  those  who  from 
age  or  want  of  capacity  could  not  learn  to  read  them- 
selves, were  obliged  to  have  their  son,  kinsman,  or, 
if  they  had  none,  one  of  their  servants,  taught,  that 
they  might  at  least  be  read  to,  and  be  rescued  from  the 
total  ignorance  with  which  they  had  so  long  been 
satisfied.  Asser  expresses  the  great  lamentations  of 
these  well-born,  but  untaught  men,  that  they  had  not 
studied  such  things  in  their  youth.5  Nothing  can 
more  strongly  display  the  general  want  of  even  that 
degree  of  education  which  our  poorest  charity-children 
receive,  than  these  circumstances. 

The  clergy  were  the  preceptors  of  those  who  sought 
to  learn ;  and  though  Alfred  tells  us  how  few  even  of 
these  could  read,  yet  our  history  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
literature  will  show  some  very  brilliant  exceptions. 
Such  as  they  were,  however,  to  them  the  moral  and 
intellectual  education  of  the  age  was  entrusted.  Thus 
Aldhem's  father,  a  prince,  put  him  under  the  tuition 
of  the  Abbot  Adrian.6  Thus  the  Irish  monk  Maildulf, 

2  Asser.  3  Ibid. 

4  In  a  MS.  charter  of  Wihtred,  in  the  possession  of  the  late  Mr.  Astle,  to  the 
king's  mark  was  added,  "  ad  cujus  conflrmationem  pro  ignorantia  literarum." 
»  Asser.  6  Malmsb.  3  Gale,  338. 


14  HISTORY    OF   THE 


BOOK     who  settled  at  Malmsbury,   and  was  well  skilled  in 

VII  .  I-   .  n 

_v_ — •  Greek  and  Latin,  took  scholars  to  earn  subsistence.7 
From  a  passage  in  the  biographer  of  Wilfrid,  we 
learn  that  children,  who  afterwards  pursued  the  paths 
of  ambition,  received,  in  the  first  part  of  their  lives, 
instruction  from  ecclesiastics.  He  says  of  Wilfrid, 
a  bishop  in  the  eighth  century,  "  Princes  and  noble- 
men sent  their  children  to  him  to  be  brought  up, 
that  they  might  be  dedicated  to  God,  if  they  should 
s  choose  it;  or  that,  when  full  grown,  he  might  pre- 
sent them  in  armour  to  the  king,  if  they  preferred 
it."8 

When  they  reached  the  age  of  fourteen,  the  aspi- 
ring, or  the  better  conditioned,  prepared  themselves 
for  arms.  It  was  after  completing  his  thirteenth  year 
that  Wilfrid,  who  had  not  then  decided  on  a  religious 
life,  began  to  think  of  quitting  the  paternal  roof.  He 
obtained  such  arms,  horses,  and  garments  for  himself 
and  his  boys,  as  were  necessary  to  enable  him  to  pre- 
sent himself  to  the  royal  notice.  With  these  he  tra- 
velled till  he  reached  the  queen  of  the  province.  He 
met  there  some  of  the  nobles  at  her  court,  whom  he 
had  attended  at  his  father's  house.  They  praised  him, 
and  introduced  him  to  the  queen,  by  whom  he  was 
graciously  received.  As  he  afterwards  chose  the  path 
of  devotion,  she  recommended  him  to  one  of  the  nobles 
who  accompanied  the  king,  but  who  was  induced,  by 
the  pressure  of  a  paralytic  disease,  to  exchange  the 
court  for  the  cloister.9 

The  Anglo-Saxons  distinguish  the  period  between 
childhood  and  manhood  by  the  term  cnihthade, 
knighthood.  It  is  stated  in  Ina's  laws,  "  that  a  cniht 
often  winters  old  might  give  evidence;"10  andBede's 
expression,  of  a  boy  about  eight  years  old,  is  trans- 

'  Malmsb.  3  Gale,  338.  8  Eddius,  p.  62. 

9  Eddius,  p.  44.  10  Wilkins,  Leg.  p.  16. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  15 

lated  by  Alfred,  "paej-  eahta  pinrpa  cnith."11     A   king      CHAP. 
also  mentions  of  a  circumstance,  that  he  saw  it  cniht   •_..  /     • 
wesende,  being  a  cniht,  or  while  a  boy.12      It  will  be 
considered  in  another  place  how  far  the  term  bore  the 
meaning  of  chivalry   among  the  Anglo-Saxons.     A 
daughter  was  under  the  power  of  her  parents  till  the 
age  of  thirteen  or  fourteen,  when  she  had  the  disposal 
of  her  person  herself:  at  fifteen,  a  son  had  the  right  of 
choosing  his  path  of  life,  and  might  then  become  a 
monk,  but  not  before.13 

In  this  season  of  cnihthood,  or  youth,  we  find  them 
striving  to  excel  each  other  at  a  horse-race.  A  person 
in  Bede  describes  himself  as  one  of  a  party,  who  on 
their  journey  came  to  a  spacious  plain,  adapted  to  a 
horse-course.  The  young  men  were  desirous  to  prove 
their  horses  in  the  greater  course,  or,  as  the  Saxon 
translator  expresses  it,  that  we  might  run  and  try 
which  had  the  swiftest  horse.  The  individual  spoken 
of  at  last  joined  them;  but  his  animated  horse,  attempt- 
ing to  clear  a  concavity  in  the  way,  by  a  violent  leap 
the  youth  was  thrown  senseless  against  a  stone,  and 
with  difficulty  brought  to  life.14 

The  Saxon  youth  seem  to  have  been  accustomed  to 
habits  of  docility  and  obedience.  The  word  cniht  was 
also  used  to  express  a  servant15,  and  Wilfrid  is  charac- 
terised as  having  in  his  youth  attentively  ministered 
to  all  his  father's  visitors,  whether  royal  attendants  or 
their  servants.16 

The  education  of  the  Saxons  was  much  assisted  by 
the  emigration  or  visits  of  Irish  ecclesiastics.  We 
have  mentioned  Maildulf  at  Malmsbury ;  it  is  also  inti- 
mated, in  Dunstan's  life,  that  some  Irishmen  had 
settled  at  Glastonbury,  whose  books  Dunstan  dili- 
gently studied.  This  great  but  ambitious  man  was 

»  Bede,  lib.  v.  c.  18.     Alf.  Transl.  635.  12  Bede.     Alf.  Transl.  p.  518. 

13  1  Wilk.  Concil.  130.  14  Bede,  lib.  v.  c.  6. 

15  Gen.  xxiv.  65.     Luke,  xii.  45.  la  Eddius,  p.  44. 


16  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK      arraigned  in  his  youth  for  studying  the  vain  songs 

.        .   of  his  Pagan  ancestors,  and  the  frivolous  charms  of 

histories.17 

After  the  prevalence  of  Christianity,  a  portion  of 
the  youth  was  taken  into  the  monasteries.  We  have  a 
description,  in  Saxon,  of  the  employment  of  the  boys 
there.  One  of  these,  in  answer  to  the  question,  "  What 
have  you  done  to-day?"  says, — 

"  Many  things.  When  I  heard  the  knell,  I  rose  from  my  bed 
and  went  to  church,  and  sang  the  song  for  before-day  with  the 
brethren,  and  afterwards  of  All  Saints,  and,  at  the  dawn  of  day, 
the  song  of  praise.  After  these,  I  said  the  first  and  seventh 
Psalms,  with  the  litany  and  first  mass.  Afterwards,  before  noon, 
we  did  the  mass  for  the  day,  and  after  this,  at  mid-day,  we  sang, 
and  ate,  and  drank,  and  slept,  and  again  we  rose  and  sang  the 
noon,  and  now  we  are  here  before  thee,  ready  to  hear  what  thou 
shalt  say  to  us." 

The  interrogation  proceeds : 

"  When  will  ye  sing  the  evening  or  the  night  song?"  "When  it 
is  time."  — "Wert  thou  flogged  to-day?"  "No."  —  "No?" 
"Every  one  knows  whether  he  has  been  flogged  to-day  or  not." 
— "  Where  do  you  sleep  ? "  "  In  the  sleeping  room  with  the 
brethren." — "  Who  rouses  you  to  the  song  before  day?"  "  Some- 
times I  hear  the  knell  and  rise  :  sometimes  my  master  wakes  me, 
sternly,  with  his  rod." 

On  being  questioned  why  they  learnt  so  industri- 
ously, he  is  made  to  reply, 

"  Because  we  would  not  be  like  the  stupid  animals,  who  know 
nothing  but  their  grass  and  water."18 

That  they  used  personal  castigation  in  their  educa- 
tion is  also  intimated  by  Alcuin19,  who,  in  the  preface 
to  his  Dialectica,  adds  a  warm  exhortation  to  his  young 
contemporaries  to  improve  themselves  by  education. 

17  MS.  Cleop.  B.  13.  ls  MS.  Tib.  A.  3. 

19  Thus  Alcuin :  — "  As  scourges  teach  children  to  learn  the  ornament  of 
wisdom,  and  to  accustom  themselves  to  good  manners."  p.  1631.  He  says  to  the 
brethren  of  York  Minster,  where  he  was  educated :  "  You  cherished  the  weak 
mind  of  my  infancy  with  maternal  affection.  You  sustained  my  wanton  day  of 
childhood  with  pious  patience.  You  brought  me  to  the  perfect  age  of  manhood 
by  the  disciplines  of  paternal  castigation,  and  confirmed  my  mind  by  the  erudition 
of  sacred  instruction."  p.  1627. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  17 

"  0  ye,  who  enjoy  the  youthful  age,  so  fitted  for  your  CHAP. 
lessons !  Learn.  Be  docile.  Lose  not  the  day  in  idle  ' — ^ — • 
things.  The  passing  hour,  like  the  wave,  never  returns 
again.  Let  your  early  years  flourish  with  the  study 
of  the  virtues,  that  your  age  may  shine  with  great  ho- 
nours. Use  these  happy  days.  Learn,  while  young, 
the  art  of  eloquence,  that  you  may  be  a  safeguard  and 
defender  of  those  whom  you  value.  Acquire  the  con- 
duct and  manners  so  beautiful  in  youth,  and  your  name 
will  become  celebrated  through  the  world.  But  as  I 
wish  you  not  to  be  sluggish ;  so  neither  be  proud.  I 
worship  the  recesses  of  the  devout  and  humble  breast." 
Oper.  p.  1353. 

We  have  a  short  sketch  of  the  better  kind  of  intel- 
lectual education  in  Alcuin's  description  of  the  studies 
which,  after  he  was  invited  from  England  by  Charle- 
magne, he  superintended  at  Tours.  It  is  not  ex- 
pressed in  the  best  taste,  but  it  shows  the  studies  that 
were  valued  in  the  eighth  century.  He  writes  to  the 
emperor :  — 

"  According  to  your  exhortations  and  kind  wish,  I  endeavour 
to  administer,  in  the  schools  of  St.  Martin,  to  some  the  honey  of 
the  Sacred  Writings  :  I  try  to  inebriate  others  with  the  wine  of 
the  ancient  classics.  I  begin  to  nourish  some  with  the  apples  of 
Grammatical  subtlety.  I  strive  to  illuminate  many  by  the  ar- 
rangement of  the  Stars,  as  from  the  painted  roof  of  a  lofty  palace." 

"  But,"  he  adds,  "  I  want  those  more  exquisite  books  of  scho- 
lastic erudition  which  I  had  in  my  own  country.  —  May  it  then 
please  your  wisdom,  that  I  send  some  of  our  youths  to  procure 
what  we  need;  and  to  convey  into  France  the  flowers  of  Britain, 
that  they  may  not  be  locked  up  in  York  only,  but  that  '  their 
fragrance  and  fruit  may  adorn,  at  Tours,  the  gardens  and  streams 
df  the  Loire.'"20 

Some  of  the  Anglo-Saxons,  if  we  may  judge  from 
Alcuin,  had  a  high  and  just  idea  of  the  efficacy  of 
literary  education  in  meliorating  the  temper,  and  in 
forming  a  noble  character ;  and  it  appears  that  the 

20  Ale.  Ep.  p.  1463. 
VOL.   III.  C 


18  HISTORY   OF    THE 

BOOK      sentiments  of  Charlemagne  were  as  enlightened  as 

VII  • 

,  those  of  his  preceptor.  Alcuin  says  to  him  :  — 

"  Yet  as  you  wish  that  the  fierceness  of  your  youths  should  be 
mitigated  by  the  sweetness  of  all  kinds  of  poetry,  you  have  pro- 
vided for  this  with  the  wisest  counsel.  Sometimes  the  asperity 
of  the  mind  does  not  feel  the  effects  of  sagacious  advice,  and  some- 
times the  continued  gentleness  of  the  temper  tends  to  enervate 
the  spirit.  But  among  these  diseases  the  prudent  temperament 
will  arise  from  the  middle  path ;  now  softening  the  swelling  fury 
of  the  soul,  and  now  rousing  its  slothfulness.  This  kind  of  virtue 
is  peculiarly  necessary  to  warriors.  We  read  in  ancient  history, 
that  a  wise  command  of  temper  ought  to  guide  and  govern  every 
thing  that  is  done."21 

In  another  place  he  expatiates  ardently  on  the 
benefit  of  lettered  education. 

"  Nothing  tends  to  acquire  more  nobly  a  happy  life  ;  nothing  is 
more  pleasant  for  our  recreation,  nor  more  powerful  against  vice  ; 
nothing  is  more  laudable  in  the  highest  ranks,  nor  more  necessary 
for  the  due  government  of  a  state  ;  nothing  is  more  efficacious  in 
forming  life  to  the  most  becoming  manners,  than  Wisdom,  Study, 
.and  Knowledge!" — He  adds,  "Exhort,  O  King!  all  the  noble 
youths  in  your  palace  to  acquire  and  possess  these  advantages  by 
their  daily  studies,  that  their  blooming  spring  may  so  profit  from 
them  as  to  lead  them  to  an  honoured  old  age,  and  a  blessed  im- 
mortality."22 

21  Ale.  Ep.  p.  1473.  »  Ibid.  p.  1464. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  19 


CHAP.  III. 

Their  Food. 

THEIR  food  was  that  mixture  of  animal  and  vege-      CHAR 

•  in 

table  diet  which  always  attends  the  progress  of  civili-   . 

sation.  They  reared  various  sorts  of  corn  in  inclosed 
and  cultivated  lands,  and  they  fed  domesticated  cattle 
for  the  uses  of  their  table. 

For  their  animal  food  they  had  oxen,  sheep,  and 
great  abundance  of  swine ;  they  used,  likewise,  fowls, 
deer,  goats,  and  hares ;  but  though  the  horned  cattle 
are  not  unfrequently  mentioned  in  their  grants  and 
wills,  and  were  often  the  subjects  of  exchange,  yet 
the  animals  most  numerously  stated  are  the  swine. 
The  country  in  all  parts  abounded  with  wood ;  and 
woods  are  not  often  particularized  without  some 
notice  of  the  swine  which  they  contained,  or  were 
capable  of  maintaining.  They  also  frequently  appear 
in  wills.  Thus  Alfred,  a  nobleman,  gives  to  his  re- 
lations an  hide  of  land  with  one  hundred  swine  ;  and 
he  directs  one  hundred  swine  to  be  given  for  his  soul 
to  one  minister,  and  the  same  number  to  another ; 
and  to  his  two  daughters  he  gives  two  thousand 
swine.1  So  Elfhelm  gives  land  to  St.  Peter's  at 
Westminster,  on  the  express  condition  that  they  feed 
two  hundred  of  these  animals  for  his  wife.2 

They  ate  various  kinds  of  fish ;  but,  of  this  de- 
scription of  their  animal  food,  the  species  which  is  most 
profusely  noticed  is  the  eel.  They  used  eels  as  abun- 
dantly as  swine.  Two  grants  are  mentioned,  each 

1  1  Will,  in  App.  Sax.  Diet.  *  Ibid. 

c  2 


20  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK  yielding  one  thousand  eels,3  and  by  another  two  thou- 
.  sand  were  received  as  an  annual  rent.  Four  thousand 
eels  were  a  yearly  present  from  the  monks  of  Ramsay 
to  those  of  Peterborough.4  We  read  of  two  places 
purchased  for  twenty-one  pounds,  wherein  sixteen 
thousand  of  these  fish  were  caught5  every  year  ;  and, 
in  one  charta,  twenty  fishermen  are  stated,  who 
furnished,  during  the  same  period,  sixty  thousand 
eels  to  the  monastery.6  Eel  dikes  are  often  men- 
tioned in  the  boundaries  of  their  lands. 

In  the  dialogues  composed  by  Elfric  to  instruct  the 
Anglo-Saxon  youths  in  the  Latin  language,  which  are 
yet  preserved  to  us7,  we  have  some  curious  informa- 
tion concerning  the  manners  and  trades  of  our  an- 
cestors. In  one  colloquy  the  fisherman  is  asked, 
.'What  gettest  thou  by  thine  art?'  "Big  loaves,  cloth- 
ing, and  money."  —  'How  do  you  take  them?'  "I, 
ascend  my  ship,  and  cast  my  net  into  the  river ;  1 
also  throw  in  a  hook,  a  bait,  and  a  rod."  — '  Suppose 
the  fishes  are  unclean?'  "  I  throw  the  unclean  out,  and 
take  the  clean  for  food."  — l  Where  do  you  sell  your 
fish?'  "In  the  city."— 'Who  buys  them?'  "The 
citizens  ;  I  cannot  take  so  many  as  I  can  sell."  — '  What 
fishes  do  you  take?'  "  Eels,  haddocks,  minnows,  and 
eel-pouts,  skate,  and  lampreys,8  and  whatever  swims  in 
the  river."  —  'Why  do  you  not  fish  in  the  sea?' 
"  Sometimes  I  do  ;  but  rarely,  because  a  great  ship  is 
necessary  there."  — '  What  do  you  take  in  the  sea  ?' 
"  Herrings,  and  salmons,  porpoises,  sturgeons,  oysters, 
and  crabs,  muscles,  winkles,  cockles,  flounders,  plaice, 
lobsters,9  and  such  like."  — '  Can  you  take  a  whale  ?' 
"  No,  it  is  dangerous  to  take  a  whale  ;  it  is  safer  for 
me  to  go  to  the  river  with  my  ship  than  to  go  with 

3  3  Gale,  477.  4  Ibid.  456. 

5  Dugdale  Mon.  p.  244.  6  Ibid.  p.  235. 

7  In  the  Cotton  Library,  MS.  Tib.  A.  3. 

8  The  Saxon  names  for  these  are,  alar,  hacobar,  mynar,  •}  aelcputan,  rceofcan,  T 
lamprieban.     MS.  Tib.  A.  3. 

9  ftepmcsar-;  leaxar,  meperpyn  jjripian,  orrpean  •}  cpabban,  mnrlan,  pint; 
pinclan,  rae  coccar,  rase,  rloc,  lopyjTpan.     MS.  ib. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  21 

many  ships  to  hunt  whales." — 'Why?'     "Because     CHAP. 
it  is  more  pleasant  to  me  to  take  fish  which  I  can  kill  ^ 

with  one  blow  ;  yet  many  take  whales  without  danger, 
and  then  they  get  a  great  price,  but  I  dare  not,  from 
the  fearfulness  of  my  mind." 

This  extract  shows  the  uniformity  of  human  taste 
oil  the  main  articles  of  food.  Fish  was  such  a  fa- 
vourite diet,  that  the  supply  never  equalled  the 
demand,  and  the  same  fishes  were  then  in  request 
which  we  select,  though  our  taste  has  declined  for  the 
porpoises.  The  porpoise  is  mentioned  in  a  convention 
between  an  archbishop  and  the  clergy  at  Bath,  which 
enumerates  six  of  them  under  the  name  of  mere-swine, 
or  the  sea-swine,  -and  thirty  thousand  herrings.10 

In  the  earlier  periods  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  colo- 
nisation, their  use  of  fish  was  more  limited :  for  we 
read  in  Bede,  that  Wilfrid  rescued  the  people  of 
Sussex  from  famine  in  the  eighth  century  by  teach- 
ing them  to  catch  fish :  "  For  though  the  sea  and  their 
rivers  abounded  with  fish,  they  had  no  more  skill 
in  the  art  than  to  take  eels.  The  servants  of  Wilfrid 
threw  into  the  sea  nets  made  out  of  those  by  which 
they  had  obtained  eels,  and  thus  directed  them  to  a 
new  source  of  plenty.11  It  may  account  for  Wilfrid's 
superior  knowledge,  to  remark,  that  he  had  travelled 
over  the  continent  to  Rome. 

It  is  an  article  in  the  Penitentiale  of  Egbert,  that 
fish  might  be  bought  though  dead.12  The  same 
treatise  allows  herrings  to  be  eaten,  and  states,  that 
isvhen  boiled  they  are  salutary  in  fever  and  diarrhcea, 
and  that  their  gall  mixed  with  pepper  is  good  for 
a  sore  mouth ! 13 

Horse-flesh,  which  our  delicacy  rejects  with  aver- 
sion, appears  to  have  been  used,  though  it  became 
unfashionable  as  their  civilisation  advanced.  The 

10  MS.  CCC.  apud  Cantab.  Miscell.  O.  p.  73.  »  Bede  lib.  iv.  c.  13. 

12  1  AVilkins,  Cone.  p.  123.  13  Ibid. 

c  3 


22  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK  Penitentiale  says,  "  Horse-flesh  is  not  prohibited, 
.  vn'  _.  though  many  families  will  not  buy  it."  u  But  in  the 
council  held  in  785,  in  Northumbria,  before  Alfwold, 
and  in  [Mercia,  before  Offa,  it  was  discountenanced. 
"  Many  among  you  eat  horses,  which  is  not  done 
by  any  Christians  in  the  East.  Avoid  this."  15 

But  though  animal  food  was  in  much  use  among 
our  ancestors,  it  was,  as  it  is  with  us,  and  perhaps 
will  be  in  every  country  in  which  agriculture  has 
become  habitual,  and  population  much  increased, 
rather  the  food  of  the  wealthier  part  of  the  com- 
munity than  of  the  lower  orders. 

That  it  could  not  be  afforded  by  all,  is  clear,  from 
the  incident  of  a  king  and  queen  visiting  a  monastey, 
and  inquiring,  when  they  saw  the  boys  eating  only 
bread,  if  they  were  allowed  nothing  else.  The  answer 
returned  was,  that  the  scanty  means  of  the  society 
could  afford  no  better.  The  queen  then  petitioned 
the  king  to  enable  them  to  provide  additional  food.16 

They  had  wheat  and  barley  in  general  use,  but 
their  prices  were  different ;  wheat,  like  meat,  was  a 
dearer  article,  and  therefore  less  universal.  It  is  said 
of  the  abbey  of  St.  Edmund,  that  the  young  monks 
eat  barley-bread,  because  the  income  of  the  establish- 
ment would  not  admit  of  their  feeding  twice  or  thrice 
a-day  on  wheaten  bread.17  Their  corn  was  thrashed 
with  a  flail  like  our  own,  and  ground  by  the  simple 
mechanism  of  mills,  of  which  great  numbers  are  par- 
ticularised in  the  Doomsday  Survey.  In  their  most 
ancient  law,  we  read  of  a  king's  grinding-servant18 ; 
but  both  water-mills  and  wind-mills  occur  very 
frequently  in  their  conveyances  after  that  time. 

They  used  warm  bread.19  The  life  of  St.  Neot  states, 
that  the  peasant's  wife  placed  on  her  oven  "  the  loaves 

14  1  Wilkins  Cone.  p.  123.  w  Ibid.  p.  151. 

16  MS.  Cotton  Claud.  C.  9.  p.  128.  "  Dugd.  Mon.  p.  296. 

18  Wilkins's  Leg.  Sax.  p.  2.  19  Bede,  ed.  Smith,  p.  234. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  23 

which  some  call  loudas."20  In  the  agreement  of  one  CHAP. 
of  their  social  gilds,  a  broad  loaf  well  besewon  and  -  — > 
well  gesyfled  is  noticed.21  In  one  grant  of  land  we 
find  six  hundred  loaves  reserved  as  a  rent22,  and 
oftentimes  cheeses.  They  were  allowed  to  use  milk, 
cheese,  and  eggs,  on  their  fast-days.23  Some  indivi- 
dual devotees  chose  to  be  very  rigorous.  In  735,  a 
lady  is  mentioned,  in  Oxford,  of  a  noble  family,  who 
mortified  herself  by  lying  on  the  bare  ground,  and 
subsisting  on  broth  made  of  the  poorest  herbs,  aud  on 
a  small  quantity  of  barley-bread.24  In  the  same 
century,  Boniface,  the  Anglo-Saxon  missionary,  com- 
plained of  some  priests,  that  they  did  not  eat  of  the 
meats  which  God  had  given,  and  that  others  fed  on 
milk  and  honey,  rejecting  animal  food.25 

Abstinence  too  rigorous  was  not,  however,  a  general 
fault  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  monks.  On  the  contrary, 
whenever  the  interior  of  a  well-endowed  monastery  is 
opened  to  our  view,  we  meet  with  an  abundance 
which  precluded  mortification.26 

Orchards  were  cultivated27,  and  we  find  figs,  grapes, 
nuts,  almonds,  pears,  and  apples,  mentioned.28  Lac 
acidum,  perhaps  butter-milk  or  whey,  was  used  in  a 
monastery  in  very  handsome  vessels,  called  creches, 
from  Hokeday  to  Michaelmas,  and  lac  dulce  from 
Michaelmas  to  Martinmas.  In  the  same  place  pla- 
centas were  allowed  in  the  Easter  and  Whitsun 
weeks,  and  on  some  other  festivals,  and  broth  or 
soups  every  day.29  In  another  monastery,  we  find 
land  given  to  provide  beans,  salt,  and  honey  for  the 
brothers.30  From  the  panegyric  of  Aldhelm,  we  may 

20  MS.  Cott.  Claud.  A.  5.  p.  157.          21  Dugd.  Mon.  p.  278. 
22  Sax.  Chron.  75.  M  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  p.  194. 

24  Dugd.  Mon.  173.  **  Bon.  Ep.  Mag.  Bib.  Pal.  xvi.  p.  50. 

26  The  allowances  of  the  Abingdon  monastery  may  be  taken  as  a  specimen. 
See  them  in  Dugd.  Mon.  p.  104. 

*7  3  Gale  Script  490.  M  Ingulf,  p.  50. 

29  Dugd.  Mon.  p.  104.     The  creche  contained  septem  pollices  ad  profunditatero 
a  summitate  unius  usque  ad  profundum  lateris  ulterius.     Ibid. 

30  3  Gale  Script.  445. 

c  4 


24  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK  infer  that  honey  was  a  favourite  diet;  for  he 
.  vn'  .  says,  that  it  excels  all  the  dishes  of  delicacies  and 
peppered  broths.31 

In  the  MS.  before  mentioned,  a  colloquy  occurs 
with  the  baker  (baecere).  '  Of  what  use  is  your  art? 
we  can  live  long  without  you.'  "  You  may  live 
through  some  space  without  my  art,  but  not  long, 
nor  so  well ;  for  without  my  craft  every  table  would 
seem  empty,  and  without  bread  (hlafe)  all  meat 
would  become  nauseous.  I  strengthen  the  heart  of 
man,  and  little  ones  could  not  do  without  me."82 

In  the  same  MS.  the  food  of  children  is  thus 
mentioned:  'What  do  you  eat  to-day?'  "  As  yet  I 
feed  on  flesh-meat,  because  I  am  a  child  living  under 
the  rod  "  — '  What  more  do  you  eat?'  "  Herbs,  eggs, 
fish,  cheese,  butter  and  beans,  and  all  clean  things  I 
eat  with  many  thanks."33 

They  appear  to  have  used  great  quantities  of  salt, 
from  the  numerous  grants  of  land  which  specify  salt- 
pans as  important  articles.  In  the  end  of  autumn 
they  killed  and  salted  much  meat  for  their  winter 
consumption.  It  is  probable  that  their  provision  of 
winter  fodder  for  their  cattle  was  very  imperfect, 
and  that  salted  meat  was  in  a  great  measure  their 
food  till  the  spring  reclothed  the  fields  with  verdure. 
One  part  of  the  dialogue  above  alluded  to  is  on  the 
salter. 

'  Salter!  what  does  your  craft  profit  us?'  "  Much  : 
none  of  you  can  enjoy  pleasure  in  your  dinner  or 
supper,  unless  my  art  be  propitious  to  him."  — 
*  How?'  "  Which  of  you  can  enjoy  savoury  meats 
without  the  smack  of  salt  ?  Who  could  sell  the 
contents  of  his  cellar  or  his  storehouses  without  my 
craft  ?  Lo !  all  butter  (buter  gethweor)  and  cheese 
(cys  gerun)  would  perish,  unless  you  used  me."34 

31  Aid.  de  Laud.  Virg.  p.  296.  *  MS.  Cott.  Tib.  A..  3. 

33  Ibid.  31  Ibid. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  25 

The  Anglo-Saxon  ladies  were  not  excluded  from  CHAP. 
the  society  of  the  male  sex  at  their  meals.  It  was 
at  dinner  that  the  king's  mother  urged  Dunstan  to 
accept  the  vacant  bishoprick35,  and  it  appears  from 
many  passages  in  Saxon  writings,  and  from  the 
drawings  in  the  MSS.,  that  both  sexes  were  together 
at  their  seasons  of  refreshment. 

We  have  an  account  of  Ethelstan's  dining  with  his 
relation  Ethelfleda.  The  royal  providers,  it  says, 
knowing  that  the  king  had  promised  her  the  visit, 
came  the  day  before  to  see  if  every  preparation  was 
ready  and  suitable.  Having  inspected  all,  they  told 
her,  "  You  have  plenty  of  every  thing,  provided  your 
mead  holds  out."  The  king  came  with  a  great 
number  of  attendants  at  the  appointed  time,  and, 
after  hearing  mass,  entered  joyfully  in  the  dinner 
apartment ;  but  unfortunately  in  the  first  salutation, 
their  copious  draughts  exhausted  the  mead  vessel. 
Dunstan's  sagacity  had  foreseen  the  event,  and  pro- 
vided against  it ;  and  though  "  the  cup-bearers,  as  is 
the  custom  at  royal  feasts,  were  all  the  day  serving  it 
up  in  cut  horns,  and  other  vessels  of  various  sizes," 
the  liquor  was  not  found  to  be  deficient.  This,  of 
course,  very  much  delighted  his  majesty  and  his 
companions;  and,  as  Dunstan  chose  to  give  it  a 
miraculous  appearance,  it  procured  him  infinite 
credit.36 

An  historian  of  the  twelfth  century  contrasts,  with 
much  regret,  the  fashion,  introduced  by  the  Normans 
»at  court,  of  only  one  entertainment  a  day,  with  the 
custom  of  one  of  our  preceding  kings,  who  feasted 
his  courtiers  daily  with  four  ample  banquets.  He 
contends  that  the  parsimony  produced  the  direful 
change,  though  it  was  ascribed  to  dignity.37  Many 

M  MS.  Cott.  Cleop.  B.  13.  and  Nero.  C.  7. 

36  Cleop.  B.  13.  p.  67.,  and  Acta  Sanct.  29th  May,  p.  349,  350. 

37  Hen.  Hunt.  lib.  vi   p.  365.     Malmsbury  remarks,  that  the  profusion  of  the 
English  feasts  was  increased  after  the  Danish  visits,  p.  248. 


26  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK  good  customs  have  originated  from  selfish  causes ; 
.  vn'  ,  but  no  one  will  now  dispute,  that  both  mental  and 
moral  refinement  must  have  been  much  advanced  by 
this  diminution  of  the  incitements  and  the  oppor- 
tunities of  gluttony  and  inebriety.  We  may  re- 
member of  the  king  Hardicanute,  so  celebrated  for 
his  conviviality,  that  he  died  at  a  feast. 

A  few  circumstances  may  be  added  of  their  fasting. 
It  is  mentioned  in  Edgar's  regulations,  as  a  part  of 
the  penance  of  a  rich  man,  that  he  should  fast  on 
bread,  green  herbs,  and  water.38  It  is  expressed  in 
another  part,  that  a  layman  during  his  penitence 
should  eat  no  flesh,  nor  drink  any  thing  that  might 
inebriate.39  The  law  of  Wihtrad  severely  punished 
the  non-observance  of  fast-days.  If  any  man  gave 
meat  to  his  servants  on  these  days,  he  was  declared 
liable  to  the  pillory,  or  literally  the  neck-catch,  heals- 
fang.  If  the  servant  ate  it  of  his  own  accord,  he  was 
fined  six  shillings,  or  was  to  suffer  in  his  hide.40 

38  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  97.  *>  Ibid.  94.  «  Ibid.  11. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  27 


CHAP.  IV. 

Their  Drinks  and  Cookery. 

ALE  and  mead  were  their  favourite  drinks,  and  wine      CHAP. 
was  an  occasional  luxury.    Of  the  ale,  three  sorts  were   < — »— • 
noticed.     In  a  charter,  two  tons  of  clear  ale,  and  ten 
mittan  or  measures  of  Welsh  ale^are  reserved.1     In 
another,  a  cumb  full  of  lithes,  or  mild  ale.2      Warm 
wine  is  also  mentioned.3 

The  answer  of  the  lad,  in  the  Saxon  colloquy,  to  the 
question,  what  he  drank,  was,   "  Ale  if  I  have  it,  or 
water  if  I  have  not."     On  being  asked  why  he  does 
not  drink  wine,  he  says,   "  I  am  not  so  rich  that  I") 
can  buy  me  wine,  and  wine  is  not  the  drink  of  chil- 
dren or  the  weak-minded,  but  of  the  elders  and  the_ 
wise."4 

In  the  ancient  calendar  of  the  eleventh  century, 
there  are  various  figures  pictured,  to  accompany  the 
different  months.  In  April,  three  persons  appear 
sitting  and  drinking:  one  person  is  pouring  out 
liquor  into  a  horn ;  another  is  holding  a  horn  to  his 
mouth.5 

We  have  the  list  of  the  liquors  used  at  a  great 
Anglo-Saxon  feast,  in  a  passage  of  Henry  of  Hunt- 
"ingdon,  which  describes  an  atrocious  catastrophe  : — 

At  a  feast  in  the  king's  hall  at  Windsor,  Harold,  the 
son  of  Godwin,  was  serving  the  Confessor  with  wine, 
when  Tosti,  his  brother,  stimulated  by  envy  at  his 

1  Sax.  Chron.  75. 

2  Two  tuns  full  of  hlutres  aloth,  a  cumb  full  of  lithes  aloth,  and  a  cumb  full  of 
•welisces  aloth,  are  the  gafol  reserved  in  a  grant  of  Offa.     Dugd.  Mon.  p.  126. 

3  Bede,  257.  4  MS.  Tib.  A.  3.  5  MS.  Tib.  B.  5. 


28  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK  possessing  a  larger  portion  of  the  royal  favour  than 
.  vn"  .  himself,  seized  Harold  by  the  hair  in  the  king's 
presence.  In  a  rage,  Tosti  left  the  company,  and 
went  to  Hereford,  where  his  brother  had  ordered  a 
great  royal  banquet  to  be  prepared.  There  he  seized 
his  brother's  attendants,  and  cutting  off  their  heads 
and  limbs,  he  placed  them  in  the  vessels  of  wine, 
mead,  ale,  pigment,  morat,  and  cider.  He  then  sent 
to  the  king  a  message,  that  he  was  going  to  his  farm, 
where  he  should  find  plenty  of  salt  meat,  but  had 
taken  care  to  carry  some  with  him.6  The  pigment 
was  a  sweet  and  odoriferous  liquor  made  of  honey, 
wine,  and  spiceries  of  various  kinds.  The  morat  was 
made  of  honey,  diluted  with  the  juice  of  mulberries.7 
As  the  canons  were  severe  on  drunkenness,  though 
the  manners  of  society  made  all  their  regulations 
ineffectual,  it  was  thought  necessary  to  define  what 
was  considered  to  be  improper  and  penal  intoxication. 
"This  is  drunkenness,  when  the  state  of  the  mind  is 
changed,  the  tongue  stammers,  the  eyes  are  dis- 
turbed, the  head  is  giddy,  1>he  belly  is  swelled,  and 
pain  follows."  To  atone  for  this,  fasts,  proportioned 
in  duration  to  the  quality  of  the  offender,  were  en- 
joined.8 

It  will  not  be  uninteresting  to  add  the  description 
of  a  feast,  as  given  in  Judith  by  an  Anglo-Saxon 
poet  : 

Then  was  Holofernes 

Enchanted  with  the  wine  of  men  : 

In  the  hall  of  the  guests 

He  laughed  and  shouted, 

He  roared  and  dinned, 

That  the  children  of  men  might  hear  afar, 

How  the  sturdy  one 

Stormed  and  clamoured, 

6  Hen.  Hunt.  lib.  vi.  p.  367. 

7  Du  Cange,  in  voc.  and  Henry's  History  of  England,  iv.  p.  396. 

8  Spelm.  Concilia,  286. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  29 

Animated  and  elated  with  wine.  CHAP. 

He  admonished  amply  IV. 

Those  sitting  on  the  bench  ' ' 

That  they  should  bear  it  well. 

So  was  the  wicked  one  all  day, 

The  lord  and  his  men, 

Drunk  with  wine ; 

The  stern  dispenser  of  wealth  ; 

Till  that  they  swimming  lay 

Over  drunk, 

All  his  nobility 

As  they  were  death  slain, 

Their  property  poured  about. 

So  commanded  the  lord  of  men 

To  fill  to  those  sitting  at  the  feast, 

Till  the  dark  night 

Approached  the  children  of  men.9 

We  have  a  glance  of  their  customs,  as  to  drink- 
ing, in  this  short  passage :  "  When  all  were  satisfied 
with  their  dinner,  and  the  tables  were  removed,  they 
continued  drinking  till  the  evening."10 

They  seem  to  have  had  places  like  taverns  or  ale- 
houses, where  liquors  were  sold ;  for  a  priest  was 
forbidden  by  a  law  to  eat  or  drink  at  ceapealethelum, 
literally,  places  where  ale  was  sold.11 

Ethelwold  allowed  his  monastery  a  great  bowl,  from 
which  the  obba3  of  the  monks  were  filled  twice  a  day 
for  their  dinner  and  supper.  On  their  festivals  he 
allowed  them  at  dinner  a  sextarium  of  mead  between 
six,  and  the  same  quantity  at  supper  between  twelve 
of  the  brothers.  On  certain  of  the  great  high  feasts 
of  the  year,  he  gave  them  a  measure  of  wine. 12 

They  boiled,  baked,  and  broiled  their  victuals. 
We  read  of  their  meat  dressed  in  a  boiling  vessel13, 
of  their  fish  having  been  broiled14,  and  of  an  oven 
heated  for  baking  loaves. 15  The  term  abacan  is  also 
applied  to  meat.  In  the  rule  of  St.  Benedict,  two 

9  Frag.  Judith.  10  Gale  Script,  iii.  p.  441. 

11  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  180.     So  Egbert  exhorts.     Spel.  Cone.  260. 

12  Dugd.  Mon.  104.  "  Bede,  p.  255. 

14  Ibid.  238.  K  MS.  Vesp.  D.  14.  p,  146. 


30  HISTOEY   OF   THE 

BOOK  sanda,  or  dishes  of  sodden  syflian,  or  soup  bouilli,  are 
•  mentioned. 16  Bede  mentions  a  goose  that  hung  on  the 
wall  taken  down  to  be  boiled.17  The  word  seathan, 
to  boil,  deserves  notice,  because  the  noun,  seath,  from 
which  it  is  derivable,  implies  a  pit.  As  we  read  in 
the  South  Sea  islands  of  the  natives  dressing  their 
victuals  in  little  pits  lined  with  stones,  the  expression 
may  have  been  originally  derived  from  a  similar 
practice.  A  cook  appears  as  an  appendix  to  every 
lonastery,  and  it  was  a  character  important  enough 
to  be  inserted  in  the  laws.  In  the  cloisters  it  was  a 
male  office ;  elsewhere  it  was  chiefly  assumed  by  the 
female  sex.  In  the  dialogue  already  cited,  the  cook 
says,  "If  you  expel  me  from  your  society,  you  would 
eat  your  herbs  green,  and  your  flesh  raw."  He  is 
answered,  "  We  can  ourselves  seethe  what  is  to  be 
seethed,  and  broil  what  things  are  to  be  broiled."18 

They  seem  to  have  attended  to  cookery,  not  merely 
as  a  matter  of  taste,  but  of  indispensable  decorum. 
It  was  one  of  their  regulations,  that  if  a  person  ate 
any  thing  half  dressed,  ignorantly,  he  should  fast 
three  days;  if  knowingly,  four  days.  Perhaps,  as 
the  uncivilized  Northmen  were,  in  their  pagan  state, 
addicted  to  eat  raw  flesh,  the  clergy  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxons  were  anxious  to  keep  their  improved  country- 
men from  relapsing  into  such  barbarous  customs. 19 

In  the  drawings  which  accompany  some  Anglo- 
Saxon  manuscripts,  we  have  soms  delineation  of  their 
customs  at  table.20  In  one  drawing,  a  party  is  at 

16  MS.  Tib.  A.  3.  "  Bede,  255.  13  MS.  Tib. 

19  Spelm.    Concil.  287.     The  same  principle   perhaps   led  them  to  add  these 
regulations :   "  For  eating  or  drinking  what  a  cat  or  dog  has  spoiled,  he  shall  sing 
an  hundred  psalms,  or  fast   a  day.     For  giving  another  any  liquor  in  which  a 
mouse  or  a  weasel  shall  be  found  dead,  a  layman  shall  do  penance  for  four  days  ; 
a  monk  shall  sing  three  hundred  psalms."     Spelm.  Concil.  p.  287. 

20  The    industrious  and   useful  Strutt  has  copied  these  drawings  in  the  first 
volume  of  his  Horda  Angelcynnan.     Nothing  can  more  satisfactorily  illustrate  the 
manners  of  our  ancestors,  than  such  publications  of  their  ornamental  drawings ; 
for,  as  Strutt  truly  observes  in  his  preface,  "  though  these  pictures  do  not  bear  the 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  31 

table,  seated,  with  the  females  by  the  side  of  the  men,     CHAP. 
in  this  order:  a  man,  a  lady;  a  man,  a  lady;  two  • 

men,  and  another  lady.  The  two  first  are  looking 
towards  each  other,  as  if  talking  together ;  the  three 
in  the  middle  are  engaged  with  each  other,  and  so 
are  the  two  last ;  each  have  a  cup  or  horn  in  their 
hand.  The  table  is  oblong,  and  covered  with  a  table- 
cloth that  hangs  low  down  from  the  table ;  a  knife,  a 
horn,  a  bowl,  a  dish,  and  some  loaves  appear.  The 
men  are  uncovered ;  the  women  have  their  usual 
head-dress. 21 

In  another  drawing,  the  table  is  a  sharp  oval,  also 
covered  with  an  ample  cloth ;  upon  it,  besides  a  knife 
and  a  spoon,  there  are  a  bowl,  with  a  fish,  some  loaves 
of  bread,  and  two  other  dishes.  Some  part  of  the 
costume  is  more  like  the  manners  of  Homer's  heroes 
than  of  modern  times.  At  the  angles  of  the  tables 
two  attendants  are  upon  their  knees,  with  a  dish  in 
one  hand,  and  each  holding  up  a  spit  with  the  other, 
from  which  the  persons  feasting  are  about  to  cut 
something.  One  of  these  persons,  to  whom  the 
servants  minister  with  so  much  respect,  is  holding  a 
whole  fish  with  one  hand,  and  a  knife  in  the  other. 22 

In  the  drawing  which  accompanies  Lot  feasting 
the  angels,  the  table  is  oblong,  rounded  at  the  ends, 
and  covered  with  a  cloth.  Upon  it  is  a  bowl,  with  an 
animal's  head  like  a  pig's;  another  bowl  is  full  of 
some  round  things  like  apples.  These,  with  loaves 
or  cakes  of  bread,  seem  to  constitute  the  repast. 
,There  are  two  horns  upon  the  table,  and  one  of  the 

• 

least  resemblance  of  the  things  they  were  originally  intended  to  represent,  yet 
they  nevertheless  are  the  undoubted  characteristics  of  the  customs  of  that  period 
in  which  each  illuminator  or  designer  lived." 

21  This  is  in  Strutt's  work,  plate  xvi.  fig.  2.,  and  is  taken  from  the  Cotton  MS. 
Claud.  B.  4.     The  MS.  consists  of  excerpta  from  the  Pentateuch  and  the  book  of 
Joshua,  which  are  adorned  with  historical  figures,  some  of  which  are  those  above 
alluded  to. 

22  See  Strutt,  plate  xvi.  fig.  1. 


32  HISTORY    OF   THE 

BOOK  angels  has  a  knife.23  As  no  forks  appear  in  any  of 
« — <- — '  the  plates,  and  are  not  mentioned  elsewhere,  we  may 
presume  that  our  ancestors  used  their  hands  instead. 
There  is  one  drawing  of  men  killing  and  dressing 
meat.  One  man  is  holding  a  sheep  by  his  horns, 
while  a  lad  strikes  at  its  neck  with  an  axe ;  behind 
him  is  a  young  man  severing  an  animal's  head  from 
his  body  with  an  axe.  Another  has  put  a  long  stick, 
with  a  hook  attached  to  it,  into  a  cauldron,  as  if  to 
pull  up  meat.  The  cauldron  is  upon  a  trivet  of  four 
legs,  as  high  as  the  servant's  knee,  within  which  the 
fire  is  made,  and  blazing  up  to  the  cauldron. 24 

23  Strutt,  plate  xvi.  fig.  3.,  and  Claud.  B.  4.     Forks  are  supposed  to  have  been 
introduced  into  England,  from  Italy,  by  Tom  Coriate,  in  James   the  First's  time ; 
yet,  I  think,  I  have  seen  them  mentioned  as  in  use  before  his  time. 

24  Strutt,  plate  xvii.  fig.  2.,  and  from  Claud.  B.  4.     The  tapestry  of  Bayeux  is 
as  useful  in  showing  the  cookery  and  feasting  of  the  Normans. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  33 


CHAP.  V. 

Their  Dress. 

THE  Anglo- Saxons  had  become  so  much  acquainted     CHAP. 
with  the  conveniences  of  civilised  life,  as  to  have  both   . 
variety  and  vanity  of  dress.     Some  change  took  place 
in  their  apparel  after  their  conversion  to  Christianity, 
which  rendered  their  former  customs  disreputable; 
for,  at  a  council  held  in  785,  it  is  said,  "  You  put  on 
your  garments  in  the  manner  of  the  Pagans,  whom 
your  fathers  expelled  from  the  world  ;  an  astonishing 
thing,  that  you  imitate  those  whose  life  you  always 
hated!"1 

It  is  difficult,  at  this  distance  of  time,  to  apprehend 
with  precision  the  meaning  of  the  terms  of  their 
dress  which  time  has  permitted  to  reach  us,  and  to 
state  them  with  that  order  and  illustration  which  will 
enable  the  reader  to  conceive  justly  of  their  cos- 
tume. The  imperfections  of  our  attempt  must  be  ex- 
cused by  its  difficulty.  We  will  begin  with  what  we 
have  been  able  to  collect  of  an  Anglo-Saxon  lady's 
dress. 

The  wife^  described  by  Aldhelm,  has  necklaces  and 

bracelets,  and  also  rings  with  gems  on  her  fingers. 

•Her  hair  was  dressed  artificially ;  he  mentions  the 

twisted  hairs  delicately  curled  with  the  iron  of  those 

adorning  her. 

In  this  part  of  her  dress  she  was  a  contrast  to  the 
religious  virgin,  whose  hair  was  entirely  neglected.2 
Their  hair  was  highly  valuable  and  reputable  among 

1  Concil.  Calchut.     Spelm.  Cone.  p.  300. 

2  Aldhelm  de  Laud.  Virg.  p.  307. 

VOL.  III.  D 


34  HISTORY    OF   THE 

the  Saxon  ladies.  Judith  is  perpetually  mentioned  with 
epithets  allusive  to  her  hair.  Her  twisted  locks  are 
more  than  once  noticed : 

The  maid  of  the  Creator, 
With  twisted  locks, 
Took  then  a  sharp  sword. 

She  with  the  twisted  locks 
Then  struck  her  hateful  enemy, 
Meditating  ill, 
With  the  ruddy  sword. 


The  most  illustrious  virgin 
Conducted  and  led  them, 
Resplendent  with  her  twisted  locks, 
To  the  bright  city  of  Bethulia.3 

The  laws  mention  a  free  woman,  loc  bore,  wearing 
her  locks  as  a  distinguishing  circumstance.4  Judith 
is  also  described  with  her  ornaments  : 

The  prudent  one,  adorned  with  gold, 

Ordered  her  maidens 

Then  commanded  he 
The  blessed  virgin 
With  speed  to  fetch 
To  his  bed  rest, 
With  bracelets  laden, 
With  rings  adorned.5 

Aldhelm  also  describes  the  wife  as  loving  to  paint 
her  cheeks  with  the  red  colour  of  stibium.6  The 
art  of  painting  the  face  is  not  the  creature  of  re- 
finement ;  the  most  barbarous  nations  seem  to  be 
the  most  liberal  in  their  use  of  this  fancied  orna- 
ment. 

The  will  of  WynflaBd  makes  us  acquainted  with 
several  articles  of  the  dress  and  ornaments  of  an 
Anglo-Saxon  lady.  She  gives  to  Ethelfloeda,  one  of 
her  daughters,  her  engraved  beah,  or  bracelet,  and 
her  covering  mantle  (mentel).  To  Eadgyfa,  another 

3  Frag.  Judith,  ed.  Thwaite.  *  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  p.  6. 

5  Frag.  Jud.  6  Aldhelm,  p.  307. 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 

of  her  daughters,  she  leaves  her  best  dun  tunic,  and 
her  better  mantle,  and  her  covering  garment.  She 
also  mentions  her  pale  tunics,  her  torn  cyrtel,  and 
other  linen,  web,  or  garment.  She  likewise  notices 
her  white  cyrtel,  and  the  cuffs  and  riband  (cuffian  and 
bindan).7 

Among  the  ornaments  mentioned  in  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  documents,  we  read  of  a  golden  fly,  beautifully 
adorned  with  gems8;  of  golden  vermiculated  necklaces9; 
of  a  bulla  that  had  belonged  to  the  grandmother  of  the 
lady  spoken  of10;  of  golden  head-bands11,  and  of  a  neck- 


cross.12 


The  ladies  had  also  gowns ;  for  a  bishop  of  Win- 
chester sends,  as  a  present,  "  a  short  gown  (gunna) 
sewed  in  our  manner."13  Thus  we  find  the  mantle, 
the  kirtle,  and  the  gown,  mentioned  by  these  names 
among  the  Saxons,  and  even  the  ornament  of  cuffs. 

In  the  drawings  on  the  manuscripts  of  these  times, 
the  women  appear  with  a  long  loose  robe,  reaching 
down  to  the  ground,  and  large  loose  sleeves.  Upon 
their  head  is  a  hood  or  veil,  which,  falling  down  before, 
was  wrapped  round  the  neck  and  breast.14  All  the 
ladies  in  the  drawing  have  their  necks,  from  the 
chin,  closely  wrapped  in  this  manner ;  and  in  none 
of  them  is  a  fine  waist  attempted  to  be  displayed, 
nor  have  their  heads  any  other  covering  than  their 
hood. 

In  the  dress  of  the  men,  the  province  of  female 
taste  was  intruded  upon  by  the  ornaments  they  used. 
They  had  sometimes  gold  and  precious  stones  round 


7  Our  Saxon  scholar,  Hickes,  has  given  a  transcript  of  this  will,  in  his  preface 
to  his  Gram.  Anglo-Sax,  p.  22. 

8  Dugd.  Mon.  240.  9  Ibid.  263.  10  Ibid.  268. 

11  Thorp.  Keg.  Roffen.  26.,  and  Mag.  Bib.  xvL  p.  7. 

12  In  the  Archbishop's  Will.  Cott.  Lib.  MS.  Tib.  A.  3. 

13  16  Mag.  Bib.  82.     A  gown  made  of  an  otter's  skin  is  mentioned,  p.  88. 

14  Strutt's  Horda  Angelcynn.  i.  p.  47. 


b  IIISTOKY    OF   THE 

BOOK  their  necks15,  and  the  men  of  consequence  or  wealth 
___,_ — .  usually  had  expensive  bracelets  on  their  arms,  and 
rings  on  their  fingers.  It.is  singular,  that  the  brace- 
lets of  the  male  sex  were  more  costly  than  those 
allotted  to  the  fair.  In  an  Anglo-Saxon  will,  the  tes- 
tator bequeaths  to  his  lord  a  beah,  or  bracelet,  of 
eighty  gold  mancusa,  and  to  his  lady  one  of  thirty. 
He  had  two  neck  bracelets,  one  of  forty,  and  another 
of  eighty  gold  mancusa,  and  two  golden  bands.16  We 
read  of  two  golden  bracelets,  and  five  gold  orna- 
ments, called  sylas,  sent  by  an  Anglo-Saxon  to  her 
friend.17  Their  rings  are  frequently  mentioned :  an 
archbishop  bequeaths  one  in  his  will18;  and  a  king 
sent  a  gold  ring,  with  twelve  sagi,  as  a  present  to  a 
bishop.19  The  ring  appears  to  have  been  worn  on  the 
finger  next  to  the  little  finger,  and  on  the  right  hand, 
for  a  Saxon  law  calls  that  the  gold  finger ;  and  we 
find  a  right  hand  was  once  cut  off  on  account  of  this 
ornament. 

In  some  of  the  stately  apparel  of  the  male  sex  we 
see  that  fondness  for  gorgeous  finery  which  their 
sturdier  character  might  have  been  expected  to  have 
disdained.  We  read  of  silk  garments  woven  with 
golden  eagles20  :  so  a  king's  coronation  garment  was 
of  silk,  woven  with  gold  flowers21 ;  and  his  cloak  is 
mentioned,  distinguished  by  its  costly  workmanship, 
and  its  gold  and  gems.22  Such  was  the  avidity  for 
these  distinctions,  that  Elfric,  in  his  canons,  found  it 
necessary  to  exhort  the  clergy  not  to  be  ranc,  that  is, 


15  Bede,  p.  332.    Malmsbury  mentions  the  Angles  as  having  heavy  gold  bracelets 
on  their  arms,  and  with  pictured  impressions,  "  picturatis  stigmatibus,"  a  kind   of 
tattooing,  on  their  skin,  p.  102. 

16  See  the  will  of  Byrhtric  in  Thorpe's  Reg.  Roffen.  p.  25. ;  also  in   Hickes's 
Thes. 

17  Mag.  Bib.  Pat.    xvi.  p.  92.     Wynfleda,  in  her  will,  leaves  a  man  a  wooden 
cup  adorned  with  gold,  that  he  might  augment  his  beah  with  the  gold.     Hickes's 
Pref. 

w  Cott.  MS.  Claud.  C.  125.  19  Mag.  Bib.  xvi.  p.  89. 

*°  Ingulf,  p.  61.  21  Ibid.  p.  61.  w  3  Gale  Script.  494. 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 

proud,  with  their  rings,  and  not  to  have  their  gar- 
ments  made  too  ranclike.23 

They  had  silk,  linen,  and  woollen  garments.  A 
bishop  gave,  in  the  eighth  century,  as  a  present  to  one 
abroad,  a  woollen  tunic,  and  another  of  linen,  adding, 
"  as  it  was  the  custom  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  to  wear 
it."24  The  use  of  linen  was  not  uncommon;  for  it  is 
remarked,  as  a  peculiarity  of  a  nun,  that  she  rarely 
wore  linen,  but  chiefly  woollen  garments.25 

Silk,  from  its  cost,  cannot  have  been  common  ;  but 
it  was  often  used  by  the  great  and  wealthy.  Ethel- 
bert,  king  of  Kent,  gave  a  silken  part  of  dress,  called 
an  armilcasia.26  Bede  mentions  two  silken  pallia  of 
incomparable  workmanship.27  His  own  remains  were 
inclosed  in  silk.28  It  often  adorned  the  altars  of  the 
church  ;  and  we  read  of  a  present  to  a  West-Saxon 
bishop,  of  a  casula,  expressed  to  be  not  entirely  of  silk, 
but  mixed  with  goats'  wool.29 

The  delineations  of  the  Saxon  manuscripts  almost 
universally  represent  the  hair  of  the  men  as  divided 
from  the  crown  to  the  forehead,  and  combed  down 
the  sides  of  the  head  in  waving  ringlets.  Their 
beards  were  continuations  of  their  whiskers  on  each 
side,  meeting  the  hair  from  the  chin,  but  there 
dividing,  and  ending  in  two  forked  points.  Young 
men  usually,  and  sometimes  servants,  are  represented 
without  beards.  The  heads  of  the  soldiers  are  covered  ; 
but  workmen,  and  even  nobles,  are  frequently  repre- 
sented, as  in  the  open  air,  without  any  hats  or  caps.30 


23  Wilk.    Leg.    Sax.    158.      Ranc  and   ranclike   originally   meant   proud  and 
gorgeous.      The   words    have   now   become  appropriated   to  express   dignity  of 
situation. 

24  16  Mag.  Bib.  p.  82. 

25  Bede,  lib.  iv.  c.  19.     The  interior  tunic  of  St.  Neot  is  described  to  have  been 
ex  panno  villoso,  in  the  Irish  manner.     Dugd.  Mon.  368. 

28  Dugd.  Mon.  24. 

27  Bede,  p.  297.     A  pallia  holoserica  is  mentioned  as  a  present,  in  Mag.  Bib, 
xvi.  p.  97.  * 

28  Mag.  Bib.  xvi.  p.  88.  »  Ibid.  p.  50. 
30  See  the  plates  in  Strutt's  Hord.  Angel. 

D  3 


38  HISTORY    OF   THE 

To  have  a  beard  was  forbidden  to  the  clergy.31 
But  the  historian  of  Malmsbury  informs  us,  that  in 
the  time  of  Harold  the  Second,  the  English  laity 
shaved  their  beards,  but  allowed  the  hair  of  their  upper 
lip  a  full  growth.32  The  tapestry  of  Bayeux  displays 
this  costume :  Harold,  and  most  of  the  figures,  have 
their  mustachios,  but  no  beards ;  King  Edward,  how- 
ever, has  his  full  beard.  In  the  drawings  of  the 
Evangelists,  in  the  fine  Cotton  MS.33,  Mark  and  John 
have  neither  beards  nor  moustachios,  but  Matthew 
and  Luke  have  both. 

They  had  shoes,  or  scoh,  with  thongs.  Bede's 
account  of  Cuthbert  is  curious :  he  says,  when  the 
saint  had  washed  the  feet  of  those  who  came  to  him, 
they  compelled  him  to  takeoff  his  own  shoes,  that  his 
feet  might  also  be  made  clean  ;  for  so  little  did  he 
attend  to  his  bodily  appearance,  that  he  often  kept  his 
shoes,  which  were  of  leather,  on  his  feet  for  several 
months  together,  frequently  from  Easter  to  Easter, 
without  taking  them  off.34  From  this  anecdote  we 
may  infer,  that  they  had  not  stockings.  Sometimes, 
however,  the  legs  of  the  men  appear  in  the  drawings 
as  covered  half  way  up  with  a  kind  of  bandage  wound 
round,  or  else  with  a  tight  stocking  reaching  above 
the  knee.35 

The  Anglo-Saxons,  represented  in  the  Bayeux 
tapestry,  are  dressed  in  this  manner  ;  both  the  great 
and  their  inferiors  have  caps  or  bonnets  on  their 
heads,  which  are  kept  on  even  in  the  presence  of 
the  king,  sitting  with  his  sceptre  on  the  throne. 


31  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  p.  85.  M  Malmsb.  lib.  iii. 

33  Nero,  D.  4. 

31  Bede,  Vit.  Cuthb.  p.  243.  In  the  life  of  St.  Neot,  he  is  said  to  have  lost  his 
scoh :  he  saw  a  fox  having  the  thwanges  of  his  shoe  in  his  mouth.  Vesp.  D.  xiv. 
p.  144. 

35  Strutt,  Hord.  Ang.  p.  47.  In  St.  Benedict's  rule,  MS.  Tib.  A.  3.  socks 
(soccas)  and  stockings  (hosan)  are  mentioned ;  also  two  other  coverings  for  the 
legs  and  feet,  called  meon  and  fiand  reaf  fota,  and  the  earm  slife  for  the  upper 
part  of  the  body. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  39 

The  steersman  of  one  of  the  ships  has  a  hat  on,  with     CHAP 
a   projecting   flap  turning  upwards.      Most   of  the  . 

figures  have  close  coats,  with  sleeves  to  the  wrists.36 
They  are  girded  round  them  with  a  belt,  and  have 
loose  skirts  like  kelts,  but  not  reaching  quite  to  the 
knee.  Harold  on  horseback,  with  his  falcon,  has 
breeches  which  do  not  cover  his  knee,  and  a  cloak 
flowing  behind  him.  His  knights  have  breeches 
covering  the  knees  ;  and  cloaks,  which,  like  Harold's, 
are  buttoned  on  the  right  shoulder.37  One  of  those 
standing  before  the  king  has  a  cloak,  or  sagum,  which 
falls  down  to  its  full  length,  and  reaches  just  below 
the  bend  of  the  knee.38  Harold,  when  he  is  about  to 
go  into  the  ship,  wears  a  sort  of  jacket  with  small 
flaps.  In  the  ship  he  appears  with  his  cloak  and  the 
surrounding  skirts,  which  are  exhibited  with  a  border ; 
but  when  he  takes  the  oath  to  William,  he  has  a 
cloak  or  robe  reaching  nearly  to  his  heels,  and  but- 
toned on  the  breast.  They  have  always  belts  on. 
Most  of  them  have  shoes,  which  seem  close  round  the 
ancle ;  others,  even  the  great  men,  sometimes  have 
none.39 

In  the  history  of  the  Lombards,  the  Anglo-Saxon 
garments  are  stated  to  have  been  loose  and  flowing, 
and  chiefly  made  of  linen,  adorned  with  broad  borders, 

36  Strutt  has  given  a  complete  drawing  of  a  Saxon  close  coat,  in  Tab.  15.     It 
appears  to  have  been  put  over  the  head  like  a  shirt. 

37  For  a  description  of  this  clasp  or  button,  see  Strutt,  p.  46. 

38  It  was  probably  of  cloaks  like  these,  that  Charlemagne  exclaimed,  "  Of  what 

«se  are  these  little  cloaks  ?     We  cannot  be  covered  by  them  in  bed.     When  I  am 
n  horseback,  they  cannot  defend  me  from  the  wind  and  rain ;  and  when  we 
retire  for  other  occasions,  I  am  starved  with  cold  in  my  legs."     St.  Gall.  ap. 
Bouquet  Recueil,  torn.  vii. 

39  Strutt  remarks,  from  the  drawings,  that  the  kings  and  nobles,  when  in  their 
state  dress,  were  habited  in  a  loose  coat,  which  reached  down  to  the  ancles,  and 
had  over  that  a  long  robe,  fastened,  over  both  shoulders,  on  the  middle  of  the 
breast,  with  a  clasp  or  buckle.     He  adds,  that  the  edges  and  bottoms  of  their  coats, 
as  well  as  of  their  robes,  were  often  trimmed  with  a  broad  gold  edging,  or  else 
flowered  with  different  colours.     The  soldiers  and  common  people  wore  close  coats, 
reaching  only  to  the  knee,  and  a  short  cloak  over  their  left  shoulder,  which 
buckled  on  the  right.     The  kings  and  nobles  were  habited  in  common  in  a  dress 
similar  to  this,  but  richer  and  more  elegant.     Strutt,  Hoid.  Ang.  i.  p.  46. 

p  4 


40  HISTORY   OF    THE 

BOOK      woven  or  embroidered  with  various  colours.40    In  the 

•   MSS.  of  the  Saxon  Gospels,   Nero,  D.   4.,  the  four 

Evangelists  are  drawn  in  colours,  and  the  garments 

in  which  they  are  represented  may  be  considered  as 

specimens  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  dress. 

Matthew  has  a  purple  under-gown,  or  vest,  rather 
close,  coming  down  to  the  wrists,  with  a  yellow  border 
at  the  neck,  wrists,  and  the  bottom.  His  upper  robe 
is  green,  with  red  stripes,  much  looser  than  the  other. 
His  feet  have  no  shoes,  but  a  lacing,  as  for  sandals. 
There  is  a  brown  curtain,  with  rings,  and  a  yellow 
bottom.  His  stool  has  a  brown  cushion,  but  no  back. 
He  writes  on  his  knee. 

Mark  wears  a  purple  robe,  striped  with  blue, 
buttoned  at  the  neck,  where  it  opens,  and  shows  an 
under  garment  of  light  blue,  striped  with  red.  His 
cushion  is  blue :  he  has  a  footstool  and  a  small  round 
table. 

Luke's  under-dress  is  a  sort  of  lilac,  with  light 
green  stripes ;  over  this  is  a  purple  robe  with  red 
stripes.  The  arm  is  of  the  colour  of  the  vest,  and 
comes  through  the  robe.  His  wrist  and  neck  have  a 
border. 

John's  under-garment  is  a  pea-green  with  red 
stripes  ;  his  upper  robe  is  purple  with  blue  stripes  ; 
this  is  very  loose,  and,  opening  at  the  breast,  shows 
the  dress  beneath.  These  pictures  show,  what  many 
passages  also  imply,  that  our  ancestors  were  fond  of 
many  colours.41  The  council  in  785  ordered  the 
clergy  not  to  wear  the  tinctured  colours  of  India,  nor 
precious  garments.42  The  clergy,  whose  garments 
were  thus  compulsorily  simplified,  endeavoured  to  ex- 

40  See  before. 

41  Bede  mentions,  that  in  Saint  Cuthbert's  monastery  they  used  clothing  of  the 
natural  wool,  and  not  of  varied  or  precious  colours,  p.  242.     Two  cloaks  are  men- 
tioned among  the  letters  of  Boniface,  one  of  which  is  said  to  be  of  very  artful 
workmanship,  the  other  of  a  tinctured  colour. 

42  Spel.  Concil.  p.  294. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  41 

tend  their  fashion  to  those  of  the  laity.  Boniface,  the 
Anglo-Saxon  missionary,  in-  his  letter  to  the  arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  inveighs  against  luxuries  of 
dress,  and  declares,  that  those  garments  which  are 
adorned  with  very  broad  studs,  and  images  of  worms, 
announce  the  coming  of  Anti-Christ.43  In  the  same 
spirit,  at  the  council  of  Cloveshoe,  the  nuns  were  ex- 
horted to  pass  their  time  rather  in  reading  books  and 
singing  hymns,  than  in  weaving  and  working  garments 
of  empty  pride  in  diversified  colours.44  That  they 
lined  their  garments  with  furs  made  from  sables, 
beavers,  and  foxes,  or,  when  they  wished  to  be  least 
expensive,  with  the  skins  of  lambs  or  cats,  we  learn 
from  the  life  of  Wulstan.45 

43  Spel.  Concil.  p.  241.  44  Ibid.  256. 

45  Anglia  Sacra,  vol.  ii.  p.  259.  Our  Henry,  whose  remarks  on  the  dress  of 
our  ancestors  are  well  worth  reading,  has  given  a  translation  of  the  passage  in  his 
History,  vol.  iv.  p.  289. 


42  HISTORY   OF   THE 


CHAP.  VI. 

Their  Houses,  Furniture,  and  Luxuries. 

BOOK     IN   their   ecclesiastical   buildings   the  An^lo- Saxons 

VII  . 

__VJ — »  were  expensive  and  magnificent ;  their  dwelling- 
houses  seem  to  have  been  small  and  inconvenient.1 
Domestic  architecture  is  one  of  the  things  that  most 
conspicuously  displays  and  attends  the  progress  of 
national  wealth  and  taste.  The  more  we  recede  into 
the  antiquities  of  every  state,  we  invariably  find  the 
habitations  of  the  people  ruder  and  less  commodious. 
Their  furniture  we  can  only  know  as  it  happens  to 
be  mentioned,  and  sometimes  imperfectly  described 
in  some  of  their  writings.  They  may  have  had  many 
things  which  we  have,  but  we  must  conceive  of  all 
we  find  enumerated,  that  it  was  heavy,  rude,  and  un- 
workmanlike. It  is  in  a  polished  age,  and  among 
industrious  and  wealthy  nations,  that  the  mechanical 
arts  attain  excellence ;  and  that  every  convenienc  e 
of  domestic  life  combines  always  finished  neatness, 
and  frequently  elegance  and  taste,  with  economy 
of  materials,  and  utility. 

The  Anglo-Saxons  had  many  conveniences  and 
luxuries,  which  men  so  recently  emerging  from  the 
barbarian  state  could  not  have  derived  from  their 
own  invention.  They  were  indebted  for  these  to 
their  conversion  to  Christianity.  When  the  Gothic 
nations  exchanged  their  idolatry  for  the  Christian 
faith,  hierarchies  arose  in  every  converted  state,  which 

1  Strutt  has  copied  a  Saxon  house  from  the  MS.  Cleop.  C.  8.  in  his  fig.  3.  of 
Plate  I.  The  building  of  the  tower  of  Babel,  in  his  sixth  plate,  from  MS.  Claud. 
B.  4.,  may  be  considered  as  another  specimen  of  their  domestic  architecture. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  4 

maintained  a  close  and  perpetual  intercourse  with  CHAP. 
Rome  and  with  each  other.  From  the  letters  of  . 
Pope  Gregory,  of  our  Boniface,  and  many  others,  we 
perceive  that  an  intercourse  of  personal  civilities, 
visits,  messages,  and  presents,  was  perpetually  taking 
place.  Whatever  was  rare,  curious,  or  valuable, 
which  one  person  possessed,  he  communicated,  and 
not  unfrequently  gave  to  his  acquaintance.  This  is 
very  remarkable  in  the  letters  of  Boniface  and  his 
friends2,  of  whom  some  were  in  England,  some  in 
France,  some  in  Germany,  and  elsewhere.  The  most 
cordial  phrases  of  urbanity  and  affection  are  usually 
followed  by  a  present  of  apparel,  the  aromatic  pro- 
ductions of  the  East,  little  articles  of  furniture  and 
domestic  comfort,  books,  and  whatever  else  promised 
to  be  acceptable  to  the  person  addressed.  This  re- 
ciprocity of  liberality,  and  the  perpetual  visits  which 
all  ranks  of  the  state  were  in  the  habit  of  making  to 
Rome,  the  seat  and  centre  of  all  the  arts,  science, 
wealth,  and  industry  of  the  day,  occasioned  a  general 
diffusion  and  use  of  the  known  conveniences  and 
approved  inventions  which  had  then  appeared. 

Among  the  furniture  of  their  rooms,  we  find  hang- 
ings, to  be  suspended  on  the  walls,  most  of  them 
silken,  some  with  the  figures  of  golden  birds  in  needle- 
work, some  woven,  and  some  plain.3  At  another  time, 
a  veil  or  piece  of  hanging  is  mentioned,  on  which 
was  sewed  the  destruction  of  Troy.4  These  were 
royal  presents.  We  also  read  of  the  curtain  of  a 
lady,  on  which  was  woven  the  actions  of  her  husband, 
in  memory  of  his  probity.5  These  articles  of  manu- 
facture for  domestic  use  are  obviously  alluded  to  by 
Aldhelm  in  his  simile,  in  which  he  mentions  the 
texture  of  hangings  or  curtains,  their  being  stained 
with  purple  and  different  varieties  of  colours,  and 

2  These  are  in  the  sixteenth  volume  of  the  Magna  Bibliotheca  Patrum. 
8  Ingulf,  p.  53.  4  Ibid.  9.  5  3  Gale  Script.  495. 


44  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK  their  images,  embroidery,  and  weaving.  Their  love 
.  of  gaudy  colouring  was  as  apparent  in  these  as  in 
their  dress ;  for  he  says,  "  If  finished  of  one  colour, 
uniform,  they  would  not  seem  beautiful  to  the  eye."6 
Curtains  and  hangings  are  very  often  mentioned ; 
sometimes  in  Latin  phrases,  pallia  or  cortinas7;  some- 
times in  the  Saxon  term  wahrift.  Thus  Wynfleda 
bequeaths  a  long  heall  wahrift  and  a  short  one,  and 
Wulfur  bequeaths  an  heall  wahrifta ;  the  same  tes- 
tator also  leaves  a  heall  reafes.8  Whether  this  is 
another  expression  for  a  hanging  to  the  hall,  or 
whether  it  alludes  to  any  thing  like  a  carpet,  the  ex- 
pression itself  will  not  decide.  The  probability  is, 
that  it  expresses  a  part  of  the  hangings.  We  can 
perceive  the  reasons  why  hangings  were  used  in  such 
early  times :  their  carpenters  were  not  exact  and 
perfect  joiners  ;  their  buildings  were  full  of  crevices, 
and  hangings  were  therefore  rather  a  necessity  than 
a  luxury,  as  they  kept  out  the  wind  from  the  inhabit- 
ants. Nothing  can  more  strongly  prove  their  neces- 
sity, than  that  Alfred,  to  preserve  his  lights  from  the 
wind,  even  in  the  royal  palaces,  was  obliged  to  have 
recourse  to  lanterns.9  Their  hangings,  we  find,  were 
not  cheap  enough  to  be  used  perpetually ;  and  there- 
fore when  the  king  gave  them  to  the  monastery,  he 
adds  the  injunction  to  the  one  gift,  that  it  should 
be  suspended  on  his  anniversary,  and  to  another, 
that  it  should  be  used  on  festivals.10 

Benches11  and  seats,  and  their  coverings,  are  also 
mentioned.  In  one  gift,  seven  setl  hraagel,  or  seat 
coverings12,  occur.  Wynfleda  bequeaths  three  setl 
hraegel.13  Their  footstools  appear  to  have  been  much 

6  Aldhelm  de  Laud.  Virg.  283. 

7  Dugd.  130.     3  Gale,  418.  and  495.     Ingulf,  53. 

8  Hickes,  Prsef.  and  Diss.  Ep.  54. 

9  See  vol.  ii.  of  this  work.  10  Ingulf,  53. 
11  Dugd.  Mon.  130.                                                                 K  Dugd.  216. 
15  Hickes,  ubi  sup. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  45 

ornamented.     Ingulf  mentions  two  great  pedalia  with     CHAP. 
lions  interwoven,  and  two  smaller  ones  sprinkled  with  . 

flowers.14  Some  of  their  seats  or  benches  represented 
in  the  drawings  have  animals'  heads  and  legs  at  their 
extremities.15  Their  seats  seem  to  have  been  benches 
and  stools. 

Their  tables  are  sometimes  very  costly ;  we  read  of 
two  tables  made  of  silver  and  gold.16  JEthelwold,  in 
Edgar's  reign,  is  said  to  have  made  a  silver  table 
worth  three  hundred  pounds.17  We  also  read  of  a 
wooden  table  for  an  altar,  which  was  adorned  with 
ample  and  solid  plates  of  silver,  and  with  gems 
various  in  colour  and  species.18 

Candlesticks  of  various  sorts  are  mentioned ;  two 
large  candlesticks  of  bone  (gebonede  candelsticcan), 
and  six  smaller  of  the  same  kind,  are  enumerated19, 
as  are  also  two  silver  candelabra,  gilt20,  and  two  can- 
delabra well  and  honourably  made.21  Bede  once 
mentions  that  two  candles  were  lighted.22 

Hand-bells  also  appear.  At  one  time  twelve  are 
stated  to  have  been  used  in  a  monastery.23  A  dis- 
ciple of  Bede  sends  to  Lullus,  in  France,  "  the  bell 
which  I  have  at  my  hand."24  A  silver  mirror  is  also 
once  mentioned.25 

Of  bed-furniture,  we  find  in  an  Anglo-Saxon's  will 
bed-clothes  (beddreafes},  with  a  curtain  (hryfte),  and 
sheet  (hoppscytan),  and  all  that  thereto  belongs ;  to 
his  son  he  gives  the  bedreafe  and  all  the  clothes  that 
appertain  to  it.26  An  Anglo-Saxon  lady  gives  to  one 
of  her  children  two  chests  and  their  contents,  her  best 
bed-curtain,  linen,  and  all  the  clothes  belonging  to 

11  Ingulf,  53.  u  See  Strutt,  tab.  10. 

15  Dugd.  Mon.  40.  "  Dugd.  Mon.  104. 

18  3  Gale  Script.  420.  w  Dugd.  Mon.  221. 

20  Ibid.  40. 

21  Dugd.  1 30     Candelabris  ex  argento  ductilibus.     Ib.  104. 

22  Bede,  259.  ffl  Dugd.  Mon,  221. 
24  16  Mag.  Bib.  88.  K  Dugd.  24. 

26  Hickes,  Diss.  Ep.  54. 


46  HISTOKY   OF   THE 

BOOK  it.  To  another  child  she  leaves  two  chests,  and  "  all 
.  vn'  .  the  bed-clothes  that  to  one  bed  belong."  She  also 
mentions  her  red  tent'27  (giteld).  On  another  occa- 
sion we  read  of  a  pillow  of  straw.28  A  goat-skin  bed- 
covering  was  sent  to  an  Anglo-Saxon  abbot.29  In 
Judith  we  read  of  the  gilded  fly-net  hung  about  the 
leader's  bed.30  Bear-skins  are  sometimes  noticed  as 
if  a  part  of  bed-furniture.  There  is  a  drawing  of  a 
Saxon  bed  and  curtain  in  Claud.  B.  4.,  which  may  be 
seen  in  Strutt,  Horda  Angelcynn,  pi.  xiii.  fig.  2.  The 
head  and  the  bottom  of  the  bed  seem  to  be  both 
boarded,  and  the  pillows  look  as  if  made  of  platted 
straw.  Not  to  go  into  a  bed,  but  to  lie  on  the  floor, 
was  occasionally  enjoined  as  a  penance.31 

For  their  food  and  conviviality  they  used  many 
expensive  articles.  It  was  indeed  in  these  that  their 
abundant  use  of  the  precious  metals  principally 
appeared.  We  perpetually  read  of  silver  cups,  and 
sometimes  of  silver  gilt.  Byrhtric,  in  his  will,  be- 
queaths three  silver  cups.32  Wulfur  bequeaths  four 
cups,  two  of  which  he  describes  as  of  four  pounds' 
value.33  Wynfleda  gives,  besides  four  silver  cups,  a 
cup  with  a  fringed  edge,  a  wooden  cup  variegated 
with  gold,  a  wooden  knobbed  cup,  and  two  smicere 
scencing  cuppan,  or  very  handsome  drinking  cups.34 
In  other  places  we  read  of  a  golden  cup,  with  a 
golden  dish35 ;  a  gold  cup  of  immense  weight36 ;  a 
dish  adorned  with  gold,  and  another  with  Grecian 
workmanship.37  A  lady  gave  a  golden  cup,  weighing 
four  marks  and  a  half.38  The  king  of  Kent  sent  to 
Boniface,  the  Anglo-Saxon  missionary  in  Germany,  a 
silver  bason,  gilt  within,  weighing  three  pounds  and 

27  Hickes,  Praef.  £8  3  Gale  Script.  418. 

29  16  Mag.  Bib.  52.  »  Frag.  Jud. 

31  Wilk.  Leg.  Anglo-Sax,  p.  97.  *>  Thorp.  Reg.  Roff.  30. 

31  Hickes,  Diss.  Ep.  54.  34  Hickes,  Prsef.  p.  22. 

35  Dugd.  Mon.  21.  *  Ibid.  104. 

37  Ibid.  40.  »  Ibid.  240. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  47 

a  half.39     On  another  occasion,  a  great  silver  dish  of     CHAP. 

VI 

excellent  workmanship,   and  of  great  value,   is   no-  - 

ticed.40  Two  silver  cups,  weighing  twelve  marks, 
were  used  by  the  monks  in  a  refectory,  to  serve  their 
drink.41  Two  silver  basons  were  given  by  a  lady  to 
a  monastery.42  A  king,  in  833,  gave  his  gilt  cup, 
engraved  without  with  vine-dressers,  fighting  dragons, 
which  he  called  his  cross-bowl,  because  it  had  a  cross 
marked  within,  and  it  had  four  angels  projecting  like 
a  similar  figure43;  two  silver  cups,  with  covers,  in 
one  place44  ;  five  silver  cups  in  another45 ;  and  such 
like  notices,  sufficiently  prove  to  us  that  the  rich  and 
great  among  the  Anglo-Saxons  had  no  want  of  plate. 
At  other  times  we  meet  with  cups  of  bone46,  brazen 
dishes47,  and  a  coffer  made  of  bones.48  We  may 
infer  that  the  less  affluent  used  vessels  of  wood  and 
horn.  A  council  ordered  that  no  cup  or  dish  made 
of  horn  should  be  used  in  the  sacred  offices.49 

Horns  were  much  used  at  table.  Two  buffalo 
horns  are  in  Wynfleda's  will.50  Four  horns  are  no- 
ticed in  the  list  of  a  monastery's  effects.51  Three 
horns  worked  with  gold  and  silver  occur52 ;  and  the 
Mercian  king  gave  to  Croyland  monastery  the  horn  of 
his  table,  "  that  the  elder  monks  may  drink  thereout 
on  festivals,  and  in  their  benedictions  remember 
sometimes  the  soul  of  the  donor,  Witlaf."53  The 
curiously  carved  horn  which  is  still  preserved  in 
York  cathedral  was  made  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  times, 
and  deserves  the  notice  of  the  inquisitive,  for  its 
fnagnitude  and  workmanship, 

Glass  vessels,  which  are  among  the  most  valuable 

89  16  Mag.  Bib.  p.  64.  40  Dugd.  123. 

11  3  Gale  Script.  406.  42  3  Gale  Script.  418. 

43  Ingulf,  p.  9.  44  Dugd.  40. 

45  Ibid.  221.  «  Ibid.  221. 

47  Bede,  lib.  ii.  c.  16.  4S  16  Mag.  Bib.  93. 

48  Spelm.  Cone.  295.  M  Hickes,  Praef. 
51  Dugd.  221.  52  Ibid.  40. 

53  Ingulf,  9. 


48  HISTOKY    OF    THE 

BOOK  of  our  present  comforts,  were  little  used  in  the  time 
•  of  Bede  and  Boniface.  A  disciple  of  Bede  asked 
Lullus,  in  France,  if  there  were  any  man  in  his  parish 
who  could  make  glass  vessels  well  ;  if  such  a  man 
lived  there,  he  desired  that  he  might  be  persuaded  to 
come  to  England,  because,  adds  he,  "  we  are  ignorant 
and  helpless  in  this  art."54  Bede  mentions  lamps  of 
glass,  and  vessels  for  many  uses.55  Glass  became 
more  used  in  the  conveniences  of  domestic  life 
towards  the  period  of  the  Norman  conquest. 

Gold  and  silver  were  also  applied  to  adorn  their 
sword-hilts,  their  saddles  and  bridles,  and  their 
banners.56  Their  gold  rings  contained  gems ;  and 
even  their  garments,  saddles,  and  bridles,  were  some- 
times jewelled.57 

The  presents  which  the  father  of  Alfred  took  with 
him  to  Rome  deserve  enumeration,  from  their  value, 
and  because  they  show  the  supply  of  the  precious 
metals  which  the  Anglo-Saxons  possessed ;  we  derive 
the  knowlege  of  them  from  Anastasius,  a  contempo- 
rary :  a  crown  of  the  purest  gold,  weighing  four 
pounds ;  two  basons  of  the  purest  gold,  weighing 
******  pounds  ;  a  sword,  bound  with  purest  gold  ; 
two  small  images  of  the  purest  gold ;  four  dishes  of 
silver  gilt ;  two  palls  of  silk,  with  golden  clasps ; 
with  other  silk  dresses,  and  gold  clasps,  and  hangings. 
To  the  bishops,  priests,  deacons,  and  other  clergy, 
and  to  the  great  at  Rome,  he  distributed  gold,  and 
among  the  people,  small  silver. 58  A  few  years  after- 
wards, we  learn  from  the  same  author,  that  the 
English  then  at  Rome  presented  to  the  oratory  in 
the  pontifical  palace,  at  Frescati,  a  silver  table, 


5«  16  Mag.  Bib.  88.  M  Bede,  p.  295. 

56  Dugd.  Mon.  266.  ib.  24.     Bede,  iii.  11. 

57  Aldhelm  de  Laud.  Virg.  307.     Eddius,  60.  62.     3  Gale  Script.  494.     Dugd. 
Mon.  24. 

88  Anastasius,  Bibliot.  de  Vit.  Pontif.  p.  403.  ed.  Rom.  1718. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  49 

weighing  several  pounds.59  In  the  age  before  this, 
we  read  of  gold  and  silver  vessels  sent  presents  to 
Kome.60 

Gold  and  silver  roods,  or  crosses  and  crucifixes, 
are  frequently  mentioned61 ;  also  a  silver  graphium,  or 
pen.62  The  crown  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  kings  is  de- 
scribed by  the  contemporary  biographer  of  Dunstan 
as  made  of  gold  and  silver,  and  set  with  various 
gems.63  They  used  iron  very  commonly,  and  often 
tin. 

The  Anglo-Saxons  seem  to  have  been  acquainted 
with  the  precious  stones.  In  the  MSS.  Tib.  A.  3., 
twelve  sorts  of  them  are  thus  described  : 

"  The  first  gem  kind  is  black  and  green,  which  are  both 
mingled  together ;  and  this  is  called  giaspis.  The  other  is  sa- 
phyrus ;  this  is  like  the  sun,  and  in  it  'appear  like  golden  stars. 
The  third  is  calcedonius ;  this  is  like  a  burning  candle.  Smarag- 
dus  is  very  green.  Sardonix  is  likest  blood.  Onichinus  is  brown 
and  yellow.  Sardius  is  like  clear  blood.  Berillus  is  like  water. 
Crisoprassus  is  like  a  green  leek,  and  green  stars  seem  to  shine 
from  it.  Topazius  is  like  gold  ;  and  carbunculus  is  like  burning 
fire." 

The  odoriferous  productions  of  India,  and  the  East, 
were  known  to  our  ancestors,  and  highly  valued. 
They  frequently  formed  part  of  their  presents.  Bo- 
niface sent  to  an  abbess  a  little  frankincense,  pepper, 
and  cinnamon64 ;  to  another  person  some  storax  and 
cinnamon.65  So  he  received  from  an  archdeacon 
cinnamon,  pepper,  and  costus.66  A  deacon,  at  Rome, 
once  sent  him  four  ounces  of  cinnamon,  two  ounces 
of  costus,  two  pounds  of  pepper,  and  one  pound  of 
£ozombri.67 

The  Anglo-Saxons  used  the  luxury  of  hot  baths. 
Their  use  seems  to  have  been  common  ;  for  a  nun  is 

59  Anastasius  Bibliot.  de  Vit.  Pontif.  p.  418.  ed.  Rom.  1718. 

60  Bede,  iv.  c.  1. 

61  VVulf.  Will.  ap.  Hickes,  Diss.  Ep.  54.     Ingulf,  9.     Dugd.  233. 

62  Mag.  Bib.  xvi.  p.  61.  ra  MS.  Cleop.  B.  13. 

61  Mag.  Bib.  xvi.  p.  50.  ®  Ibid  51.  ««  Ibid.  119. 

67  Ibid.  1 20.  Costus,  a  kind  of  shrub  growing  in  Arabia  and  Persia,  and  having 
a  root  of  a  pleasant  spicy  smell. 

VOL.  III.  E 


50  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK  mentioned,  who,  as  an  act  of  voluntary  mortification, 
•  washed  in  them  only  on  festivals.68  Not  to  go  to 
warm  baths,  nor  to  a  soft  bed,  was  a  part  of  a  severe 
penance.69  The  general  practice  of  this  kind  of  bath 
may  be  also  inferred,  from  its  being  urged  by  the 
canons,  as  a  charitable  duty,  to  give  to  the  poor 
meat,  mund,  fire,  fodder,  bed,  bathing,  and  clothes.70 
But  while  warm  bathing  was  in  this  use  and  estima- 
tion, we  find  cold  bathing  so  little  valued  as  to  be 
mentioned  as  a  penitentiary  punishment.71 

The  washing  of  the  feet  in  warm  water,  especially 
after  travelling,  is  often  mentioned.72  It  was  a  part  of 
indispensable  hospitality  to  offer  this  refreshment  to  a 
visitor;  and  this  politeness  will  lead  us  to  suppose,  that 
shoes  and  stockings,  though  worn  in  social  life,  were 
little  used  in  travelling.  The  custom  of  walking  without 
these  coverings  in  the  country,  and  of  putting  them  on 
when  the  traveller  approached  towns,  has  existed 
among  the  commonalty  in  North  Britain  even  in  the 
present  reign.  Among  the  gifts  of  Boniface  to  an 
Anglo-Saxon  prelate,  was  a  shaggy  or  woolly  present, 
to  dry  the  feet  after  being  washed.73  To  wash  the 
feet  of  the  poor  was  one  of  the  acts  of  penance  to  be 
performed  by  the  rich.74 

68  Bede,  iv.  c.  19.  «"  Wilk.  Leg.  Anglo- Sax.  94. 

70  Wilk.  Leg.  Anglo-Sax,  p.  95.  71  Ibid.  95. 

78  Bede,  234.  251.  257.  n  16  Mag.  Bib.  52.  &  ib. 
74  Wilk.  Leg.  Anglo- Sax.  97. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  51 


CHAP.  VII. 

Their  Conviviality  and  Amusements. 

IN  the  ruder  states  of  society  melancholy  is  the  pre- 
vailing feature  of  the  mind ;  the  stern  or  dismal  coun- 
tenances of  savages  are  every  where  remarkable. 
Usually  the  prey  of  want  or  passion,  they  are  seldom 
cheerful  till  they  can  riot  in  excess.  Their  mirth  is 
then  violent  and  transient ;  and  they  soon  relapse  into 
their  habitual  gloom. 

As  the  agricultural  state  advances,  and  the  com- 
forts of  civilisation  accumulate,  provident  industry 
secures  regular  supplies ;  the  removal  of  want  dimi- 
nishes care,  and  introduces  leisure ;  the  softer  affections 
then  appear  with  increasing  fervour;  the  human 
temper  is  rendered  milder  ;  mirth  and  joy  become  ha- 
bitual ;  mankind  are  delighted  to  indulge  their  social 
feelings,  and  a  large  portion  of  time  is  devoted  to 
amusement. 

The  Anglo-Saxons  were  in  this  happy  state  of 
social  improvement ;  they  loved  the  pleasures  of  the 
table,  but  they  had  the  wisdom  to  unite  with  them 
more  intellectual  diversions.  At  their  cheerful  meet- 
ings it  was  the  practice  for  all  to  sing  in  turn ;  and 
Bede  mentions  an  instance  in  which,  for  this  purpose, 
the  harp  was  sent  round.1  The  musicians  of  the  day, 
the  wild  flowers  of  their  poetry,  and  the  ludicrous 
jokes  and  tricks  of  their  buffas,  were  such  essential  ad- 
ditions to  their  conviviality,  that  the  council  of  Clove- 
shoe,  which  thought  that  more  solemn  manners  were 


1  Bede,  lib.  iv.  p.  170. 
B  2 


52  HiSTOIiY   OF    THE 

BOOK  better  suited  to  the  ecclesiastic,  forbade  the  monks 
.  T  '  ...  to  suffer  their  mansions  to  be  the  receptacle  of  the 
"sportive  arts;  that  is,  of  poets,  harpers,  musicians, 
and  buffoons."2  A  previous  council,  aiming  to  produce 
the  same  effect,  had  decreed  that  no  ecclesiastic  should 
have  harpers,  or  any  music,  nor  should  permit  any 
jokes  or  plays  in  their  presence.3  In  Edgar's  speech 
on  the  expulsion  of  the  clergy,  the  histriones,  or 
gleemen,  are  noticed  as  frequenting  the  monasteries  : 
"There  are  the  dice,  there  are  dancing  and  singing, 
even  to  the  very  middle  of  the  night."4  Among  the 
canons  made  in  the  same  king's  reign,  a  priest  was 
forbidden  to  be  an  eala-scop,  or  an  ale-poet,  or  to  any 
wise  gliwige,  or  play  the  gleeman  with  himself  or  with 
others.6  Strutthas  given  some  drawings  of  the  Saxon 
gleemen  from  some  ancient  MSS.  I  will  add  his  de- 
scription of  the  figures.6 

"  We  there  see  a  man  throwing  three  balls  and  three  knives  al- 
ternately into  the  air,  and  catching  them  one  by  one  as  they  fall, 
but  returning  them  again  in  rotation.  To  give  the  greater  ap- 
pearance of  difficulty  to  this  part,  it  is  accompanied  with  the  music 
of  an  instrument  resembling  the  modern  violin.  It  is  necessary 
to  add,  that  these  two  figures,  as  well  as  those  dancing,  previously 
mentioned,  form  a  part  only  of  two  larger  paintings,  which,  in 
their  original  state,  are  placed  as  frontispieces  to  the  Psalms  of 
David  ;  in  both,  the  artists  have  represented  that  monarch  seated 
upon  his  throne,  in  the  act  of  playing  upon  the  harp  or  lyre,  and 
surrounded  by  the  masters  of  sacred  music.  In  addition  to  the 
four  figures  upon  the  middle  of  the  plate,  and  exclusive  of  the 
king,  there  are  four  more,  all  of  them  instrumental  performers ; 
one  playing  upon  the  horn,  another  upon  the  trumpet,  and  the 
other  two  upon  a  kind  of  tabor  or  drum,  which,  however,  is  beaten 
with  a  single  drumstick.  The  manuscript  in  which  this  illumina- 
tion is  preserved  was  written  as  early  as  the  eighth  century.  The 
second  painting,  which  is  more  modern  than  the  former  by  two 
full  centuries,  contains  four  figures  besides  the  royal  psalmist :  the 
two  not  engraved  are  musicians ;  the  one  is  blowing  a  long 
trumpet,  supported  by  a  staff  he  holds  in  his  left  hand,  and  the 
other  is  winding  a  crooked  horn.  In  a  short  prologue  immediately 

2  Spel.  Concil.  256.  3  Ibid.  159. 

4  Ethel.  Ab.  Kiev.  p.  360.  s  Ibid.  455. 

6  Strutt's  Sports  and  Pastimes.  132,  133.  This  book  was  the  last  publication 
of  this  worthy  and  industrious  man. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  53 

preceding  the  Psalms,  we  read  as  follows  :  David,  filius  Jesse,  in      CHAP, 
regno  suo  quatuor  elegit  qui   Psalmos  fecerunt,  id   est   Asaph,        vu. 

JEman,  JEthan,  et  Iduthan ;  which  may  be  thus  translated  literally :    ' • ' 

David,  the  son  of  Jesse,  in  his  reign,  elected  four  persons  who 
composed  psalms  ;  that  is  to  say,  Asaph,  JEman,  ^than,  and 
Iduthan.  In  the  painting  these  four  names  are  separately  ap- 
propriated, one  to  each  of  the  four  personages  there  represented. 
The  player  upon  the  violin  is  called  Iduthan,  and  JEthan  is  tossing 
up  the  knives  and  balls."7 

Another  passage  may  be  cited  from  the  same  indus- 
trious and  worthy  author. 

"One  part  of  the  gleeman's  profession,  as  early  as  the  tenth 
century,  was  teaching  animals  to  dance,  to  tumble,  and  to  put 
themselves  into  a  variety  of  attitudes  at  the  command  of  their 
masters.  Upon  the  twenty-second  plate  we  see  the  curious  though 
rude  delineation,  being  little  more  than  an  outline,  which  exhibits 
a  specimen  of  this  pastime.  The  principal  joculator  appears  in 
the  front,  holding  a  knotted  switch  in  one  hand,  and  a  line  attached 
to  the  bear  in  the  other ;  the  animal  is  lying  down  in  obedience  to 
his  command ;  and  behind  them  are  two  more  figures,  the  one 
playing  upon  two  flutes  or  flageolets,  and  elevating  his  left  leg 
while  he  stands  upon  his  right,  supported  by  a  staff  that  passes 
under  his  arm- pit ;  the  other  dancing.  This  performance  takes 
place  upon  an  eminence  resembling  a  stage,  made  with  earth  ;  and 
in  the  original  a  vast  concourse  are  standing  round  it  in  a  semi- 
circle as  spectators  of  the  sport ;  but  they  are  so  exceedingly  ill- 
drawn,  and  withal  so  indistinct,  that  I  did  not  think  it  worth  the 
pains  to  copy  them.  The  dancing,  if  I  may  so  call  it,  of  the  flute- 
player  is  repeated  twice  in  the  same  manuscript.  I  have  thence 
selected  two  other  figures,  and  placed  them  upon  the  seventeenth 
plate,  where  we  see  a  youth  playing  upon  a  harp  with  only  four 
strings,  and  apparently  singing  at  the  same  time ;  while  an  elderly 
man  is  performing  the  part  of  a  buffoon,  or  posture-master,  holding 
up  one  of  his  legs,  and  hopping  upon  the  other  to  the  music."8 

In  a  Latin  MS.  of  Prudentius,  with  Saxon  notes, 
there  is  a  drawing  which  seems  to  represent  a  sort  of 
Kiilitary  dance  exhibited  for  public  amusement. 

"  Two  men  equipped  in  martial  habits,  and  each  of  them  armed 
with  a  sword  and  shield,  are  engaged  in  a  combat ;  the  performance 
is  enlivened  by  the  sound  of  a  horn  ;  the  musician  acts  in  a  double 

7  Strutt's  Sports  and  Pastimes,  p.  134. 

8  Ibid.     He  adds  in  a  note,  that  "  both  these  drawings  occur  in  a  MS.  Psalter, 
•written   in  Latin,  and    apparently  about  the    middle  of  the    tenth   century.     It 
contains  many  drawings,  all  of  them  exceedingly  rude,  and  most  of  them  merely 
outlines.     It  is  preserved  in  the  Harleian  library,  and  marked  603."     His  twenty- 
second  plate  is  in  the  182nd  page  of  his  work;  his  seventeenth  plate  in  p.  132.,  to 
which  we  refer  the  reader. 

E  3 


54  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK       capacity,  and  is,  together  with  a  female  assistant,   dancing  round 
"VII.         them  to  the  cadence  of  the  music,  and  probably  the  actions  of  the 
' — "•* '    combatants  were  also  regulated  by  the  same  measure."9 

We  may  remark,  that  the  word  commonly  used  in 
Anglo-Saxon  to  express  dancing,  is  the  verb,  tumbian. 
The  Anglo-Saxon  version  of  the  Gospels  mentions 
that  the  daughter  of  Herodias  tumbube  before  Herod  ; 
and  the  Anglo-Saxon  word  for  dancer  is  tumbepe. 
It  is  probable  that  their  mode  of  dancing  included 
much  tumbling. 

We  may  infer  that  bear-baiting  was  an  amusement 
of  some  importance  to  our  ancestors,  as  it  is  stated  in 
Doomsday-book,  among  the  annual  payments  from 
Norwich,  that  it  should  provide  one  bear,  and  six  dogs 
for  the  bear. 

It  was  in  the  character  of  a  gleeman  or,  as  it  was 
expressed  in  the  Latin  term,  joculator,  that  Alfred 
visited  the  Danish  encampment.  That  these  persons 
were  not  only  valued,  but  well  rewarded  in  their  day, 
we  learn  from  a  curious  fact :  Edmund  the  son  of 
Ethelred,  gave  a  villa  to  his  gleeman,  or  joculator, 
whose  name  was  Hitard.  This  gleeman,  in  the  decline 
of  life,  went  on  a  visit  of  devotion  to  Rome,  and  pre- 
vious to  his  journey  gave  the  land  to  the  church  at 
Canterbury.10  In  Doomsday-book,  Berdic,  a  jocu- 
lator of  the  king,  is  stated  to  have  possessed  three 
villas  in  Gloucestershire. 

The  Anglo-Saxons  used  a  game  at  hazard,  which 
they  called  taep].  The  taejd-rtan,  or  taefl-j-tone,  was 
the  die.  The  canons  of  Edgar  forbid  priests  to  be 
taeplepe,  or  players  at  the  rser.1.11  There  is  a  passage 
which  may  be  noticed  on  this  subject  concerning 
Canute.  A  bishop  having  made  a  lucrative  bargain 
with  a  drunken  Dane,  rode  in  the  night  to  the  king  to 
borrow  money  to  fulfil  his  contract:  it  says,  "he 

9  Strutt's  Sports  and  Pastimes,  p.  166.     His  plate  of  it  is  p.  162.      The  MS.  is 
in  the  Cotton  Lib.  Cleop.  C.  8. 

10  Dugdale,  Mon.  p.  21.  "  Spelm.  Concil.  p.  455. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  55 

found  the  king  alleviating  the  tedium  of  a  long  night     CHAP. 
by  the  play  of  tesserarurn,  or  scaccorum12;"  he  was  • 

successful  in  his  application.  Whether  this  play  was 
the  psepl,  or  any  other  game  more  resembling  chess, 
is  not  clear. 

One  of  their  principal  diversions  was  hunting.  This 
is  frequently  mentioned.  A  king  is  exhibited  by  Bede 
as  standing  at  the  fire  with  his  attendants,  and 
warming  himself  after  hunting.13  Alfred  is  praised  by 
his  friend  Asser  for  his  incomparable  skill  and  as- 
siduity in  the  arts  of  the  chase.14  He  is  stated  to  have 
gone  as  far  as  Cornwall  to  enjoy  it.15  The  hunt  of 
Edmund,  the  grandson  of  Alfred,  at  Ceoddri,  is  thus 
described  by  a  contemporary  :  — 

"  When  they  reached  the  woods,  they  took  various  directions 
among  the  woody  avenues  ;  and  lo,  from  the  varied  noise  of  the 
horns  and  the  barking  of  the  dogs,  many  stags  began  to  fly  about. 
From  these,  the  king,  with  his  pack  of  hounds,  selected  one  for 
his  own  hunting,  and  pursued  it  long  through  devious  ways  with 
great  agility  on  his  horse,  and  with  the  dogs  following.  In  the 
vicinity  of  Ceoddri  were  several  abrupt  and  lofty  precipices 
hanging  over  profound  declivities.  To  one  of  these  the  stag  came 
in  his  flight,  and  dashed  himself  down  the  immense  depth  with 
headlong  ruin,  all  the  dogs  following  and  perishing  with  him. 
The  king,  pursuing  the  animal  and  the  hounds  with  equal  energy, 
was  rushing  onwards  to  the  precipice :  he  saw  his  danger,  and 
struggled  violently  to  stop  his  courser;  the  horse  disobeyed 
awhile  his  rein  :  he  gave  up  the  hope  of  life,  he  recommended 
himself  to  God  and  his  saint,  and  was  carried  to  the  very  brink  of 
destruction  before  the  speed  of  the  animal  could  be  checked.  The 
horse's  feet  were  trembling  on  the  last  turf  of  the  precipice,  when 
he  stopped."16 

In  the  Saxon  dialogues  above  mentioned,  we  have 
this  conversation  on  hunting  :  "  I  arn  a  hunter  to  one 
of  the  kings."  —  "How  do  you  exercise  your  art?" 
"  I  spread  my  nets,  and  set  them  in  a  fit  place,  arid 
instruct  my  hounds  to  pursue  the  wild  deer  till  they 
come  to  the  nets  unexpectedly,  and  so  are  entangled ; 

12  Hist.  Rames.     3  Gale,  p.  442.  Is  Bede,  iii.  14. 

14  Asser,  p.  16.  u  Ibid.  40. 

16  Life  of  Dunstan.     Cott.  MSS.  Cleop.  B.  13. 

E  4 


56  HISTORY   OF   THE 

and  I  slay  them  in  the  nets."  — "  Cannot  you  hunt 
without  nets?"  "Yes;  with  swift  hounds  I  follow 
the  wild  deer." — "What  wild  deer  do  you  chiefly 
take?"  "Harts,  boars,  and  rein-deer  (rana),  and 
goats,  and  sometimes  hares."  —  "Did  you  hunt  to- 
day?" "  No,  because  it  was  Sunday;  but  yesterday 
I  did.  I  took  two  harts  and  one  boar." — "  How?" 
"  The  harts  in  nets,  the  boar  I  slew." — "  How  dared 
you  slay  him  ?"  "  The  hounds  drove  him  to  me,  and 
I,  standing  opposite,  pierced  him."  —  "  You  was  bold." 
"  A  hunter  should  not  be  fearful,  because  various 
wild  deer  live  in  the  woods."  —  "What  do  you  do 
with  your  hunting  ?"  "I  give  the  king  what  I  take, 
because  I  am  his  huntsman."  — "  What  does  he  give 
thee?"  "  He  clothes  me  well,  and  feeds  me,  and 
sometimes  gives  me  a  horse  or  a  bracelet,  that  I  may 
follow  my  art  more  lustily." 

We  have  a  little  information  about  the  royal  hunt- 
ing in  Doomsday-book.  When  the  king  went  to 
Shrewsbury  to  hunt,  the  most  respectable  burghers 
who  had  horses  served  as  his  guard,  with  arms ;  and 
the  sheriffs  sent  thirty-six  men  on  foot,  to  be  stationed 
at  the  hunt  while  the  king  was  there.  In  Hereford, 
every  house  sent  a  man,  to  be  stationed  in  the  wood 
whenever  the  king  hunted. 

Among  the  drawings  in  the  Saxon  calendar  in  the 
Cotton  library,  Tib.  B.  5.,  the  month  of  September 
represents  a  boar-hunt :  a  wood  appears,  containing 
boars;  a  man  is  on  foot  with  a  spear;  another  appears 
with  a  horn  slung  and  applied  to  his  mouth  ;  he  has 
also  a  spear,  and  dogs  are  following. 

Hunting  was  forbidden  by  Canute  on  a  Sunday.17 
Every  man  was  allowed  to  hunt  in  the  woods,  and  in 
the  fields  that  were  his  own,  but  not  to  interfere  with 
the  king's  hunting.18 

"  Wilkin's  Leg.  Sax.  130.  18  Ibid.  146. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  57 

Hawks  and  falcons  were  also  favourite  subjects  of     CHAP. 

VTT 

amusement,    and   valuable   presents   in   those  days,  • 

when,  the  country  being  much  overrun  with  wood, 
every  species  of  the  feathered  race  abounded  in  all 
parts.  A  king  of  Kent  begged  of  a  friend  abroad  two 
falcons  of  such  skill  and  courage  as  to  attack  cranes 
willingly,  and,  seizing  them,  to  throw  them  to  the 
ground.  He  says,  he  makes  this  request,  because 
there  were  few  hawks  of  that  kind  in  Kent  who  pro- 
duced good  offspring,  and  who  could  be  made  agile 
and  courageous  enough  in  this  art  of  warfare.19  Our 
Boniface  sent,  among  some  other  presents,  a  hawk  and 
two  falcons  to  a  friend20;  and  we  may  infer  the 
common  use  of  the  diversion  from  his  forbidding  his 
monks  to  hunt  in  the  woods  with  dogs,  and  from 
having  hawks  and  falcons.21  An  Anglo-Saxon  by  his 
will  gives  two  hawks  (hapocar),  and  all  his  stag- 
hounds  (heabop  hunbar),  to  his  natural  lord.22  The 
sportsmen  in  the  train  of  the  great  were  so  onerous 
on  lands,  as  to  make  the  exemption  of  their  visit  a 
valuable  privilege.  Hence  a  king  liberates  some 
lands  from  those  who  carry  with  them  hawks  or 
falcons,  horses  or  dogs.23  The  Saxon  calendar,  in  its 
drawings,  represents  hawking  in  the  month  of 
October. 

Hunting  and  hawking  were  for  many  ages  favourite 

diversions  in  this  island.     In  the  tapestry  of  Bayeux, 

Harold  appears  with  his  hawk  upon  his  hand.    Ethel- 

stan  made  North  Wales  furnish  him  with  as  many 

•dogs  as  he  chose,  "  whose  scent-pursuing  noses  might 


19  Mag.  Bib.  xvi.  p.  65,  M  Ibid.  p.  53. 

21  Ibid.  p.  94.  K  Thorpe's  Reg.  Roff.  p.  24. 

23  Cott.  MS.  Claud.  C.  9.  p.  104.  It  was  one  of  the  distinctions  of  their  rank 
for  the  Anglo-Saxon  nobles  and  gentry  to  appear  in  public  with  their  birds  on 
their  hands.  This  custom  prevailed  in  England  as  long  as  falconry  was  in  fashion. 
Gascoigne  mentions  it  in  the  reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth.  We  find  the  same  habit 
in  Arabia  now.  In  crossing  the  desert,  Mr.  Hamilton  met  an  Arab  Bey  attended 
by  four  men  well  armed  and  mounted.  These  carried  hawks  on  their  wrists,  and 
were  followed  by  several  greyhounds.  Keppel's  Journey  from  India,  1826. 


58  HISTORY    OF   THE 

BOOK  explore  the  haunts  and  coverts  of  the  deer  ;"  and  he 
.  also  exacted  birds,  "  who  knew  how  to  hunt  others 
along  the  atmosphere."24  A  nobleman  is  mentioned, 
who  frequented  his  estates  near  woods  and  marshes, 
because  it  was  convenient  for  hunting  and  hawking.25 
This  was  the  fashion  of  the  times ;  and  even  the  meek 
and  impassive  Edward  the  Confessor  is  exhibited  as 
pursuing  his  deer  when  he  was  thwarted  by  a  rustic 
whom  he  desired  to  punish,  but  that  his  simple  mind 
knew  not  that  he  had  the  power.26  The  chief  delights 
of  this  king  were,  the  coursing  of  swift  hounds,  whose 
clamour  during  the  sport  he  was  eager  to  cheer,  and 
the  flights  of  birds  whose  nature  it  is  to  pursue  their 
kindred  prey.  Every  day,  after  his  morning  devotions, 
he  indulged  in  these  exercises.27 

The  Saxon  dialogues  thus  speak  of  the  fowler : 
"  How  do  you  deceive  fowls?"  "  Many  ways ;  some- 
times with  nets,  sometimes  with  gins,  sometimes  with 
lime,  sometimes  whistling,  sometimes  with  hawks, 
sometimes  with  traps."  — "  Have  you  a  hawk?"  "  I 
have."  —  "  Can  you  tame  them?"  "  I  can :  what  use 
would  they  be  to  me,  if  I  could  not  tame  them?"  — 
"  Give  me  a  hawk."  "  I  will  give  it  willingly,  if  you 
will  give  me  a  swift  hound  ;  which  hawk  will  you  have, 
the  greater  or  the  less  ?" — "  The  greater  :  how  do  you 
feed  them  ?"  "  They  feed  themselves  and  me  in  winter, 
and  in  spring  I  let  them  fly  to  the  woods.  I  take  for 
myself  young  ones  in  harvest,  and  tame  them."  — 
"  And  why  do  you  let  them  fly  from  you  when  tamed  ?" 
"  Because  I  will  not  feed  them  in  summer,  as  they  eat 
too  much." — "  But  many  feed  and  keep  them  tame 
through  the  summer,  that  they  may  again  have  them 
ready."  "  So  they  do,  but  I  will  not  have  that  trouble 
about  them,  as  I  can  take  many  others."28 

24  Malmsb.  lib.  ii.  p.  50.  M  Hist.  Ram.     3  Gale  Scrip,  p.  404. 

26  Malmsb.  lib.  ii.  c.  13.  p.  79.  27  Ibid.  p.  91. 

28  Cotton  MS.  Tib.  A.  3. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  59 


CHAP.  VIII. 

Their  Marriages. 

•    } 

IT  is  well  known  that  the   female  sex  were  much     CHAP. 
more  highly  valued,  and  more  respectfully  treated  by' 
the  barbarous  Gothic  nations,   than  by  the  more  po- 
lished states  of  the  East.     Among  the  Anglo-Saxons, 
they  occupied  the  same  important  and  independent 
rank  in  society  which  they  now  enjoy. 

They  were  allowed  to  possess,  to  inherit,  and  to 
transmit  landed  property ;  they  shared  in  all  the 
social  festivities:  they  were  present  at  the  witena 
gemot  and  the  shire  gemot ;  they  were  permitted  to 
sue  and  be  sued  in  the  courts  of  justice ;  their  persons, 
their  safety,  their  liberty,  and  their  property  were 
protected  by  express  laws ;  and  they  possessed  all 
that  sweet  influence  which,  while  the  human  heart  is 
responsive  to  the  touch  of  love,  they  will  ever  retain 
in  those  countries  which  have  the  wisdom  and  the 
urbanity  to  treat  them  as  equal,  intelligent,  and  inde- 
pendent beings. 

The  earliest  institutions  respecting  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  marriages  occur  in  the  laws  of  Ethelbert. 
'According  to  these,  a  man  might  purchase  a  woman, 
if  the  agreement  were  made  without  fraud ;  but  if 
deceit  were  detected,  she  was  to  be  taken  back  to  her 
house,  and  his  money  was  to  be  restored  to  him.  It 
was  also  enjoined,  that  if  a  wife  brought  forth  children 
alive,  and  survived  her  husband,  she  Avas  to  have  half 
his  property.  She  was  allowed  the  same  privTtege7"if" 
she  chose,  to  live  with  her  children  ;  but  if  she  were 


60 


childless,  his  paternal  relations  were  to  have  his  pos- 
sessions, and  the  morgen  gift.1 

The  customary  forms  attendant  upon  their  mar- 
riage-contracts are  more  clearly  displayed  to  us  in  the 
laws  of  Edmund  ;  the  consent  of  the  lady  and  her 
friends  was  to  be  first  obtained;  the  bridegroom2  was 
then  to  give  his  promise,  and  his  pledge,  to  the  person 
who  spoke  for  her,  that  he  desired  her,  that  he  might 
keep  her,  according  to  the  law  of  God,  as  a  man 
ought  to  keep  his  wife.  Nor  was  this  promise  trusted 
to  his  own  honour  or  interest :  the  female  sex  were 
so  much  under  the  protection  of  the  law,  that  the  bride- 
groom was  compelled  to  produce  friends  who  gave 
their  security  for  his  due  observance  of  his  covenant. 

The  parties  being  thus  betrothed,  the  next  step  was 
to  settle  to  whom  the  foster  lean,  the  money  requisite 
for  the  nourishing  the  children,  should  be  applied. 
The  bridegroom  was  then  required  to  pledge  himself 
to  this,  and  his  friends  became  responsible  for  him. 

This  matter  being  arranged,'  he  was  then  to  sig- 
nify what  he  meant  to  give  her  for  choosing  to  be  his 
wife,  and  what  he  should  give  her  in  case  she  survived 
him.  I  consider  the  first  gift  to  be  a  designation  of 
his  intended  morgen  gift.  This  was  the  present 
which  the  Anglo-Saxon  wives  received  from  their 
husbands  on  the  day  after  their  nuptials,  as  it  is  ex- 
pressed in  the  law.  It  seems  to  have  been  intended 
as  a  compliment  to  the  ladies  for  honouring  a  suitor 
with  their  preference,  and  for  submitting  to  the  duties 
of  wedlock.  The  law  adds,  that,  if  it  be  so  agreed,  it 
is  right  that  she  should  halve  the  property,  or  have 
the  whole  if  they  had  children  together,  unless  she 

1  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  p.  7. 

2  The  Saxon  word  is  bpyb-suma.    Duma  means  a  man,  which  we  have  per- 
verted into  groom  ;  bjiyb  implies  marriage.     The  Welsh  for  marriage  is  priodas ; 
priodvab  is  a  bridegroom ;  priodi,  to  marry  ;  all  these  in  composition  change  into 
an  initial  b.     No  one  can  suspect  that  such  a  term   as  this  can  by  either  nation 
have  been  derived  from  the  other.     But  the  Welsh  has  preserved  the  rationale  of 
the  word,  which  implies  appropriation,  or  proprietorship. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  61 

chose  again  another  husband.     This  was  an  improve-     CHAP. 

VIII 

ment  on  the  ancient  law,  which,  in  the  event  of  no  • 

issue,  had  directed  the  morgen  gift  to  be  returned. 

The  bridegroom  was  then  required  to  confirm  with 
his  pledge  all  that  he  had  promised,  and  his  friends 
were  to  become  responsible  for  its  due  performance. 

These  preliminaries  being  settled,  they  proceeded 
to  the  marriage.  Her  relations  then  took  and  wedded 
her  to  wife,  and  to  a  right  life,  with  him  who  desired 
her ;  and  the  person  appointed  to  keep  the  pledges 
that  had  been  given,  took  the  security  for  them. 
For  the  more  complete  assurance  of  the  lady's  per- 
sonal safety  and  comfort,  in  those  days  wherein  a 
multiplicity  of  jurisdictions  gave  often  impunity 
to  crime,  the  friends  who  took  jthe  pledges  were 
authorized  to  become  guarantee  to  her,  that  if  her 
husband  carried  her  into  another  thane's  land,  he 
would  do  her  no  injury ;  and  that,  if  she  did  wrong, 
they  would  be  ready  to  answer  the  compensation,  if 
she  had  nothing  from  which  she  could  pay  it. 

The  law  proceeds  to  direct,  that  the  mass-priest 
should  be  present  at  the  marriage  and  should  conse- 
crate their  union  with  the  divine  blessing  to  every 
happiness  and  prosperity.3  There  is  an  article  in  one 
of  the  collections  of  ecclesiastical  canons,  "  How  man 
shall  bless  the  bridegroom  and  the  bride."4 

The  Anglo-Saxon  remains  will  furnish  us  with 
some  illustrations  of  the  pecuniary  contracts  which 
attended  their  marriages.  We  will  give  one  docu- 
ment at  length,  as  it  may  be  called  an  Anglo-Saxon 
lady's  marriage-settlement. 

"  There  appears  in  this  writing  the  compact  which  Wulfric  and 
the  archbishop  made  when  he  obtained  the  archbishop's  sister  for 
his  wife.  It  is,  that  he  promised  her  the  land  at  Ealretune  and 
at  Rebbedforda  for  her  life,  and  promised  her  the  land  at  Cnihte- 
wica ;  that  he  would  obtain  it  for  her  for  the  lives  of  three  men 

3  Wilk.  Leg  Sax.  pp.  75,  76.  4  MS.  CCC.  Cantab.  S.  xii.  c.  71. 


62  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK       from  the  monastery  at  Wincelcumbe ;  and  he  gave  her  the  land  at 
VII.        Eanulfin-tune  to  give  and  to  grant  to  those  that  were  dearest  to 

1 ' '    her  during  life,  and  after  her  life  to  those  that  were  dearest  to  her; 

and  he  promised  her  fifty  mances  of  gold,  and  thirty  men  and  thirty 
horses.  Now  of  this  were  to  witness  Wulfstan  the  archbishop, 
and  Leofvvin  the  ealdorman,  and  jEthelstan  bishop,  and  -ZElford 
abbot,  and  Briteh  monk,  and  many  good  men  in  addition  to  them, 
both  ecclesiastics  and  laymen,  that  this  compact  was  thus  made. 
Now  of  this  compact  there  are  two  writings ;  one  with  the  arch- 
bishop at  Wigere  ceaster,  and  another  with  ^Ethelstan,  the  bishop 
at  Herford."5 

Without  deviating  into  an  exposition  of  the  customs 
of  other  nations  as  to  the  morgen6  gift,  we  will  state 
a  few  circumstances  concerning  it  from  ^our  own  do- 
cuments.  It  is  frequently  mentioned  in  ladiesl  wills/: 
thus  Wynfleda,  bequeathing  some  land  at  Faccancumb, 
calls  it  her  morgen  gifu.7  So  Elfleda,  in  her  will, 
says,  "  Rettendun  that  was  my  morgen  gyfu;"8  and 
Elfhelm,  in  his  will,  has  this  passage :  "  And  I  declare 
what  I  gave  to  my  wife  for  her  rnorgen  give ;  that  is, 
Beadewan,  and  Burge  stede,  arid  Stratford,  and  the 
three  hides  at  Hean-healem."  The  same  testator 
notices  an  additional  present  that  he  had  made  his 
wife  on  her  nuptials:  "  And  I  gave  to  her,  when  we 
two  first  came  together,  the  two  hides  at  Wilburgeham, 
and  at  Hraagenan,  and  that  thereto  lieth."9  The 
morgen  gift  was  therefore  a  settlement  on  the  lady 
very  similar  to  a  modern  jointure.  It  was  bargained 
for  before  marriage,  but  was  not  actually  vested  in 
the  wife  till  afterwards.  Our  conception  of  the  thing 
will  be  probably  simplified  and  assisted  by  recollecting 
the  language  of  our  modern  settlements.  The  land 
or  property  conveyed  by  them  is  given  in  trust  for 

5  This  may  be  seen  in  Wanley's  Catalogue,  p.  302.,  and  Hickes's  Diss.  Ep.  76. 
Wulfstan  died  1023. 

6  Henry's  observations  on  the  marriage  of  our  ancestors  are  very  discursive,  and 
relate  rather  to  other  nations  than  to  the  Anglo-Saxons.    See  his  vol.  iii.  p.  393,  &c. 
The  reader  of  Henry  will  frequently  have  occasion  to  recollect  this. 

7  See  her  will.     Hickes's  Pref.  xxii. 

8  See  Lye,  Sax.  Diet.  voc.  morgen  gife. 

9  See  his  will  at  length,  from  Mr.  Astle's  collection,  in  the  second  appendix  to 
the  Saxon  Dictionary. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  63 

the  person  who  grants  it  "  until  the  said  marriage 
shall  take  effect ;  and  from  and  immediately  after  the 
solemnization  thereof,"  it  is  then  granted  to  the  uses 
agreed  upon.  So  the  morgen  gift  Avas  settled  before 
the  nuptials,  but  was  not  actually  given  away  until 
the  morning  afterwards,  or  until  the  marriage  was 
completed. 

Nothing  could  be  more  calculated  to  produce  a 
very  striking  dissimilarity  between  the  Gothic  nations  -f  £rp ' 
and  the  Oriental  states,  than  this  exaltation  of  the 
female  sex  to  that  honour,  consequence,  and  inde- 
pendence which  European  laws  studied  to  uphold. 
As  the  education  of  youth  will  always  rest  principally 
with  women,  in  the  most  ductile  part  of  life,  it  is  of 
the  greatest  importance  that  the  fair  sex  should 
possess  high  estimation  in  society;  and  nothing  could 
more  certainly  tend  to  perpetuate  this  feeling,  than 
the  privilege  of  possessing  property  in  their  own  right, 
and  at  their  own  disposal. 

That  the  Anglo-Saxon  ladies  both  inherited  and 
disposed  of  property  as  they  pleased,  appears  from 
many  instances:  a  wife  is  mentioned  who  devised 
land  by  her  will,  with  the  consent  of  her  husband  in 
his  life-time.10  We  read  also  of  land  which  a  wife 
had  sold  in  her  husband's  life.11  We  frequently  find 
wives  the  parties  to  a  sale  of  land12;  and  still  oftener 
we  read  of  estates  given  to  women,  or  devised  by  men 
of  affluence  to  their  wives.13  Widows  selling  pro- 
perty is  also  a  common14  occurrence;  so  is  the  inci- 
•  dent  of  women  devising  it.15  That  they  inherited 
land  is  also  clear,  for  a  case  is  mentioned  wherein, 


10  Hist  Ram.     3  Gale,  460.  "  Ibid.  466. 

12  Ibid.  472.  474,  475.  408. 

13  3  Gale,  441.  407,  408. ;  and  see  the  wills  of  Alfred  Dux,  and  of  Elfhelm,  in 
Sax.  Diet.  App.  2.  and  several  Saxon  grants. 

14  3  Gale,  468. 

15  Ibid.  471.     See  the  charta  of  Eadgifa  in  Sax.  Diet.  App.  and  of  Wynfleela  ap. 
Hickes. 


64  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK     there  being  no  male  heir,  the  estate  went  to  a  female.16 
.   vn'    .   Women  appear  as  tenants  in  capite  in  Doomsday. 

There  are  many  instances  of  land  being  granted  to 
both  husband  and  wife.17  The  queens  frequently  join 
in  the  charters  with  the  kings18;  and  it  is  once  men- 
tioned, that  a  widow  and  the  heirs  were  sued  for  her 
husband's  debts.19  Indeed,  the  instances  of  women 
having  property  transferred  to  them,  and  also  of  their 
transmitting  it  to  others,  surround  us  on  all  sides. 

o 

To  name  only  a  few :  a  king's  mother  gave  five  hides 
to  a  noble  matron,  which  she  gave  to  a  monastery.20 
When  a  bishop  had  bought  some  lands  of  a  husband 
and  a  wife,  he  fixed  a  day  when  she  should  come  and 
surrender  them,  because  she  had  the  greater  right  to 
the  land  by  a  former  husband.21  A  mother  be- 

^^^ ""^^^^^^^^••^^^^ 

queathed -property  to  two  of  her  daughters;~afi^fo 
her  third  daughter,  Leos  ware,  she  gave  an  estate  at 
Weddreringesete,  on  the  reproachful  condition,  that 
she  "should  keep  herself  chaste,  or  marry,  that  she  and 
her  progeny  might  not  be  branded  with  the  infamy  of 
,  the  contagion  of  prostitution.22 

In  the  oldest  Anglo-Saxon  law,  widows  were  pro- 
tected by  an  express  regulation.  Four  ranks  are 
mentioned  :  an  eorlcund's  widow,  another  sort,  a  third 
and  fourth  sort.  Their  tranquillity  invaded  was  to 
be  punished  by  fines  adapted  to  their  quality,  as  fifty 
shillings,  twenty,  twelve,  and  six  shillings.23 

They  were  also  guarded  from  personal  violence. 
If  any  took  a  widow  without  her  consent,  he  was  to 
be  fined  a  double  mulct.24  It  was  also  expressly  for- 

18  Ingulf,  p.  39. 

17  As  in  Claud.  B.  6.  p.  38.     So  Oflfa  gives  land  to  his  minister  and  his  sister. 
Astle,  No.  7.  ib.  8. 

13  Astle's  Charters,  48. ;  and  Ileming,  p.  9,  &c. 

19  3  Gale,  468.  20  Ibid.  431.  2I  Ibid.  472. 

22  Ibid.  507.     So  Alfred  in  his  will  gives  estates  to  his  three  daughters,  and  also 
money. 

23  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  7.  24  Ibid. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  65 

bidden  to  any  one  to  marry  a  woman  if  she  were  un-      CHAP. 

VIII 

willing.25  __     _, 


The  morgen  gift  was  not  left  optional  to  the  husband 
aftei 

£LE 

and 


laws  of  Ina  expressly  provides,  that  if  a  man  bar- 

the  gyft  was  not  duly  forth- 


to  give  or  withhold  after  the  marriage.     One  of  the . 


pay  the'iBWieyJ  fl-^d  also  ff 

A — -  -** -r-  ,-u^.^j/    * 

a  compensation  to  her  sureties  for  break- 
ing  Jus  troth.26  The  morgen  gift  was  also  the  means 
by  which  they  punished  widows  who  married  too 
early.  Twelve  months  was  the  legal  term  prescribed 
for  widowhood.  By  Ethelred's  law,  every  widow 
who  kept  herself  in  the  peace  of  God  and  of  the  king, 
and  who  remained  twelve  months  without  a  husband, 
might  choose  afterwards  as  she  pleased.27  But  by  a 
subsequent  law,  if  she  married  within  the  year,  she 
lost  her  morgen  gift,  and  all  the  property  which  she 
derived  from  her  h'rst  husband.28 

These  pecuniary  bargains  which  were  made  on  the 
Anglo-Saxon  marriages  do  not  breathe  much  of  the 
spirit  of  affectionate  romance.  The  men,  however, 
cannot  be  called  mercenary  suitors,  as  they  appear  to 
have  been  the  paymasters.  These  contracts  give 
occasion  to  the  Saxon  legislators  to  express  the  fact 
of  treating  for  a  marriage  by  the  terms  of  buying  a 
wife.  Hence  our  oldest  law  says,  if  a  man  buys  a 
maiden,  the  bargain  shall  stand  if  there  be  no  deceit; 
otherwise,  she  should  be  restored  to  her  home,  and  his 
money  shall  be  returned  to  him.29  So,  in  the  penalty 
before  mentioned  annexed  to  the  non-payment  of  the 
morgen  gift,  the  expression  used  is,  if  a  man  buys  a 
wife.30  In  this  kind  of  marriage-bargains  it  was  a 
necessary  protection  extended  to  the  lover,  that  the 
same  law  which  forbade  the  compelling  a  woman  to 


25  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  145.  M  Ibid.  20.  2;  Ibid.  109.  122. 

28  Ibid.  145.  »  Ibid.  7.  *>  Ibid.  19. 

VOL.  III.  F 


66  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK  marry  the  man  she  disliked,  also,  as  an  impartial 
.  counterpart  of  justice,  directed  that  a  man  should  not 
be  forced  to  give  his  money,  unless  he  was  desirous  to 
bestow  it  of  his  own  free  will.31  There  is  another 
passage  which  tends  to  express,  that  marriage  was 
considered  as  the  purchase  of  the  lady.  "  If  a  free- 
man cohabit  with  the  wife  of  a  freeman,  he  must  pay 
the  were,  and  obtain  another  woman  with  his  own 
money,  and  lead  her  to  the  other."32  In  this  point, 
we  have  greatly  improved  on  the  customs,  or  at  least 
the  language  of  our  ancestors.  Pecuniary  consider- 
ations and  arrangements  are  still  important  formulas 
preceding  marriages ;  but  ladies  frequently  bring 
their  husband  property,  instead  of  receiving  it;  and  if 
they  do  not,  their  affection  and  attentions  are  his 
dearest  treasure.  They  are  not  now  either  bought  or 
sold,  unless  where  interest  counterfeits  affection. 

After  adding  that  marriages  were  forbidden  within 
certain  degrees  of  consanguinity33,  we  have  only  the 
unpleasing  task  remaining  of  mentioning  the  pe- 
nalties which  were  attached  to  the  violation  of  female 
chastity. 

If  a  slave  committed  a  rape  on  a  female  slave,  he 
was  punished  with  a  corporal  mutilation.  If  any  one 
compelled  an  immature  maiden,  he  was  to  abide  the 
same  punishment.  Whoever  violated  a  ceorl's  wife, 
was  to  pay  him  five  shillings,  and  be  fined  sixty 
shillings.34 

For  adultery  with  the  wife  of  a  twelve  hundred 
man,  the  offender  was  to  pay  one  hundred  and  twenty 
shillings  ;  and  one  hundred  shillings  for  the  wife  of  a 
six  hundred  man,  and  forty  shillings  for  a  ceorl's  wife. 
This  might  be  paid  in  live  property,  and  no  man 
might  sell  another  for  it.  For  the  degrees  of  intimacy 


31  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  145.  «  Ibid.  4. 

33  Thid.  52.  129.  «  Ibid.  40. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  67 

with  a  ceorl's  wife,  which  are  specified,  various  fines     CHAP. 

J  3<i  "VIII. 

were  exacted.  °  - 

The  earliest  Saxon  laws  were  attentive  to  this  vice : 
in  those  of  Ethelred  fifty  shillings  were  the  appointed 
penalty  for  intimacy  with  the  king's  maiden,  half  that 
sum  with  his  grinding  servant,  and  twelve  shillings 
with  another,  or  with  an  earl's  cup-bearer.  The  chas- 
tity of  a  ceorl's  attendant  was  guarded  by  six  shillings, 
and  of  inferior  servants  by  the  diminished  penalty  of 
fifty  and  thirty  scaettas.86 

By  the  same  laws  for  a  rape  on  a  servile  woman, 
the  offender  was  to  pay  her  owner  fifty  shillings,  and 
then  to  buy  her  at  the  will  of  her  owner.  If  she  was 
pregnant,  he  was  to  pay  thirty-five  shillings,  and 
fifteen  shillings  to  the  king,  and  twenty  shillings  if  be- 
trothed to  another.37 

Their  high  estimation  and  rigorous  exaction  of  fe- 
male virtue,  even  among  the  servile,  is  strongly  implied 
in  this  passage  of  one  of  Bede's  works : 

"  In  the  courts  of  princes  there  are  certain  men  and  women 
moving  continually  in  more  splendid  vestments,  and  retaining  a 
greater  familiarity  with  their  lord  and  lady.  There  it  is  studiously 
provided,  that  none  of  the  women  there  who  are  in  an  enslaved 
state  should  remain  with  any  stain  of  unchastity  ;  but  if  by  chance 
she  should  turn  to  the  eyes  of  men  with  an  immodest  aspect,  she 
is  immediately  eluded  with  severity.  There  some  are  deputed  to 
the  interior,  some  to  the  exterior  offices,  all  of  whom  carefully 
observe  the  duties  committed  to  them,  that  they  may  claim  no- 
thing but  what  is  so  entrusted."  V.  viii.  p.  1067. 

35  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  p.  37.  M  Ibid.  p.  3.  37  Ibid.  p.  7. 


68 


CHAP.  IX. 

Classes  and  Condition  of  Society. 

BOOK      EVERY  man  in  the  An  o;lo- Saxon  society  beneath  the 

VTT  - 

.  cyning  'and  his  family  was  in  one  of  these  classes. 
He  was  either  in  high  estimation  from  his  birth  ;  or 
he  Avas  in  a  state  of  dignity  from  office,  or  from 
property ;  or  he  was  a  free-man  ;  or  a  freed-man  ;  or 
he  was  in  one  of  the  servile  classes.  Thus  inequality 
was  as  much  the  character  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
society  as  of  our  own  superior  civilisation. 

The  inequality  of  society  is  the  source  of  perpetual 
discontent,  both  against  government  and  Providence ; 
and  yet  from  this  inequality  have  arisen  all  the 
comforts  that  cause  us  to  be  displeased  with  it.  In 
natural  birth,  in  natural  powers,  in  natural  merit,  in 
the  womb  and  in  the  grave,  we  are  all  equal ;  but  it  is 
in  nature  an  equality  of  destitution  and  want ;  of 
capability  and  desire  ;  of  the  necessity  of  exertion  ;  of 
destiny  and  hope.  Mankind  began  their  mortal  race 
alike  both  in  privation  and  in  power.  Xature  ex- 
tended her  riches  impartially  before  all.  She  fa- 
voured neither  of  her  first-born  sons.  The  materials 
of  all  the  conveniences  of  life,  which  civilisation  has 
since  acquired,  were  present  to  every  eye,  and  attain- 
able by  every  hand. 

But  the  very  freedom  of  mind  and  action  with 
which  nature  has  blessed  mankind,  and  the  impulse 
of  the  privations  amid  which  we  originated,  soon 
terminated  this  equality  of  want,  and  began  the  acqui- 
sition of  comforts  and  abundance.  No  man  has  from 
nature  any  advantages  above  his  fellows:  no  one 
comes  into  life  with  four  arms,  or  twenty  eyes :  none 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  69 

leap  into  birth  armed  and  full-formed  Minerva s  ;  but     CHAP. 

IX 

all  being  free  to  use  their  capabilities  as  they  please,  » 

the  exertion  of  this  liberty  produced  inevitable  in- 
equality in  anterior  times,  as  in  every  subsequent  age. 
It  is  not  merely  that  the  industrious  will  amass  more 
conveniences  than  the  idle,  the  provident  more  than 
the  careless,  the  economist  than  the  profuse  ;  but  the 
different  tastes  and  feelings  of  men  throw  them  into 
different  social  positions  both  of  rank  and  property. 
The  hunter  and  the  fowler  will  not  raise  stores  of 
corn  like  the  husbandman,  nor  can  he  acquire   the 
riches  and  commodities  of  the  merchant.     The  war- 
rior, abandoning  the  paths  which  the  preceding  cha- 
racters prefer,  cannot  therefore,  of  himself,  obtain  the 
comforts  which  they  value  and  pursue,  but  gains  an 
estimation  and  consequence  in  the  social  talk,  which 
gratifies  him  more  than  the  ship-loads  of  foreign  com- 
merce,   or   the   replenished   granaries   of    the    agri- 
culturist.     The  artisan,  attached  to  his  humble  but 
cherished  tranquillity,   neither  feels  nor   envies  the 
dangerous  honours  of  the  soldier,  nor  the  risks  and 
sufferings  of  the  trading  navigator.     Thus  mankind, 
obeying  the  tendency  of  their  various  dispositions,  fill 
social   life  with   inequality,    and,    by  pursuing   such 
diversified  roads,  are  for  ever  multiplying  the  conve- 
niences and  enjoyments  of  life,  though  the  dissimilar 
acquisition  of  these,  from  the  exertion  of  individual 
liberty  of  will  and  action,  is  perpetually  augmenting 
the  inequality  complained  of.     The  truth  is,  that,  by 
fliese  various  pursuits,  the  comforts  of  every  class, 
even  of  the  lowest,  are  inconceivably  increased.     Our 
common  farmers  now  fare  better  than  the  thegns  and 
knights  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  days ;  and  the  eottnges 
of  our  day-labourers  have  many  more  conveniences, 
and  their   life    fewer   privations,    than   most   of  the 
Anglo-Saxon    classes  of  society   enjoyed    below   the 
baron,   the   thegn,   and  the  knight,   and   some  even 

F   3 


70  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK  which  the  latter  of  these  had  not :  to  instance  only 
-•  one  circumstance — the  comforts  of  a  chimney  and 
its  cleanliness.  Most  of  our  early  ancestors  lived  at 
home  amid  smoke  and  dirt,  with  one  of  which,  at 
least,  life  would,  to  the  poorest  among  us,  seem  into- 
lerable ;  yet  Alcuin,  the  Anglo-Saxon  abbot  who  was 
reproached  for  having  ten  thousand  slaves  or  vassal 
peasantry  at  his  command,  lived  in  an  habitation 
sordid  with  smoke,  and  affecting  his  eyes,  which  he 
refused  to  quit  for  the  gilded  arched  roofs  of  Italy1, 
the  remains  of  Roman  luxury,  to  which  the  emperor 
invited  him. 

It  is  the  glory  of  civilised  life,  for  the  more  success- 
ful possessor  of  its  advantages  to  diffuse  them,  from 
his  own  stores,  as  far  as  he  is  able,  wherever  he  ob- 
serves them  to  be  painfully  deficient. 

Dignity  by  There  was  certainly  among  our  Anglo-Saxon  an- 
cestors a  personal  distinction  arising  from  birth. 
Individuals  are  described  in  these  times  as  noble  by 
descent.2  The  expression  ethelboren,  or  noble  born, 
occurs  several  times,  even  in  the  laws.3  A  very 
forcible  passage  on  this  subject  appears  in  the  life  of 
St.  Guthlac  :  "  There  was  a  noble  (ethela)  man  in 
the  high  nation  of  the  Mercians  ;  he  was  of  the  oldest 
race,  and  the  noblest  (asthelstan)  that  was  named 
Iclingas."4  The  sense  of  this  cannot  be  mistaken  :  a 
family  is  expressly  distinguished  from  the  rest  by  an 
{^appropriated  name,  "Iclingas."  We  may  recollect 
here  that  lornandes  says  of  the  Goths,  that  they  had 
a  noble  race,  called  the  Baltha?,  from  whence  Alaric 
sprung.5  In  the  canons  of  Edgar,  another  decisive 

1  He  writes  to  the  emperor,  who  had  urged  him  to  visit  Rome :   "  You  blame 
me  for  preferring  the  houses  of  Tours,  sordid  with  smoke,  to  the  gilded  arches  of 
the  Romans  ;  I  would  say,  with  your  leave,  that  iron  (swords)  hurts  the  eyes  more 
than  smoke.     Contented  with  the  smoky  houses,  I  remain  here  in  peace."     Ep. 
xiii.  p.  1507. 

2  3  Gale  Script.  395.  417,  418. 

8  MS.  Vesp.  D.  14.  p.  36.  120.  and  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  37. 

4  MS.  Vesp.  D.  21.  p.  19.  s  See  Vol.  I.  of  this  work. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  71 

passage  attests,  that  superiority  of  birth  was  felt  to     CHAP. 
convey  superior  consequence ;  for  it  was  found  neces-  • 

sary  to  require  "  that  no  forth-boren  priest  despise 
one  that  is  less  born,  because,  if  men  think  rightly, 
all  men  are  of  one  origin." 6  No  peculiar  titles,  as 
with  us,  seem  to  have  distinguished  the  nobly  born ; 
they  were  rather  marked  out  to  their  fellows  by  that 
name  of  the  family  which  had  become  illustrious,  as 
the  Fabii  and  Corrielii  of  the  Romans.  Their  title  was 
formed  by  the  addition  of  ing  to  the  name  of  the  an- 
cestor whose  fame  produced  their  glory.  Thus  from 
Uffa  his  posterity  was  called  7  Uffingas.  So  Beowulf, 
the  hero  of  an  Anglo-Saxon  poem,  was  one  of  the 
Scyldingas. 

Beowulf  was  illustrious ; 

The  fruit  wide  sprang 

Of  the  posterity  of  the  Scylde. 

Then  was  in  the  burghs 
Beowulf,  the  Scyldinga, 
The  dear  king  of  his  people. 


With  them  the  Scyld 

Departed  to  the  ship, 

While  many  were  prone  to  go 

In  the  path  of  their  lord. 

They  him  then  bore 

To  the  journey  of  the  ocean 

As  his  companions, 

He  himself  commanded ; 

Whence  with  words  they  governed 

The  Scyldinga  of  battle.8 

The  birth  that  was  thought  illustrious  conferred 
personal  honour,  but  no  political  rank  or  power.  No  , 
title  was  attached  to  it  which  descended  by  heirship 
and  gave  a  perpetuity  of  political  privileges.  That 
was  a  later  improvement.  In  theoretical  reasoning, 
and  in  the  eye  of  religion,  the  distinction  of  birth 
seems  to  be  an  unjust  prejudice  ;  we  have  all,  as  our 

6  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  83.  7  Polych.  Higd.  3  Gale,  p.  224. 

8  MS.  Cott.  Lib.  Vit.  A.  15.  p.  129,  130. 

F  4 


72  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK  Great  Alfred  and  Boetius  sang,  one  common  ancestor, 
.  vn-  ,  and  the  same  Creator,  Protector,  and  Judge  ;  but 
the  morality  and  merit  of  society  is  the  product  of 
very  complicated  and  diversified  motives,  and  is  never 
so  superabundant  as  to  suffer  uninjured  the  loss  of 
any  one  of  its  incentives  and  supports.  The  fame  of 
an  applauded  ancestor  has  stimulated  many  to  per- 
form noble  actions,  or  to  preserve  an  honourable  cha- 
racter, and  will  continue  so  to  operate  while  human 
nature  exists.  It  creates  a  sentiment  of  honour,  a 
dread  of  disgrace,  an  useful  pride  of  name,  which, 
though  riot  universally  efficient,  will  frequently  check 
the  vicious  propensities  of  passion  or  selfishness,  when 
reason  or  religion  has  exhorted  in  vain.  The  dis- 
tinction of  birth  may  be  therefore  added  to  the  ex- 
altation of  the  female  sex,  as  another  of  those 
peculiarities  which  have  tended  to  extract  from  the 
barbarism  of  the  Gothic  nations  a  far  nobler  character 
than  any  that  the  rich  climates  of  the  East  could 
rear. 

By  pro-  That  there  was  a  nobility  from  landed  property, 

distinct  from  that  of  birth,  attainable  by  every  one, 
and  possessing  (what  noble  birth  had  riot  of  itself)  po- 
litical rank  and  immunities,  is  clear,  from  several  pas- 
sages. It  is  mentioned  in  the  laws,  as  an  incentive 
to  proper  actions,  that  through  God's  gift  a  servile 
thrall  may  become  a  thane,  and  a  ceorlan  eorl,just  as 
a  singer  may  become  a  priest,  and  a  bocere  (a  writer) 
a  bishop.9  In  the  time  of  Ethelstan  it  is  expressly 
declared,  that  if  a  ceorl  have  the  full  proprietorship  of 
five  hides  of  his  own  land,  a  church,  and  kitchen,  a 
bell-house,  a  burghate-seat,  and  an  appropriate  office 
in  the  king's  hall,  he  shall  thenceforth  be  a  thegn,  or 
thane,  by  right.10  The  same  laws  provide  that  a 
thegri  may  arrive  at  the  dignity  of  an  eorl,  and  that  a 

9  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  112.  '°  Ibid.  70. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  73 

massere,  or  merchant,  who  went  three  times  over  sea      CHAP 

IX 

with  his  own  craft,  might  become  a  thegn.11    But  the   <  —  ^  —  > 

i  O  O 

most  curious  passage  on  this  subject  is  that  which 
attests,  that  without  the  possession  of  a  certain  quan- 
tity of  landed  property,  the  dignity  of  sitting  in  the 
witena-gemot  could  not  be  enjoyed,  not  even  though 
the  person  was  noble  already.  An  abbot  of  Ely  had  "* 
a  brother  who  was  courting  the  daughter  of  a  great 
man;  but  the  lady  refused  him,  because,  although 
noble,  he  had  not  the  lordship  of  forty  hides,  and 
therefore  could  not  be  numbered  among  the  proceres 
or  witena.  To  enable  him  to  gratify  his  love  and 
her  ambition,  the  abbot  conveyed  to  him  certain 
lands,  belonging  to  his  monastery.  The  nuptials 
took  place,  and  the  fraud  was  for  some  time  un- 
discovered. 12 

The  principle  of  distinguishing  men  by  their  pro- 
perty is  also  established  in  the  laws.  Thus  we  read  of 
twyhyndum,  of  sixhyndurn,  and  of  twelfhyndum 
men.13  A  twyhynde  man  was  level  in  his  were  with  ,- 
a  ceorl14,  and  a  twelfhynde  with  a  thegn15;  and  yet 
Canute  calls  both  these  classes  his  thegns.16  But 
though  property  might  confer  distinction,  yet  it  was 
the  possession  of  landed  property  which  raised  a  man 
to  those  titles  which  might  be  called  ennobling. 
Hence  it  is  mentioned  that  though  a  ceorl  should 
attain  to  a  helmet,  mail,  and  a  gold-hilted  sword, 
yet  if  he  had  no  land  he  must  still  remain  a 


The  species  of  nobility  which  was  gained  by  official 
dignities  appears   to   have   appertained  to  the   eal- 


1  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  70.  >2  Hist.  Ellens.     3  Gale,  Scrip.  513. 

Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  25.  33. 
*  Ibid.  64.,  and  3  Gale,  423. 

Leg.  Sax.  16. 

"  I  Cnut,  king,  greet  Lyfing,  archbishop ;  and  ^Ethelwine,  shireman,  and  all 
my  thegns,  twelf-hynde  and  twi-hynde  friendlily."     Wanley,  Cott.  MSS.  p.  181. 
17  Leg.  Sax.  71. 


74  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK  dor  man,  the  eorl,  the  heretoch,  and  the  thegn,  when 
•  he  was  a  king's  thegn.  A  certain  portion  of  rank 
was  also  conceded  to  the  gerefa  and  the  scir-reve. 
There  was  a  still  inferior  degree  of  consequence 
derived  from  being  ealdor  of  an  hundred,  and  such 
like  minor  offices,  which  the  laws  sometimes  re- 
cognise.18 

By  office.  The  dignity  from  office  conferred  some  beneficial 
distinction  on  the  family  of  the  person  possessing  it ; 
for  the  laws  speak  of  an  eorlcunde  widow,  and  de- 
fend her  by  exacting  compensations,  for  wrongs  com- 
mitted against  her,  much  superior  to  those  of  other 
*,  women.19 

Official  dignities  were  conferred  by  the  king,  and 
~^were  liable  to  be  taken  away  by  him  on  illegal  conduct. 
This  is  the  language  with  which,  according  to  Asser, 
Alfred  addressed  his  great  men :  "  I  wonder  at  your 
audacity,  that  by  the  gift  of  God,  and  by  my  gift,  you 
have  assumed  the  ministry  and  the  degree  of  the  wise 
men,  and  yet  have  neglected  the  study  and  labour  of 
wisdom.  Therefore  I  command,  either  that  you  lay 
aside  the  ministry  of  earthly  power  which  you  enjoy, 
or  that  you  study  wisdom  more  attentively."20  In 
the  laws  we  find  an  ealdorman  threatened  with  the 
loss  of  his  shire,  unless  the  king  pardon  him,  for  con- 
niving at  the  escape  of  a  thief.21  So  a  thegn  is 
threatened  with  the  perpetual  loss  of  his  thegnship 
for  an  unjust  judgment,  unless  he  prove  by  oath  that 
he  knew  not  how  to  give  a  better  decision.  But  the 
king  in  this  case  also  had  the  option  of  restoring  him.22 
In  the  same  manner  the  gerefas  are  menaced  with  the 
deprivation  of  their  post  of  honour,  on  committing 
the  offences  described  in  the  law.23  The  exact  nature 


19  As  in  the  ealdor  of  the  hundred.     Leg.  Sax.  81. 

»  Leg.  Sax.  7.  »  Asser,  Vit.  JElf.  71. 

21  Leges  Inse,  p.  20. 

22  Leges  Edgari,  p.  78.,  et  Cnuti,  p.  135.  a  Leg.  Sax.  69. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  75 

and  duties  of  these  dignified  officers  will  be  considered     CHAP. 
more  minutely  under  the  head  of  government.24  .    IX'    . 

The  rest  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  society  consisted  of  \/ 
three  descriptions  of  men  ;  the  free,  the  freed,  and  the;7 
servile. 

In  talking  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  freemen,  we  must  Freemen, 
not  let  our  minds  expatiate  on  an  ideal  character 
which  eloquence  and  hope  have  invested  with  charms 
almost  magical.  No  Utopian  state,  no  paradise  of 
such  a  pure  republic  as  reason  can  conceive,  but  as 
human  nature  can  neither  establish  nor  support,  is 
about  to  shine  around  us  when  we  describe  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  freeman.  A  freeman  among  our  ancestors  was 
not  that  dignified  independent  being,  "  lord  of  the  lion 
heart  and  eagle  eye,"  which  our  poets  fancy  under 
this  appellation:  he  was  rather  an  Anglo- Saxon 'not 
in  the  servile  state  ;  not  property  attached  to  the  land 
as  the  slaves  were.  He  was  freed  from  the  oppression 

f  ,   .,  ,  j  i  r,  ^MO^l&s 

ot  arbitrary  bondage :  he  was  otten  a  servant,  and  a 
master,  but  he  had  the  liberty  to  quit  the  service  of 
one  lord  and  choose  another. 

That  the  Anglo-Saxon  freemen  were  frequently 
servants,  and  had  their  masters,  may  be  proved  by  a 
variety  of  passages  in  our  ancient  remains :  "If  any 
give  flesh  to  his  servants  on  fast-days,  whether  they 
be  free  or  servile,  he  must  compensate  for  the  pillory." 2o 
So,  in  the  laws  of  Ina,  "  If  a  freeman  work  on  a 
Sunday  without  his  lord's  orders,  he  shall  lose  his 
liberty,  or  pay  sixty  shillings."26  That  freemen  were 

24  A  curious  privilege  allowed  to  the  great  may  be  here  noticed.  This  was,  that 
his  friends  might  do  penance  for  him.  The  laws  of  Edgar  state  that  "  a  mighty 
man,  if  rich  in  friends,  may  thus  with  their  aid  lighten  his  penance."  He  was  first 
to  make  his  confession,  and  begin  his  penance  with  much  groaning.  "  Let  him 
then  lay  aside  his  arms  and  his  idle  apparel,  and  put  on  hair-cloth,  and  take  a  staff 
in  his  hand,  and  go  barefoot,  and  not  enter  a  bed,  but  lie  in  his  court-yard."  If 
this  penance  was  imposed  for  seven  years,  he  might  take  to  his  aid  twelve  men, 
and  fast  three  days  on  bread,  green  herbs,  and  water.  He  might  then  get  seven 
times  one  hundred  and  twenty  men,  whomsoever  he  could,  who  should  all  fast 
three  days,  and  thus  make  up  as  many  days  of  penance  as  there  are  days  in  seven 
years,  p.  97.  Thus  a  penance  of  seven  years  might  be  got  through  in  a  week. 

28  Leg.  \Vihtrsedi,  11.  *  Leg.  Inae,  15. 


76  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK  in  laborious  and  subordinate  conditions,  is  also 
.  strongly  implied  by  a  law  of  Alfred,  which  says, 
"  These  days  are  forgiven  to  all  freemen,  excepting 
servants  and  working  slaves."  The  days  were,  twelve 
days  at  Christmas,  Passion  week,  and  Easter  week, 
and  a  few  others.27  An  Anglo-Saxon,  in  a  charter, 
says,  with  all  my  men,  both  servile  and  freemen.28 

Their  state  of  freedom  had  great  benefits  and  some 
inconveniences.  A  slave  being  the  property  of  another, 
his  master  was  responsible  for  his  delinquencies ;  but 
a  freeman,  not  having  a  lord  to  pay  for  him,  was 
obliged  to  be  under  perpetual  bail  or  sureties,  who 
engaged  to  produce  him  whenever  he  should  be  ac- 
cused.29 Being  of  more  personal  consideration  in 
society,  his  mulcts  were  proportion  ably  greater.  If 
he  stole  from  the  king,  he  was  obliged  to  pay  a  nine- 
fold compensation30;  if  a  freeman  stole  from  a  freeman, 
he  was  to  compensate  three- fold,  and  all  his  goods  and 
the  penalty  were  to  go  to  the  king.31  The  principle 
of  greater  compensation  from  the  free  than  the  servile 
pervades  our  ancient  laws. 

But  the  benefits  of  freedom  are  at  all  times  incal- 
culable, and  have  been  happily  progressive.  If  they 
had  been  no  more  than  the  power  of  changing  their 
master  at  their  own  pleasure,  as  our  present  domestic 
servants  do,  even  this  was  a  most  valuable  privilege  ; 
and  this  they  exercised.  We  have  an  instance  of  a 
certain  huntsman  mentioned,  who  left  the  lordship  of 
his  master  and  his  land,  and  chose  himself  another 
lord.32 

They  had  many  other  advantages ;  their  persons 
were  frequently  respected  in  their  punishments ;  thus 
a  theow  who  broke  an  appointed  fast  might  be  whipped, 
but  a  freeman  was  to  pay  a  mulct.33  It  was  no  small 

27  Leg.  JElf.  44.  »  Thorpe,  Reg.  Roff.  357. 

29  Leg.  Ethelr.  102.  M  Leg.  Ethelb.  2. 

31  Ibid. 

32  MS.  Charters  of  the  late  Mr.  Astle,  28.  *>  Leg.  Sax.  p.  53. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  77 

benefit  that  the  king  was  their  legal  lord  and  patron  :      CHAP. 

"  If  any  kill  a  freeman,  the  king  shall  receive  fifty  . 

shillings  for  lordship."34     Upon  the  same  principle, 

if  a  freeman  were  taken  with  a  theft  in  his  hand,  the 

king  had  a  choice  of  the  punishment  to  be  inflicted  on 

him  ;    he  might  kill  him,  he  might  sell  him  over  sea, 

or  receive  his  wsere.35     That  they  were  valued  and 

protected  by  our  ancient  legislation,  is  evident  from 

the  provision  made  for  their  personal  liberty :  whoever 

put  a   freeman   into  bonds    was   to   forfeit   twenty 

shillings.36 

This  happy  state  of  freedom  might,  however,  be 
lost :  the  degradation  from  liberty  to  slavery  was  one 
of  the  punishments  attached  to  the  free.  We  have 
mentioned  already,  that  one  offence  which  incurred  it 
was  violating  the  Sabbath.  A  foeaipan  reduced  to 
slavery  by  the  penalties  of  law  was  called  a  wite 
theow37,  a  penal  slave.  Under  this  denomination  he 
occurs  in  the  laws,  and  is  frequently  mentioned  in 
wills.  Thus  ^ynfledajdirecting  the  emancipation  of 
some  slaves,  exteno^the  same  benevolence  to  her 
wite  theow,  if  there  be  any.38  So  an  archbishop 
directs  all  such  to  be  freed  who  in  his  time  had  been 
mulcted  of  their  liberty.39  A  freeman  so  reduced  to 
slavery  became  again  subject  to  corporal  punishment; 
for  it  was  ordered,  that  one  who  had  stolen  while  free, 
might  receive  stripes  from  his  prosecutor.  It  was 
also  ordered,  that  if,  while  a  wite  theow,  he  stole,  he 
was  to  be  hanged.40 

•      It  is  well  known  that  a  large  proportion  of  the  slaves. 
Anglo-Saxon  population  was  in  a  state  of  slavery. 
This  unfortunate  class  of  men,  who  were  called  theow 

31  Leg.  Sax.  p.  2.  3S  Ibid.  p.  12.  »  Ibid.  p.  3. 

37  Ibid.  p.  22.     Hence  the  will  of  archbishop  Elfric  says,  "  If  any  one  according 
to   the  custom  of  England   shill   have  incurred  the  penalty  of  any  slavery,"  he 
ordered  him  to  be  freed.     Cott.  MSS.  Claud,  c.  ix.  p.  126. 

38  Hickes,  Pref.  Gram.  m  MS.  Claud,  c.  ix.  p.  125. 
40  Leg.  Sax.  22.  and  p.  18. 


78  HISTORY    OF   THE 

BOOR  thrasl,  men,  and  esne,  are  frequently  mentioned  in 
•  our  ancient  laws  and  charters,  and  are  exhibited  in 
the  servile  condition  of  being  another's  property, 
without  any  political  existence  or  social  consideration. 
They  were  bought  and  sold  with  land,  and  were 
conveyed  in  the  grants  of  it  promiscuously  with  the 
cattle  and  other  property  upon  it.  Thus,  in  an  enu- 
meration of  property  on  an  estate,  it  is  said  there 
were  a  hundred  sheep,  fifty-five  swine,  two  men,  and 
five  yoked  oxen.41  At  another  time  we  find  some 
land  given  up  without  injury  to  any  thing  belonging 
to  it,  whether  men,  cattle,  or  food.42  So  one  bought 
land  for  thirty  pounds,  and  gave  seven  pounds  more 
for  all  the  things  on  it,  as  men,  stock,  and  corn.43 

In  the  Anglo-Saxon  wills  these  wretched  beings 
are  given  away  precisely  as  we  now  dispose  of  our 
plate,  our  furniture,  or  our  money.  An  archbishop 
bequeaths  some  land  to  an  abbey,  with  ten  oxen  and 
two  men.44  .ZElfhelm  bequeaths  his  chief  mansion  at 
Gyrstingthorpe,  with  all  the  property  that  stood 
thereon,  both  provisions  and  men.45  Wynfleda,  in 
her  will,  gives  to  her  daughter  the  land  at  Ebbeles- 
burn,  and  those  men,  the  property,  and  all  that 
thereon  be  ;  afterwards  she  gives  "  to  EadmaBr  as 
much  property  and  as  many  men  as  to  him  had  been 
bequeathed  before  at  Hafene."  46  In  another  part  of 
her  will  she  says,  "  Of  those  theowan  men  at  Cinnuc, 
she  bequeaths  to  Eadwold,  Ceolstan  the  son  of  Elstan, 
and  the  son  of  EfFa,  and  Burwhyn  Masrtin ;  and  she 
bequeaths  to  Eadgyfu,  JElfsige  the  cook,  and  Tefl 
the  daughter  of  Wareburga,  and  Herestan  and  his 
wife,  and  Ecelm  and  his  wife  and  their  child,  and 
Cynestan,  and  Wynsige,  and  the  son  of  Bryhtric,  and 

• 

41  3  Gale,  Script.  481.  «  Heming.  Chartul.  p.  166. 

43  3  Gale,  478. ;  and  see  the  letter  of  Lullius,  Bib.  Mag.  Pat.  vol.  xvi.  p.  92. 

41  MS.  Cott.  c.  ix.  p.  125.;  and  see  1  Dug.  M.  306. 

45  Test.  Elfhelmi.     App.  Sax.  Diet.  *>  Test.  Wynfl.     Hickes,  Pref. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  79 

Edwyn,  and  the  son  of  Bunel,  and  the  daughter  of     CHAP. 
JElfwer."     Wulfgar  in  his  will  says,  "  I  give  to  Ml-         /    . 
fere  abbot  the  lands  at  Ferscesford,  with  the  provi- 
sions, and  with  the  men,  and  with  all  the  produce 
as  it  is  cultivated."     This  will  contains  several  be- 
quests of  this  sort.47 

Their  servile  state  was  attended  with  all  the  horrors 
of  slavery,  descending  on  the  posterity  of  the  sub- 
jected individuals.  A  duke  in  Mercia  added  to  a 
donation  "  six  men,  who  formerly  belonged  to  the 
royal  villa  in  Berhtanwellan,  with  all  their  offspring 
and  their  family,  that  they  may  always  belong  to  the 
land  of  the  aforesaid  church  in  perpetual  inheritance." 
To  this  gift  is  added  the  names  of  the  slaves.  "  These 
are  the  names  of  those  men  that  are  in  this  writing, 
with  their  offspring,  and  their  family  that  come  from 
them  in  perpetual  heritage :  Alhmund,  Tidulf,  Tidheh, 
Lull,  Lull,  Eadwulf."48  That  whole  families  were  in 
a  state  of  slavery  appears  most  satisfactorily  from  the 
instruments  of  manumission  which  remain  to  us.  In 
them  we  find  a  man,  his  wife,  and  their  offspring, 
frequently  redeemed  together ;  and  in  Wynfleda's 
will,  the  wives  and  daughters  of  some  slaves  she 
names  are  directed  to  be  emancipated.  Ethelstan, 
after  stating  that  he  freed  Eadelm,  because  he  had 
become  king,  adds,  "  and  I  give  to  the  children  the 
same  benefit  as  I  give  to  the  father." 

Some  of  the  prices  of  slaves  appear  in  the  written 
contracts  of  their  purchase  which  have  survived. 
• 

"  Here  is  declared  in  this  book,  that  Ediwic,  the  widow  of 
Saewgels,  bought  Gladu  at  Colewin  for  half  a  pound,  for  the  price 
and  the  toll ;  and  .ZElword,  the  port  gerefa,  took  the  toll ;  and 
thereto  was  witness  Leowin,  brother  of  Leoword,  and  JElwi  blaca, 
and  .ZElwin  the  king,  and  Landbiriht,  and  Alca,  and  Saewerd ;  and 
may  he  have  God's  curse  for  ever  that  this  ever  undoes.  Amen." 

47  Test.  Wulf.     Hickes,  Diss.  Ep.  54. 

48  Heming.  Chart.   Wig.   p.  61,  62.:   and  for  the  next  paragraphs  see  Ilickes, 
Diss.  Ep.  p.  12.,  and  his  Preface  ;  and  Wanley's  Catalogue,  p.  181. 


80  HISTORY    OF   THE 

BOOK          So  Egelsig  bought  Wynric  of  an  abbot  for  an  yre 
-  of  gold  ;  another  was  bought  for  three  mancusaa."  49 

The  tolls  mentioned  in  some  of  the  contracts  for 
slaves  may  be  illustrated  out  of  Domesday-book.  In 
the  burgh  of  Lewis  it  says,  that  at  every  purchase 
and  sale,  money  was  paid  to  the  gerefa :  for  an  ox,  a 
farthing  was  collected  :  for  a  man,  four  pennies. 

That  the  Anglo-Saxons  were  sold  at  Rome  we 
learn  from  the  well-known  anecdote  mentioned  by 
Bede,  of  Pope  Gregory  seeing  them  in  the  markets 
there.  We  also  read  of  one  being  sold  in  London  to 
a  Frisian50  ;  and  of  a  person  in  France  relieving  many 
from  slavery,  especially  Saxons,  probably  continental 
Saxons,  who  then  abounded  in  that  country.01  It 
was  expressly  enjoined  in  one  of  the  later  laws,  that 
no  Christians,  or  innocent  man,  should  be  sold  from 
the  land.62  They  appear  to  have  been  very  numerous. 
It  is  mentioned  that  there  were  two  hundred  and 
fifty  slaves,  men  and  Avomen,  in  the  lands  given  by 
the  king  to  Wilfrid.53  But  to  have  a  just  idea  of 

49  Hickes,  Diss.  p.  12.;  and  App.  Sax.  Diet     In  the  act  of  purchase,  by  which 
Hunnifloh  bought  Wulfgytha,  it  is  added,  "  and  the  brown  beadle  took  the  toll." 
Cotr.  MSS.  Tib.  B.  5.     As  specimens  of  prices  we  may  add,  that  Sydefleda  was 
sold  for  five  shillings  and  some  pence  ;   Saethrytha  for  three  mancusae ;   Alfgytha 
and  Gunnilda,  each  for  half  a  pound.     MSS.  ('.  C.  C.  Cant.     Wanley,  Cat.  p.  116. 

50  Bede,  166. 

51  Bouquet's  Recueil  des  Historiens,  torn.  iii.  p.  553. 

52  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  p.  107.     "  Some  young  men  were    exported    from    North- 
umberland to  be  sold,  according  to  a  custom  which  seems  to  be  natural  to  the 
people  of  that  country,  of  selling  their  nearest  relations  for  their  own  advantage.''' 

>  — Malmsb.  lib.  i.  c.  3.  "  There  is  a  seaport  town,  called  Bristol,  opposite  to  Ireland, 
into  which  its  inhabitants  make  frequent  voyages  on  account  of  trade.  Wulfstan 
cured  the  people  of  this  town  of  a  most  odious  and  inveterate  custom,  which  they 
derived  from  their  ancestors,  of  buying  men  and  women  in  all  parts  of  England, 
and  exporting  them  to  Ireland  for  the  sake  of  gain.  The  young  women  they  com- 
monly got  with  child,  and  carried  them  to  market  in  their  pregnancy,  that  they 
might  bring  a  better  price.  You  might  have  seen,  with  sorrow,  long  ranks  of 
young  persons  of  both  sexes,  and  of  the  greatest  beauty,  tied  together  with  ropes, 
and  daily  exposed  to  sale :  nor  were  these  men  ashamed,  O  horrid  wickedness  ! 
to  give  up  their  nearest  relations,  nay,  their  own  children,  to  slavery.  Wulfstan, 
knowing  the  obstinacy  of  these  people,  sometimes  stayed  two  months  among  them, 
preaching  every  Lord's  day ;  by  which,  in  process  of  time,  he  had  made  so  great 
an  impression  upon  their  minds,  that  they  abandoned  that  wicked  trade,  and  set 
an  example  to  all  the  rest  of  England  to  do  the  same."  Henry's  Hist.  vol.  iv.  p. 
238. 

53  Bede,  h',  c.  13. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  81 

their  number,  we  must  inspect  their  enumeration  in     CHAP 
Domesday-book.     No  portion  of  land  scarcely  is  there  - 

mentioned  without  some. 

When  we  consider  the  condition  of  the  servile,  as 
it  appears  in  the  Saxon  laws,  we  shall  find  it  to  have 
been  very  degraded  indeed.  They  were  allowed  to 
be  put  into  bonds,  and  to  be  whipped.54  They  might 
be  branded55;  and  on  one  occasion  they  are  spoken  of 
as  if  actually  yoked :  "  Let  every  man  know  his  teams 
of  men,  of  horses,  and  oxen."56 

They  were  allowed  to  accumulate  some  property  of 
their  own.  We  infer  this  from  the  laws  having  sub- 
jected them  to  pecuniary  punishments,  and  from  their 
frequently  purchasing  their  own  freedom.  If  an  esne 
did  theow-work  against  his  lord's  command,  on  Sunday 
evening  after  sun-set  and  before  the  moon  set,  he  was 
to  pay  eighty  shillings  to  his  lord.57  If  a  theow  gave 
offerings  to  idols,  or  eat  flesh  willingly  on  a  fast-day, 
he  was  mulcted  six  shillings,  or  had  to  suffer  in  his 
hide.58  If  an  esne  killed  another  esne,  who  was  in  no 
act  of  offence,  he  forfeited  all  he  was  worth ;  but  if  he 
killed  a  freeman,  his  geld  was  to  be  one  hundred 
shillings :  he  was  to  be  given  up  by  his  owner,  who 
was  to  add  the  price  of  another  man."59 

A  father,  if  very  poor,  was  allowed  to  give  his  son 
up  to  slavery  for  seven  years,  if  the  child  consented 
to  it.60 

If  the  mass  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  population  had 
continued  in  this  servile  state,  the  progress  of  the 
ftation  in  the  improvements  of  society  would  have 
been  very  small.  But  a  better  destiny  awaited  them ; 
the  custom  of  manumission  began  ;  and  the  diffusion 
of  Christianity,  by  mildly  attempering  the  feelings  of 


44  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  15.  22.  52,  53.  59.  M  Ibid.  p.  103.  139. 

50  Ibid.  p.  47.  "  Ibid.  p.  11. 

53  Ibid.  p.  11.  »  Ibid.  p.  8. 
60  1  Wilk.  Cone.  130. 

VOL.  III.  G 


82  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK     the  individual,  and  by  compelling  him  to  cultivate 
.   acts  of  benevolence  as  a  religious  duty,  increased  the 
prevalence  of  the  practice. 

We  have  many  instances  of  the  emancipation  of 
slaves.  A  landholder,  in  Edgar's  time,  who  had 
thirty  men  on  his  grounds,  directed  that  out  of  these 
thirteen  should  be  liberated  as  lot  should  decide ;  so 
that,  placed  in  the  highway,  they  might  go  wherever 
they  pleased.61  It  seems  to  have  been  an  exercise  of 
philanthropy,  not  uncommon  in  wills,  to  give  freedom 
to  some  of  this  pitiable  class  of  human  kind.  Wyn- 
fleda  displays  the  compassionate  feelings  of  her  sex 
very  strikingly,  by  directing  the  emancipation  of 
several  of  her  slaves :  — 

*  "  Let  Wulfware  be  freed,  and  follow  whomsoever  he  likes  best ; 
and  let  "Wulflaede  be  freed,  on  the  condition  that  she  follow 
JEthelfleda  and  Eadgifa  (her  daughters) ;  and  let  Gerburg  be  freed, 
and  Miscin,  and  the  daughter  of  Burhulf  at  Cinnuc  ;  and  JElfsige, 
and  his  wife,  and  his  eldest  daughter,  and  Ceolstane's  wife ;  and 

at  Ceorlatune  let  Pifus  be  freed,  and  Edwin,  and 's  wife ; 

and  at  Saccuncumbe  let  .^Edelm  be  freed,  and  man,  and  Johannan, 
and  Spror  and  his  wife,  and  Enefette,  and  Gersand,  and  Snel ;  and 
at  Colleshylle  let  yEthelgythe  be  freed,  and  Bicca's  wife,  and 
JEffa,  and  Beda,  and  Gurhan's  wife,  and  let  Bryhsig's  wife,  the 

sister  of  Wulfar,  be  freed  ;  and •  the  workman,  and  Wulf- 

gythe  the  daughter  of  ^Elfswythe,"62 

We  have  many  instruments  of  manumission  extant, 
from  which  we  learn  some  of  the  causes  which  pro- 
duced it. 

Sometimes  individuals,  from  their  benevolence,  gave 
them  their  freedom.  Thus  Halwun  Noce,  of  Exeter, 
freed  Hagel,  his  family  woman63;  and  so  Lifgith  and 
his  two  children  were  declared  free.64  Sometimes  the 
charitable  kindness  of  others  redeemed  them :  — 

"  Here  appeareth  in  this  Christ's  book,  that  Siwine  the  son  of 
Leofwie,  at  Lincumb,  hath  bought  Sydelflceda  out  with  five 
shillings  and  *****  pennies,  to  perpetual  freedom,  of  John  the 

61  3  Gale,  Script.  407.  «  Hickes,  Pracf.  xxii. 

63  Hickes,  Diss.  Ep.  12.  6I  Sax.  Diet  App. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  83 

bishop  and  all  the  family  at  Bath ;  and  hereto  witness  is  Godric      CHAP. 
Ladda,  and  Saewold,  and  his  two  sons,  Scirewold  and  Brihtwold."65         ix. 

So  ^Eilgyfu  the  Good  redeemed  Hig  and  Dunna, 
and  their  offspring,  for  thirteen  mancson.66  We  will 
give  another  specimen  of  these  benevolent  actions:  — 

"  Here  it  is  stated  in  this  writing,  that  Aluric,  the  canon  of 
Exeter,  redeemed  Reinold  and  his  children,  and  all  their  offspring, 
of  Herberdi,  for  two  shillings ;  and  Aluric  called  them  free  and 
sac-less,  in  town  and  from  town,  for  God's  love  ;  and  the  witness 
to  this  is,"  &c. 67 

Sometimes  piety  procured  a  manumission.  Thus 
two  Irishmen  were  freed  for  the  sake  of  an  abbot's 
soul.68  But  the  most  interesting  kind  of  emancipa- 
tion appears  in  those  writings  which  announce  to  us 
that  the  slaves  had  purchased  their  own  liberty,  or 
that  of  their  family.  Thus  Edric  bought  the  perpetual 
freedom  of  Sa3gyfa,  his  daughter,  and  all  her  offspring. 
So,  for  one  pound,  Elfwig  the  Red  purchased  his  own 
liberty ;  and  Saewi  Hagg  bought  out  his  two  sons.69 
Godwin  the  Pale  is  also  notified  to  have  liberated 
himself,  his  wife,  and  children,  for  fifteen  shillings. 
Brightma3r  bought  the  perpetual  freedom  of  himself, 
his  wife  ^Elgyfu,  their  children  and  grandchildren,  for 
two  pounds.  Leofenoth  redeemed  himself  and  his 
offspring  for  five  oran  and  twelve  sheep ;  and  ^Egilsig 
bought  his  son's  liberty  for  sixty  pennies.70 

The  Anglo-Saxon  laws  recognised  the  liberation  of 
slaves,  and  placed  them  under  legal  protection.  In 
one  of  them  it  is  declared,  that  if  any  of  them  freed 
tys  slave  at  the  altar,  the  theow  should  become  folk- 
free,  or  free  among  the  people  ;  but  his  former  owner 
was  to  possess  his  property,  his  weregeld,  and  his 
mund.71  It  was  enjoined  by  the  synod,  held  in  816, 
that  at  the  death  of  a  bishop,  his  English  slaves,  who 

65  Sax.  Diet.  App.  «  Hickes,  Diss.  Ep.  12. 

67  Wanley,  Catal.  152.  ®  Sax.  Diet.  App. 

89  See  all  these  emancipations  in  the  Appendix  to  the  Saxon  Dictionary. 
70  Hickes,  Diss.  Ep.  13.  9,  10.  "  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.   11. 

G   2 


84  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK     had  been  reduced  to  slavery  in  his  lifetime,  should  be 

VII.  »         j   79 

.  ireed. 

The  liberal  feelings  of  our  ancestors  towards  their 
enslaved  domestics  appear  in  the  generous  gifts  which 
they  made  to  them.  The  grants  of  land  from  masters 
to  their  servants  are  very  common. 

Our  wise  and  benevolent  Alfred  directed  one  of  his 
laws  to  lessen  the  number  of  the  enslaved.  He  could 
not  emancipate  those  who  were  then  in  servitude,  nor 
their  future  families,  without  a  violent  convulsion  of 
the  rights  of  property  which  then  subsisted ;  and  the 
general  resistance  would  have  made  the  romantic  at- 
tempt not  only  ineffectual,  but  pernicious,  both  to 
those  he  wished  to  benefit  and  to  the  society  at  large. 
But  what  he  could  do  safely  he  performed.  He  pro- 
cured it  to  be  enacted,  by  the  witena-gemot,  that  if 
any  one  should  in  future  buy  a  Christian  slave,  the 
time  of  his  servitude  should  be  limited  to  six  years ; 
and  that  on  the  seventh  he  should  be  free  without  any 
payment,  and  depart  with  the  wife  and  the  clothes  he 
had  at  first.  But  if  the  lord  had  given  him  the  wife, 
both  she  and  her  children  were  to  remain.  If  he 
chose  to  continue  a  slave,  he  might  determine  to  do 
so.73  This  law  struck  a  decisive  blow  at  slavery  in 
England  ;  it  checked  their  future  multiplication  ;  it 
discouraged  their  sale  and  purchase ;  it  established  a 
system  of  legal  emancipation  ;  and  gave  the  masters 
a  deep  interest  in  the  kind  treatment  of  the  slaves 
then  belonging  to  them,  in  order  to  preserve  the  race. 
From  the  effect  of  this  provision,  the  free  population 
increased  every  year. 

The  servile  class  was  more  numerous  in  England 
than  the  free.  This  is  the  usual  case  in  all  countries 
where  slavery  prevails :  indeed  the  laborious  class 
always  outnumbers  the  proprietary  body. 

n  Spel.  Cone.  330.  *  Wilk.  Leg.  29. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  85 


CHAP.  X. 

Their  Gilds,  or  Clubs. 

THE  gilds,  or  social  confederations,  in  which  many  of     CHAP. 
the  Anglo-Saxons  chose  to  arrange  themselves,  de-   .     x' 
serve  our  peculiar  attention ;  we  will  describe  them 
as  they  appear  to  us  from  some  MSS.  of  their  in- 
struments of  association   which   are   yet   in   being. 
They  are  remarkable  for  the  social  and  combining 
spirit  which  they  display. 

One  of  these  is  a  gild-scipe,  composed  of  eighteen 
members,  at  Exeter,  whose  names  are  mentioned  in 
it,  and  to  which  the  bishop  and  canons  are  stated  to 
have  acceded.  It  recites,  that  they  have  undertaken 
the  association  in  mutual  fraternity :  the  objects  of 
their  union  appear  to  have  been,  that  every  hearth, 
or  family,  should,  at  Easter  in  every  year,  pay  one 
penny  ;  and  on  the  death  of  every  member  of  the  gild 
one  penny,  whether  man  or  woman,  for  the  soul's  scot, 
The  canons  were  to  have  this  soul's  scot,  and  to 
perform  the  necessary  rites.1  This  gild-scipe  some- 
what resembles  one  of  our  benefit  societies,  in  which 
the  members  make  small  stated  payments,  and  are 
buried  at  the  expense  of  the  fund  so  raised. 

Another  gild-scipe  at  Exeter  purports  to  have  been 
made  for  God's  love,  and  their  soul's  need,  and  to 
have  agreed  that  their  meetings  should  be  thrice  a 
year ;  viz.  at  Michaelmas,  at  Mary's  Mass,  over  Mid- 
winter, and  at  the  holy  days  after  Easter.  Every 
member  was  to  bring  a  certain  portion  of  malt,  and 
every  cniht  was  to  add  a  less  quantity  and  some 
honey.  The  mass-priest  was  to  sing  a  mass  for  their 

1  Our  illustrious  Hickes  has  printed  this  gild-scipe  agreement,  with  others,  in 
his  Dissert.  Epist.  p.  18. 

G  3 


86  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK  living  friends,  and  another  for  their  dead  friends, 
.  vn'  .  and  every  brother  two  psalms.  At  the  death  of 
every  member,  six  psalms  were  to  be  chanted ;  and 
every  man  at  the  ]'uj?-pope  was  to  pay  five  pennies, 
and  at  a  house-burning  one  penny.  If  any  man 
neglected  the  appointed  days,  he  was  to  be  fined  the 
first  time  in  three  masses,  the  second  in  five,  and  the 
third  time  no  man  was  to  share  with  him,  unless 
sickness  or  the  compulsion  of  the  lord  occasioned  his 
absence.  If  any  one  neglected  his  payments  at  the  ap- 
pointed time,  he  was  to  pay  double ;  and  if  any  member 
misgreeted  another,  he  was  to  forfeit  thirty  pence.  It 
concludes  thus  :  — "  We  pray  for  the  love  of  God  that 
every  man  hold  this  meeting  rightly,  so  as  we  have 
rightly  agreed  it  should  be.  May  God  assist  us  in  this." 2 
There  is  an  instrument  made  on  the  establishment 
of  a  gild  of  thegns  at  Cambridge.  By  this  every 
member  was  to  take  an  oath  of  true  fidelity  to  each 
other,  and  the  gild  was  always  to  assist  him  who  had 
the  most  just  claim.  If  any  of  the  gild  died,  all  the 
gild-scipe  was  to  carry  him  wherever  he  desired ;  and 
if  any  neglected  to  attend  on  this  occasion,  he  was 
fined  a  syster  of  honey ;  and  the  gild-scipe  wras  to 
furnish  half  of  the  provisions  at  the  interment,  and 
every  one  was  to  pay  two-pence  for  alms,  and  what 
was  suitable  was  to  be  taken  to  St.  Etheldrytha.  If 
any  of  the  gild  should  need  the  assistance  of  his  com- 
panions, arid  it  was  mentioned  to  the  gerefa  nearest 
the  gild,  then  if  the  gerefa  neglected  him,  unless  the 
gild  itself  was  near,  he  was  to  pay  one  pound.  If  the 
lord  neglected  it,  he  was  to  forfeit  the  same  sum, 
unless  his  superior  claims  compelled  him  to  the  inat- 
tention, or  sickness  prevented.  If  any  killed  one  of  a 
gild,  eight  pounds  were  to  be  the  compensation  ;  and 
if  the  homicide  did  not  pay  it,  all  the  gildship  were  to 
avenge  their  member,  and  to  support  the  con- 

1  Hickcs,  Dissert   Epist.  p.  '21,  2'2. 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 

sequences :  if  one  did  it,  all  were  to  bear  alike.  If 
any  of  the  gild  killed  any  other  person,  and  was  in 
distress,  and  had  to  pay  for  the  wrong,  and  the  slain 
were  a  twelf  hinde  person,  every  one  of  the  gild  must 
help  with  half  a  mark.  If  the  slain  be  a  ceorl,  let 
each  pay  two  ora,  or  one  ora  if  a  Welshman.  If  the 
gild-man  kills  any  one  wilfully  or  foolishly,  he  must 
bear  himself  what  he  should  do ;  and  if  he  should  kill 
any  of  the  gild  by  his  own  folly,  he  and  his  relations 
must  abide  the  consequence,  and  pay  eight  pounds  for 
the  gild,  or  else  lose  its  society  and  friendship.  If 
any  of  the  gild  eat  or  drink  with  the  homicide,  unless 
before  the  king,  or  the  lord  bishop,  or  the  ealdorman, 
he  must  pay  a  pound,  unless,  with  two  persons  sitting, 
he  can  prove  that  he  did  not  know  it.  If  any  of  the 
gild  misgreet  another,  let  him  pay  a  syster  of  honey, 
unless  with  two  friends  he  can  clear  himself.  If  a 
cniht  draw  a  weapon,  let  him  pay  his  lord  a  pound, 
and  let  the  lord  have  it  where  he  may ;  and  all  the 
gild-scipe  shall  help  him  to  get  it.  If  the  cniht  wound 
another,  let  the  lord  avenge  it.  If  the  cniht  sits 
within  the  path,  let  him  pay  a  syster  of  honey ;  and 
if  he  has  a  foot-seat,  let  him  do  the  same.  If  any  of 
the  gild  die,  or  fall  sick,  out  of  the  district,  let  the 
gild  fetch  him,  and  bring  him  as  he  wished,  either 
dead  or  alive,  under  the  penalty  before  mentioned.  If 
he  die  at  home,  and  the  gild  seek  not  the  body,  nor 
his  morgen  spa?ce,  let  a  syster  of  honey  be  forfeited.3 
These  gilds  are  sometimes  alluded  to  in  the  laws. 
*  If  a  man  without  paternal  relations  should  fight  and 
kill  another,  then  his  maternal  kinsmen  were  ordered 
to  pay  one  third  of  the  were,  his  gild  a  third,  and  for 
the  other  part  his  gild  was  to  escape.4  In  London 
there  appear  to  have  been  free  gilds :  "  This  is  the 
council  that  the  bishops  and  gerefas  that  belong  to 

3  Hickes,  Dissert.  Epist  p.  20. 

1   Wilkins,  Leg.  Sax.  p.  41.;  and  sec  the  laws,  p.  13. 

G  4 


88  HISTORY   OF    THE 

BOOK  London  borough  have  pronounced,  and  with  pledges 
.  vn'  .  confirmed  in  our  free  gilds."5  In  a  charter  concern- 
ing Canterbury,  the  three  companies  of  the  citizens 
within  the  walls,  and  those  without,  are  mentioned.6 
Domesday-book  likewise  notices  a  gild  of  the  clergy 
in  the  same  city.7  They  seem,  on  the  whole,  to  have 
been  friendly  associations  made  for  mutual  aid  and 
contribution,  to  meet  the  pecuniary  exigencies  which 
were  perpetually  arising  from  burials,  legal  exactions, 
penal  mulcts,  and  other  payments  or  compensations. 
That  much  good  fellowship  was  connected  with  them 
can  be  doubted  by  no  one.  The  fines  of  their  own 
imposition  imply  that  the  materials  of  conviviality 
were  not  forgotten.  —  These  associations  may  be  called 
the  Anglo-Saxon  clubs. 

That  in  mercantile  towns  and  sea-ports  there  were 
also  gilds,  or  fraternities  of  men  constituted  for  the 
purpose  of  carrying  on  more  successful  enterprises  in 
commeree,  even  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  times,  appears  to 
be  a  fact.  Domesday-book  mentions  the  gihalla,  or 
guildhall,  of  the  burghers  of  Dover.8 

s  Wilkins,  Leg.  Sax.  p.  65. 

6  MS.  Chart,   penes  the  late  Mr.  Astle  •'  cha  thjieo  gerepf  ipaf  inne  buphpiifia 
anfe  uran  buphpajia."     No.  28. 

7  "  32  inauguras  quas  tenent  clerici  de  villa  in  gildam  suam."     Domesday,  f.  ,'3. 

8  "In  quibus  erat  gihalla  burgensium."     Domesday,  f.  1.     We  find  clubs,  or 
peculiar  societies  of  individuals,  existing  in  the   Roman    empire  in  the  time  of 
Trajan  ;  which  met  under  the  pretence  of  business,  festivity,  or  friendship,  but  which 
were  then  suspected  by  the  government  to  be  seminaries  of  faction  or  disaffection. 
They  were  called  Hetaerias  ;  from  eraipia,  a  company,  or  fraternity,  derived  from 
eraipos,  a  companion.      That  Trajan  endeavoured  to  suppress  them  we  learn  from 
Pliny's  Epistle  to  him,  "I  will  prohibit  the  lletserias  (Hetajrias  esse)  according  to 
your  mandates."  1.  10.     Some  of  the  sufferings  of  the  first  Christians  may  have 
arisen  from  their  devotional  meetings  being  confounded  with  these  political  clubs. 
Tertullian  distinguishes  them  from  these,  by  desiring  in  his  Apology,  about  the 
year  200,  that  the  Christian  sect  might  be  tolerated  "inter  licitas  factiones "  among 
the  allowed  associations,  "  because  it  is  a  sect  from  which  nothing  proceeds  that  is 
hostile,  like  the  dreadful  results  of  other  illegal  factions."     He  adds,  "  for  such  a 
multiplicity  of  sects  is  suppressed  from  reasons  of  state,  that  the  city  may  not  be 
split  into  parties :  since  these  divisions  would  introduce  a  general  disorder  into  all 
your  popular  elections,  councils,  courts,  assemblies,  and  public  spectacles,  by  the 
ambitious  clashings  of  the  contending  factions.     And  never  was  there  more  reason 
than  now  to  provide  against  such  disorders,  as  the  instigators  are  sure  not  to  want 
violent  hands  for  any  design,  if  they  want  not  money  to  pay  them."  Apol.  c.  38, 
There  seems  to  be  a  tendency  of  mankind  in  all  civilised  nations  to  form  secret 
societies  of  the  Heta:ria  kind  in  every  age,  though  under  varying  appellations,  and 
with  popular  exterior  pretensions,  suited  to  the  feeling?  of  the  day. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  89 


CHAP.  XL 

Their  Trades,  Mechanical  Arts,  and  Foreign  Commerce. 

Two  things  become  essential  to  the  peace  and  comfort     CHAP. 
of  all  social  unions  of  mankind; — one,    that    each    .    xr' 
should  have  the  means  of  acquiring  the  property  he 
needs  for  his  subsistence  and  welfare  ;  and  the  other 
that  he  should  be  accustomed  to  some  employments 
or  amusements,  in  which  his  activity  and  time  may  be 
consumed  without  detriment  to  others  or  weariness 
to  himself. 

In  our  age  of  the  world,  so  many  trades,  arts,  pro- 
fessions, and  objects,  and  channels  of  occupation  exist, 
that,  in  the  ordinary  course  of  life,  every  member  of 
our  population  may  obtain,  without  a  crime,  if  he  seek 
with  moderate  assiduity,  the  supplies  that  are  neces- 
sary both  to  his  wants  and  his  pleasures.  It  was  not 
so  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  times.  The  trades  and  arts 
were  few,  and  foreign  commerce  was  inconsiderable. 
Invention  had  not  found  out  conveniences  of  life  suffi- 
cient to  employ  many  mechanics  or  manufacturers,  or 
to  give  much  diversity  of  employment.  The  land  and 
^ts  produce  were  in  the  hands  of  a  few,  and  it  was  dif- 
ficult for  the  rest  to  get  any  property  by  honourable 
or  peaceful  means.  Our  Alfred  intimates  this,  for  he 
says,  "  Now  thou  canst  not  obtain  money  unless  thou 
steal  it,  or  plunder  it,  or  discover  some  hidden  treasure ; 
and  thus  when  you  acquire  it  to  yourself  you  lessen 
it  to  others."1  Violence  arid  rapine  were  the  usual 
means  of  acquiring  property  among  that  part  of  the 

1  Alf.  Boot.  p.  69. 


90  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK  better  classes  who  happened  to  be  unprovided  with  it. 
.  vn-  .  Hence  the  exhortations  of  the  clergy  and  the  laws  are 
so  full  of  denunciations  against  these  popular  depre- 
dators. It  is  declared  to  be  the  duty  of  an  earl  to 
hate  thieves  and  public  robbers:  to  destroy  plunderers 
and  spoilers,  unless  they  would  amend  and  abstain 
from  such  unrighteous  actions.2  Tradesmen  and 
merchants  are  often  spoken  of  as  poor  and  humble 
men.  The  great  sources  of  property  were  from  land 
and  war,  and  from  the  liberality  of  the  great.  It  was 
by  slow  degrees  that  trades  multiplied,  and  the  pro- 
ductions of  the  arts  and  manufactures  increased  so  as 
to  furnish  subsistence  and  wealth  to  those  who  wished 
to  be  peaceable  and  domestic. 

In  the  present  state,  and  under  the  fortunate  con- 
stitution of  the  British  islands,  our  tradesmen  and 
manufacturers  are  an  order  of  men  who  contribute 
essentially  to  uphold  our  national  rank  and  character, 
and  form  a  class  of  actual  personal  distinction  superior 
to  what  the  same  order  has  in  any  age  or  country  pos- 
sessed, except  in  the  middle  ages  of  Italy.  They  are 
not  only  the  fountains  of  that  commerce  which  rewards 
us  with  the  wealth  of  the  world,  but  they  are  perpe- 
tually supplying  the  other  classes  and  professions  of 
society  with  new  means  of  improvement  and  comfort ; 
and  with  those  new  accessions  of  persons  and  property 
which  keep  the  great  machine  of  our  political  great- 
nes's  in  constant  strength  and  activity. 

Some  proportion  of  these  advantages,  gradually 
increasing,  has  been  reaped  by  England,  from  the 
trading  part  of  its  community,  in  every  stage  of  its 
commercial  progression.  But  the  farther  we  go  back 
into  antiquity,  the  pursuit  was  less  reputable,  and 
the  benefits  more  rare.  This  class  of  society  in  the 
remote  ages  was  neither  numerous,  opulent,  nor 

2  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  149. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  91 

civilised.  Our  earlier  ancestors  had  neither  learnt 
the  utility  of  dividing  labour,  nor  acquired  the  faculty 
of  varying  its  productions.  They  had  neither  in- 
vention, taste,  enterprise,  respectability,  influence,  or 
wealth.  The  tradesmen  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  were, 
for  the  most  part,  men  in  a  servile  state.  The  clergy, 
the  rich,  and  the  great,  had  domestic  servants,  who 
were  qualified  to  supply  them  with  those  articles  of 
trade  and  manufacture  which  were  in  common  use. 
Hence,  in  monasteries  we  find  smiths,  carpenters, 
millers,  illuminators,  architects,  agriculturists,  fisher- 
men. Thus  a  monk  is  described  as  well  skilled  in 
smith-craft.3  Thus  Wynfleda,  in  her  will,  mentions 
the  servants  she  employed  in  weaving  and  sewing ; 
and  there  are  many  grants  of  land  remaining,  in 
which  men  of  landed  property  rewarded  their  servants 
who  excelled  in  different  trades.  In  one  grant,  the 
brother  of  Godwin  gives  to  a  monastery  a  manor, 
with  its  appendages  ;  that  is,  his  overseer  and  all  his 
chattels,  his  smith,  carpenter,  fisherman,  miller,  all 
these  servants,  and  all  their  goods  and  chattels.4 

The  habits  of  life  were  too  uniform  ;  its  luxuries 
too  few  ;  its  property  too  small ;  its  wants  too  nume- 
rous ;  and  the  spirit  of  the  great  mass  too  servile  and 
dull,  to  have  that  collection  of  ingenious,  active,  re- 
spected, and  inventive  men,  who  make  and  circulate 
our  internal  and  external  commerce,  with  eager,  but 
not  illiberal  competition ;  or  to  have  those  accomplished 
artificers  and  manufacturers  whose  taste  in  execution 
*  equals  that  of  the  most  elegant  fancy  in  its  inventions. 
Neither  the  workmen  nor  their  customers,  however 
elevated  in  society,  had  those  faculties  of  taste  and 
imagination  which  now  accompany  the  fabrication  of 
every  luxury,  and  almost  of  every  comfort  with  which 
mechanical  labour  surrounds  us.  Utility,  glaring 

3  Bedc,  v.  c.  14.  and  p.  634.  4  1  Dug.  Mon.  306. 


92  HISTORY   OF   THE 

gaudiness,  and  material  value  were  the  chief  criterions 
vii.       of  the  general  estimation.     The  delicacy  and  ingenuity 
1 — • — '   of  the  workmanship  were  not  yet  allowed  to  be  able 
to  surpass  the  substantial  worth.     No  commendation 
called  them  into  existence ;  none  sought  to  acquire 
them ;  none  seemed  to  anticipate  the  possibility  of 
their  attainment.     Hence  all  were  satisfied  with  the 
coarse  and  clumsy,  if  it  had  that  show  which  strikes 
an  undiscriminating  eye,   that  sterling  value  which 
announced  the  wealth  of  its  possessor,  and  that  ser- 
viceableness  for  which   alone   he  required    it.     The 
Anglo-Saxon  artificers  and  manufacturers  were  there- 
fore for  some  time  no  more  than  what  real  necessity 
put  in  action.     Their  productions  were  few,  inartificial, 
and  unvaried.     They  lived  and  died  poor,  unhonoured, 
and  unimproved.     But,  by  degrees,  the  manumission 
of  slaves  increased  the  numbers  of  the  independent 
part  of  the  lower  orders.     Some  of  the  emancipated 
became  agricultural  labourers,  and  took  land  of  the 
clergy  and  the  great,  paying  them  an  annual  gafol, 
or  rent ;  but  many  went  to  the  burgs  and  towns,  and 
as  the  king  was  the  lord  of  the  free,  they  resided  in 
these  under  his  protection,  and  became  free  burghers 
or  burgesses.     In  these  burgs  and  towns  they  appear 
to  have  occupied  houses,  paying  him  rent,  or  other 
occasional  compensations,  and  sometimes  performing- 
services  for  him.     Thus,  in  Canterbury,  Edward  had 
fifty-one  burghers,   paying  him  gafol,   or  rent,   and 
over  two  hundred  and  twelve  others  he  had  the  legal 
jurisdiction.5     In    Bath,    the    king    had    sixty-four 
burghers,  who  yielded  four  pounds.6     In  Exeter,  the 
king  had  two  hundred  and  eighty-five  houses,  paying 
eighteen  pounds  a  year.7     In  some  other  places  we 
find  such  compensations  as  these  mentioned :  "  Twelve 
sheep  and  lambs,  and  one  bloom  of  iron,  from  every 

5  Domesday-book,  fo.  2.  6  Ibid.  p.  87. 

7  Ibid.  p.  100. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  93 

free  man."8     These  individuals  and  all  such  were  so     CHAP. 

XI 

many  men  released  from  the  tyranny  of  the  great.  » — ^ — < 
For  toll,  gafol,  and  all  customs,  Oxford  paid  the  king 
twenty  pounds  a  year,  and  six  sextaria  of  honey.9 
At  Dover,  when  the  king's  messenger  arrived,  the 
burghers  had  to  pay  three-pence  for  transporting  his 
horse  in  winter,  and  two-pence  in  summer.  They 
also  provided  a  steersman  and  helper.10 

In  the  burgs,  some  of  the  inhabitants  were  still 
under  other  lords.  Thus  in  Romenel  twenty-five 
burghers  belonged  to  the  archbishop.  In  Bath,  after 
the  king's  burghers  are  mentioned,  it  is  said  that 
ninety  burghers  of  other  men  yielded  sixty  shillings. 
In  the  same  place,  the  church  of  Saint  Peter  had 
thirty-four  burghers,  who  paid  twenty  shillings.11 
At  Romenel,  besides  those  who  were  under  the  arch- 
bishop, one  Robert  is  stated  to  have  had  fifty  burghers, 
of  whom  the  king  had  every  service ;  but  they  were 
freed,  on  account  of  their  service  at  sea,  from  every 
custom,  except  robbery,  breach  of  the  peace,  and 
forestel.12 

In  these  places,  the  services  and  charges  were  some- 
times most  rigorously  exacted.  It  is  stated  of  Here- 
ford, that  if  any  one  wished  to  retire  from  the  city, 
he  might,  with  leave  of  the  gerefa,  sell  his  house,  if  he 
found  a  purchaser  who  was  willing  to  perform  in  his 
stead  the  accustomed  services ;  and  in  this  event  the 
gerefa  had  the  third  penny  of  the  sale.  But  if  any 
one,  from  his  poverty,  could  not  do  the  regular 
•service,  he  was  compelled  to  abandon  his  house  to 
the  gerefa  without  any  consideration.  The  gerefa 
had  then  to  take  care  that  the  house  did  not  remain 
empty,  that  the  king  might  not  lose  his  dues.13 

In  some  burgs,  the  members  had  been  so  wealthy 

8  Domesday-book,  fo.  87.  92.  94.  9  Ibid.  Com.  Oxf. 

10  Ibid.  fo.  1.  »  Ibid.  fo.  10. 

12  Ibid.  fo.  87. 

13  These  customs  are  excerpted  by  Gale  out  of  Domesday-book.    Hist.  iii.  p.  768. 


94  HISTORY    OF   THE 

BOOK  as  to  have  acquired  themselves  a  property  in  the 
.  Y"'  .  burg.  Thus,  at  Canterbury,  the  burghers  had  forty- 
five  mansuras  without  the  city,  of  which  they  took 
the  gafol  and  the  custom,  while  the  king  retained  the 
legal  jurisdiction.  They  also  held  of  the  king  thirty- 
three  acres  of  land  in  their  gild.14 

But  this  state  of  subjection  to  gafols,  customs,  and 
services,  under  which  the  people  of  the  burgs  and 
towns  continued,  had  this  great  advantage  over  the 
condition  of  the  servile,  that  the  exacted  burdens 
were  definite  and  certain,  and  though  sometimes  ex- 
pensive were  never  oppressive.  Such  a  state  was 
indeed  an  independence,  compared  with  the  degrada- 
tion of  a  theow ;  and  we  probably  see  in  these 
burghers  the  condition  of  the  free  part  of  the  com- 
munity, who  were  not  actually  freeholders  of  land,  or 
who,  though  freed,  had  not  wholly  left  the  domestic 
service  of  their  masters. 

By  slow  degrees  the  increasing  numbers  of  society, 
or  their  augmented  activity,  produced  a  surplus  pro- 
perty beyond  the  daily  consumption,  which  acquired 
a  permanent  state  in  the  country  in  some  form  or 
other,  and  then  constituted  its  wealth.  Every  house 
began  to  have  some  article  of  lasting  furniture  or  con- 
venience which  it  had  not  before ;  as  well  as  every 
tradesman  goods  laid  in  store,  and  every  farmer  corn, 
or  cattle,  or  implements  of  tillage  more  numerous 
than  he  once  possessed.  When  this  stage  of  surplus 
produce  occurs,  property  begins  to  multiply;  the 
bonds  of  stern  necessity  relax ;  civilisation  emerges  ; 
leisure  increases,  and  a  great  number  share  it.  Other 
employments  than  those  of  subsistence  are  sought-fe*. 
Amusement  begins  to  be  a  study,  and  a  class  of  so- 
ciety to  provide  it  becomes  desired.  The  grosser  gra- 
tifications then  verge  towards  the  refinements  of  future 

11  Domesday-book,  fo.  2. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  95 

luxury.  The  mind  awakens  from  the  lethargy  of  CHAP. 
sense,  and  a  new  spirit,  and  new  objects  of  industry,  .  XL  . 
invention,  and  pursuit,  gradually  arise  in  the  advanc- 
ing population.  All  these  successions  of  improvement 
become  slowly  visible  to  the  antiquarian  observer  as 
he  approaches  the  latter  periods  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
dynasty.  But  they  were  not  the  accompaniments  of 
its  first  state;  or,  if  they  at  all  existed,  they  were 
confined  to  the  court,  the  castle,  and  the  monastery ; 
and  were  not  indeed  to  be  found  among  the  inferior 
thegns  or  the  poorer  cloisters.  Some  of  these  had  so 
little  property  that  they  could  not  afford  to  allow 
meat,  and  others  not  wheaten  bread,  as  an  article  of 
their  food.  In  such  miserable  abodes  the  comforts  of 
surplus  property  could  not  be  obtained ;  and  where 
these  are  not  general,  the  nation  is  poor.  This  epithet 
was  long  applicable  to  the  Anglo-Saxon  octarchy. 

Both  war  and  agriculture  want  the  smith.  Hence 
one  of  the  most  important  trades  of  the  Anglo-Saxons 
was  the  smith,  who  is  very  frequently  mentioned. 
Aldhelm  takes  the  trouble  to  describe  the  "  conveni- 
ence of  the  anvil,  the  rigid  hardness  of  the  beating 
hammer,  and  the  tenacity  of  the  glowing  tongs;"  and 
to  remark,  that  "  the  gem-bearing  belts,  and  diadems 
of  kings,  and  various  instruments  of  glory,  were  made 
from  the  tools  of  iron."15  The  smiths  who  worked  in 
iron  were  called  isernsmithas.  They  had  also  the 
goldsmith,  the  seolfersmith  (silversmith),  and  the  ar- 
smith  or  coppersmith.  In  the  dialogues  before  quoted, 
•the  smith  says,  "  Whence  the  share  to  the  ploughman, 
or  the  goad,  but  from  my  art  ?  whence  to  the  fisher- 
man an  angle,  or  to  the  shoe-wyrhta  an  awl,  or  to  the 
sempstress  a  needle,  but  from  my  art  ?"  The  other 
replies,  "  Those  in  thy  smithery  only  give  us  iron 
fire-sparks,  the  noise  of  beating  hammers,  and  blowing 

15  Aldhelm  dc  Laud.  Virg.  298. 


96  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK  bellows."16  Smiths  are  frequently  mentioned  in 
.  vn'  .  Domesday.  In  the  city  of  Hereford  there  were  six 
smiths,  who  paid  each  one  penny  for  his  forge,  and 
who  made  one  hundred  and  twenty  pieces  of  iron  from 
the  king's  ore.  To  each  of  them,  three-pence  was 
paid  as  a  custom,  and  they  were  freed  from  all  other 
services.17  In  a  district  of  Somerset,  it  is  twice 
stated,  that  a  mill  yielded  two  plumbas  of  iron.18 
Gloucester  paid  to  the  king  thirty-six  dicras  of  iron, 
and  one  hundred  ductile  rods,  to  make  nails  for  the 
king's  ships.19 

The  treow-wyrhta,  literally  tree  or  wood  workman, 
or,  in  modern  phrase,  the  carpenter,  was  an  occupa- 
tion as  important  as  the  smith's.  In  the  dialogues 
above  mentioned,  he  says  he  makes  houses  and  various 
vessels  and  ships. 

The  shoemaker  and  salter  appear  also  in  the  dia- 
logues :  the  sceowyrhta,  or  shoemaker,  seems  to  have 
been  a  comprehensive  trade,  and  to  have  united  some 
that  are  now  very  distinct  businesses.  He  says, 
"  My  craft  is  very  useful  and  necessary  to  you.  I 
buy  hides  and  skins,  and  prepare  them  by  my  art, 
and  make  of  them  shoes  of  various  kinds ;  and  none 
of  you  can  winter  without  my  craft."  He  subjoins  a 
list  of  the  articles  which  he  fabricates:  viz. 

Ankle  leathers,  Bridle  thongs,  Leather  neck-pieces, 

Shoes,  Trappings,  Halters, 

Leather  hose,  Flasks,  Wallets, 

Bottles,  Boiling  vessels,  Pouches. 

The  salter,  baker,  cook,  and  fisherman,  have  been 
described  before. 

Besides  the  persons  who  made  those  trades  their 
business,  some  of  the  clergy,  as  we  advance  to  the  age 
preceding  the  Norman  conquest,  appear  to  us  as 
labouring  to  excel  in  the  mechanical  arts.  Thus 

16  MS.  Tib.  A.  3.  "  Domesday- book,  in  loc. 

19  Ibid.  fo.  94.  ">  Ibid. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  97 

Dunstan,  besides  being  competent  to  draw  and  paint     CHAP. 
the  patterns  for  a  lady's  robe,  was  also  a  smith,  and  • 

worked  on  all  the  metals.  Among  other  labours  of 
his  industry,  he  made  two  great  bells  for  the  church 
at  Abingdon.  His  friend  -  Ethelwold,  the  bishop, 
made  two  other  bells  for  the  same  place,  of  a  smaller 
size ;  and  a  wheel  full  of  small  bells,  much  gilt,  to  be 
turned  round  for  its  music,  on  feast-days.  He  also 
displayed  much  art  in  the  fabrication  of  a  large  silver- 
table  of  curious  workmanship.20  Stigand,  the  bishop 
of  Winchester,  made  two  images  and  a  crucifix,  and 
gilt  and  placed  them  in  the  cathedral  of  his  diocese.21 
One  of  our  kings  made  a  monk,  who  was  a  skilful 
goldsmith,  an  abbot.22  It  was  even  exacted  by  law 
that  the  clergy  should  pursue  these  occupations  ;  for 
Edgar  says,  "  We  command  that  every  priest,  to  in- 
crease knowlege,  diligently  learn  some  handicraft."23 
It  was  at  this  period  that  it  began  to  be  felt  that  skill 
could  add  value  to  the  material  on  which  it  operated  ; 
and  as  the  increasing  wealth  of  society  enabled  some 
to  pay  for  its  additional  cost,  a  taste  for  ornament  as 
well  as  massy  value  now  emerged. 

The  art  of  glass-making  was  unknown  in  England 
in  the  seventh  century,  when  Benedict,  the  abbot  of 
Weremouth,  procured  men  from  France,  who  not  only 
glazed  the  windows  of  his  church  and  monastery,  but 
taught  the  Anglo-Saxons  the  art  of  making  glass  for 
windows,  lamps,  drinking- vessels,  and  for  other  uses.24 

20  Dugd.  Mon.  104.  n  Anglia  Sacra,  i.  p.  293. 

22  MS.  Claud.  C.  9.  M  Wilk.  Leg.  Anglo- Sax.  83. 

24  Bede,  Hist.  Abb.  Wer.  225.  Glass  windows  have  been  found  in  the  Roman 
baths  at  Pompeii,  made  of  "  good  plate  glass."  Sir  William  Gell  remarks  that, 
"  the  vast  collection  of  bottles,  glasses,  and  other  utensils  discovered  at  Pompeii,  is 
sufficient  to  show  that  the  ancients  were  well  acquainted  with  the  art  of  glass- 
blowing  in  all  its  branches.  In  process  of  time,  glass  became  so  much  the  fashion 
that  whole  chambers  were  lined  with  it.  The  remains  of  such  a  room  were  dis- 
covered in  the  year  1826  near  Ficulnea  in  the  Roman  territory.  In  the  time  of 
Seneca,  the  chambers  in  Thermae  had  walls  covered  with  glass  and  Thasian  marble. 
Glass  seems  to  have  been  at  first  brought  from  EGYPT,  and  to  have  received  its 
name  of  va\os  from  the  Coptic.  Aristophanes  mentions  a  burning-glass  in  the 
Nubes  of  Aristophanes,  v.  764."  Cell's  Pompeiana,  new  series,  vol.  i.  chap.  6. 

VOL.  III.  II 


98  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK  Our  progress  in  the  art  was  slow ;  for  we  find  the  dis- 
.__,_ — -  ciple  of  Bede  thus  addressing  a  bishop  of  France  on 
this  subject  in  the  next  century :  "If  there  be  any 
man  in  your  district  who  can  make  glass-vessels  well, 
when  time  permits,  condescend  to  send  him  to  me  ; 
or  if  there  is  any  one  out  of  your  diocess,  in  the  power 
of  others,  I  beg  your  fraternity  will  persuade  him  to 
come  to  us,  for  we  are  ignorant  and  helpless  in  this 
art :  and  if  it  should  happen  that  any  of  the  glass- 
makers  should,  by  your  diligence  and  with  the  divine 
pleasure,  be  suffered  to  come  to  us,  be  assured  that  if 
I  am  alive  I  will  receive  him  with  kind  courtesy."20 

The  fortunate  connection  which  Christianity  esta- 
blished between  the  clergy  of  Europe  favoured  the 
advancement  of  all  the  mechanical  arts.  We  read 
perpetually  of  presents  of  the  productions  of  human 
labour  and  skill  passing  from  the  more  civilised 
countries  to  those  more  rude.  We  read  of  a  church 
having  a  patine  made  with  Greek  workmanship26 ; 
and  also  of  a  bishop  in  England  who  was  a  Greek 
by  birth.27 

They  had  the  arts  of  weaving,  embroidering,  and 
dyeing.  Aldhelm  intimates  these :  "  We  do  not  negli- 
gently despise  the  woollen  stamina  of  threads,  worked 
by  the  woof  and  the  shuttles,  even  though  the  purple 
robe  and  silken  pomp  of  emperors  shine."  Again, 
"  The  shuttles,  not  filled  with  purple  only  but  with 
various  colours,  are  moved  here  and  there  among 
the  thick  spreading  of  the  threads,  and  by  the  em- 
broidering art  they  adorn  all  the  woven  work  with 
various  groupes  of  images."28  Edward  the  Elder 
had  his  daughters  taught  to  exercise  their  needle 
and  their  distaff.29  Indeed,  the  Anglo-Saxon  ladies 

25  1 6  Mag.  Bib.  Pat.  88.  *  Dugd.  MOD.  p.  40. 

27  3  Gale,  x.  Script.  464. 

28  Aldhelm  de  Laud.  Virg.  298.  305.     He  also  mentions  the  fucorum  muneribus. 
Ibid. 

»  Malmsb.  lib.  ii.  c.  5.  p.  47. 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


99 


were  so  much  accustomed  to  spinning,  that  just  as 
we  in  legal  phrase,  and  by  a  reference  to  former 
habits  now  obselete,  term  unmarried  ladies  spinsters, 
so  Alfred  in  his  will,  Avith  true  application,  called  the 
female  part  of  his  family  the  spindle  side.  The  Nor- 
man historian  remarks  of  our  ancient  countrywomen, 
that  they  excelled  with  the  needle,  and  in  gold  em- 
broidery.30 Aldhelm's  robe  is  described  to  have  been 
made  of  a  most  delicate  thread  of  a  purple  ground, 
and  that  within  black  circles  the  figures  of  peacocks 
were  worked  among  them  of  ample  size.31 

Bede  alludes  to  their  jewellers  and  goldsmiths : 
"  A  rich  and  skilful  gold- worker,  wishing  to  do  some 
admirable  work,  collects,  wherever  he  can,  remarkable 
and  precious  stones  to  be  placed  among  the  gold  and 
silver,  as  well  to  show  his  skill,  as  for  the  beauty  of 
his  work.  Those  precious  stones  are  chiefly  of  a 
ruddy  or  aerial  colour."32  From  the  custom  of  the 
kings  making  presents  of  rich  garments,  vases, 
bracelets,  and  rings  to  their  witena-gemot  and  cour- 
tiers, and  of  great  lords  doing  the  same  to  their 
knights,  the  trades  for  making  these  must  have  had 
much  employment.  The  gemots  often  met  three 
times  a  year.  The  lords  frequently  held  their  imita- 
tive courts. 

One  of  their  trades  seems  to  have  been  the  tavern, 
or  the  public  house :  for  a  priest  is  forbidden  to  drink 
"  at  the  wine  tuns."33  An  ale-house  and  ale-shop  are 
also  mentioned  in  the  laws.34 

The  external  commerce  of  these  ancient  times  was 
confined,  because  their  imperfect  civilisation,  and  the 
poverty  of  the  great  body  of  their  population,  pre- 
vented an  extensive  demand  for  foreign  commodities. 

80  Gesta  Norman,  ap   Du  Chesne,  211.  sl  3  Gale,  x.  Script  351. 

32  Bede's  Op.  viii.  p.  1068,  M  Wilk.  Leg.  157. 

M  A  penalty  was  inflicted  if  a  man  was  killed  in  an  eala-huse,  ibid.  p.  117.  A 
priest  was  forbidden  to  be  in  an  eala-scop,  ibid.  p.  100.  This  is  the  earliest  men- 
tion that  I  have  found  of  a  shop. 

H  2 


CHAP. 
XL 


100  HISTORY    OF   THE 

BOOK  BU£  the  habit  of  visiting  distant  parts  for  the  pur- 
• — ,- —  poses  of  traffic  had  already  begun.  Ohther's  voyage 
proves,  that  men  went  to  the  North,  both  for  the 
purposes  of  traffic  and  of  discovery  :  he  says,  they 
pursued  whales  for  their  teeth,  and  made  ropes  of 
their  hides.35  We  read  of  merchants  from  Ireland 
landing  at  Cambridge  with  cloths,  and  exposing  their 
merchandise  to  sale.36  London,  even  in  the  seventh 
century,  is  mentioned  as  a  port  which  ships  fre- 
quented37; and  we  find  merchants'  ships  sailing  to 
Rome.38  The  trading  vessels  sometimes  joined 
together,  and  went  out  armed  for  their  mutual  pro- 
tection39; but  we  may  suppose,  that  while  piracy 
lasted  navigation  was  unfrequent. 

In  the  Saxon  dialogues,  the  merchant  (mancgere) 
is  introduced :  "  I  say  that  I  am  useful  to  the  king, 
and  to  ealdormen,  and  to  the  rich,  and  to  all  people. 
I  ascend  my  ship  with  my  merchandise,  and  sail  over 
the  sea-like  places,  and  sell  my  things,  and  buy  dear 
things  which  are  not  produced  in  this  land,  and  I 
bring  them  to  you  here  with  great  danger  over  the 
sea ;  and  sometimes  I  suffer  shipwreck,  with  the  loss 
of  all  my  things,  scarcely  escaping  myself." — "What 
do  you  bring  to  us?"  "  Skins,  silks,  costly  gems,  and 
gold  ;  various  garments,  pigment,  wine,  oil,  ivory,  and 
orichalcus,  copper,  and  tin,  silver,  glass,  and  such  like." 
—  "  Will  you  sell  your  things  here  as  you  bought  them 
there?"  "I  will  not,  because  what  would  my  labour 
benefit  me?  I  will  sell  them  here  dearer  than  I  bought 
them  there,  that  I  may  get  some  profit,  to  feed  me, 
my  wife,  and  children."40 

That  public  markets  were  established  in  various 
parts  of  England  in  this  period,  we  learn  from  many 
documents.  It  is  clear  from  Domesday-book  that 

**  See  Alfred's  account  of  this  voyage  in  the  second  volume  of  this  work. 
*  3  Gale,  482.  17  Dugd.  Mon.  76. 

38  Bede,  294.  "  Hist.  Wilkiu. 

«  MS.  Tib.  A.  3. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  101 

these  markets  paid  a  toll.     In  Bedfordshire,  a  toll  de     CHAP 
raercato  is  mentioned,  which  yielded  seven  pounds.  • 

The  market  at  Taunton  paid  fifty  shillings.41  A 
market  was  established  ^at  Peterborough,  with  the 
privilege  that  no  other  was  to  be  allowed  within 
certain  limits  in  its  vicinity.42 

We  shall  state  concisely  a  few  customs  as  to  our 
commercial  navigation.  At  Chester,  if  ships  should 
come  there,  or  depart  from  it,  without  the  king's  leave, 
the  king  and  Comes  were  to  have  forty  shillings  for 
every  man  in  the  ship.  If  they  came  in  violation  of 
the  king's  peace,  or  against  his  prohibition,  the  ships, 
mariners,  and  their  property,  were  forfeited  to  the 
king  and  Comes.  With  the  royal  permission  they 
might  sell  quietly  what  they  had  brought,  but  they 
were  to  pay  to  the  king  and  his  Comes  four  pence  for 
every  last.  If  the  king's  governor  should  order  those 
having  the  skins  of  martens  not  to  sell  them  before  he 
had  seen  them,  none  were  to  disobey  him,  under  a 
penalty  of  forty  shillings.  This  port  yielded  forty- 
five  pounds,  and  three  timbres  of  marten-skins.  In 
the  same  place  false  measure  incurred  a  fine  of  four 
shillings  ;  and  for  bad  ale  the  offender  paid  as  such, 
or  else  was  placed  on  a  dung-hill.43 

At  Southwark,  no  one  took  any  toll  on  the  strand, 
or  the  water,  but  the  king.  At  Arundel,  a  parti- 
cular person  is  named  who  took  the  custom  paid  by 
foreigners.44  At  Canterbury,  a  prepositus  is  stated 
to  have  taken  the  custom  from  foreign  merchants,  in 
tertain  lands  there,  which  another  ought  to  have 
received.  At  Lewes,  it  is  mentioned,  that  whoever 
either  bought  or  sold,  gave  the  governor  a  piece  of 
money.45 

Particular  laws  were  made  by  the  Anglo-Saxon 
government  to  regulate  the  manner  of  buying  and 

41  Domesday,  in  loc.  42  Ingulf,  46.  *  Domesday,  in  loc. 

41  Ibid.  «  Ibid. 

H3 


102  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK      selling.     These  laws  had  two  objects  in  view ;  to  pre- 
•   vent  or  detect  theft ;   and  to  secure  the  due  payment 
of  the  tax  or  toll  which   became  due  on  such  oc- 
casions.46 

When  the  produce  of  the  labour  and  fertility  of  a 
country  begins  to  exceed  its  consumption,  and  no  cala- 
mity obstructs  its  natural  progress,  the  amount  of  its 
surplus  accumulations  increases  in  every  generation, 
till  the  whole  community  becomes  furnished  with  per- 
manent goods,  and  some  individuals  with  peculiar 
abundance.  The  Anglo-Saxons  had  reached  this 
state  in  the  reign  of  Ethelred.  A  considerable  quan- 
tity of  bullion,  coined  and  uncoined,  had  then  become 
diffused  in  the  nation,  and  they  were  enabled  to  pay 
those  heavy  taxations  which  were  so  often  imposed, 
with  such  impolitic  weakness,  to  buy  off  the  Danish 
invasions.  These  unwise  payments  vexed  but  did  not 
exhaust  the  nation.  It  became  wealthy  again  under 
the  peaceful  reign  of  the  Confessor.  Both  the  taste  for 
luxuries,  and  the  spirit  of  increased  production,  were 
then  pervading  the  country,  and  the  national  affluence 
was  visibly  increasing  when  the  Norman  armament 
landed  on  its  coasts. 

In  the  ninth  and  tenth  centuries,  the  Northmen 
were  very  enterprising  in  their  navigation.  They  dis- 
covered Iceland  and  Greenland,  and  a  more  distant 
country,  which  they  called  Vinland,  and  which  has 
been  considered,  not  unjustly,  to  have  been  some  part 
of  the  North  American  continent.47 

A  remark  may  be  added  on  their  travelling  and 
hospitality.  It  would  seem  that  they  travelled  armed. 

44  Several  facts  concerning  the  commerce  of  our  ancestors  have  been  occasionally 
mentioned  in  the  preceding  volume  ;  as  the  intercourse  between  Offa  and  Charle- 
magne ;  Alfred's  embassy  to  India ;  ^Ethelstan's  connections  with  Europe ;  and 
Canute's  letter,  explaining  the  business  which  he  had  transacted  with  the  Pope. 

41  One  of  the  voyages  may  be  seen  in  Snorre,  torn.  i.  p.  303.  308.  Torfseus  has 
discussed  this  subject  in  a  book  on  Winland.  Mallet  has  given  an  interesting 
chapter  on  the  maritime  discoveries  of  the  Northmen,  in  his  Northern  Antiquities, 
vol.  i.  c.  11.  p.  268.  of  the  translation  edited  by  Dr.  Percy. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  103 

We  read  of  one  journeying  with  his  horse  and  his      CHAP. 
spear ;  when  he  alighted,  he  gave  his  spear  to  his  • 

attendants.48 

Their  hospitality  was  kind :  on  the  arrival  of  a 
stranger  he  was  welcomed;  they  brought  him  water 
to  wash  his  hands :  they  washed  his  feet,  and  for  this 
purpose  warm  water  was  used ;  they  wiped  them  with 
a  cloth,  and  the  host  in  one  case  cherished  them  in  his 
bosom.  We  also  read  of  warm  wine  administered  to 
the  new  guest.49 

Hospitality  was,  however,  dangerous  in  some  degree 
from  its  responsibility :  if  any  one  entertained  a  guest 
(cuman,  literally  a  come-one,)  three  nights  in  his  own 
house,  whether  a  trader,  or  any  other  person  that  had 
come  over  the  boundary,  and  fed  him  with  victuals, 
and  the  guest  did  any  thing  wrong,  the  host  was  to 
bring  him  to  justice,  or  to  answer  for  it.50  By  another 
law,  a  guest,  after  two  nights'  residence,  was  reckoned 
part  of  the  family,  and  the  owner  of  it  was  to  be  an- 
swerable for  his  actions.61 

If  a  shorn  man  travelled  steorless,  or  vagrantly, 
hospitality  might  be  given  to  him  once,  but  he  was 
to  have  leave  of  absence  before  he  could  be  longer 
maintained.52 

Travelling  was  attended  with  some  penal  regula- 
tions :  if  a  stranger  in  any  part  went  out  of  the  road, 
or  through  woods,  it  was  a  law  that  he  should  either 
shout  aloud,  or  blow  with  a  horn,  on  pain  of  being 
deemed  a  thief,  and  suffering  as  such.53 
»  It  was  the  habit  of  depredation  that  made  every 
traveller  an  object  of  legal  suspicion  at  this  period. 
From  the  peril  of  the  roads,  want  of  communication, 
the  poverty  of  the  middling  and  lower  classes,  and 
the  distance,  violence,  and  rapacity  of  the  barons  and 

«  Bede,  p.  233.  49  Ibid.  p.  234.  251.  257. 

»  Wilkins,  Leg.  Sax.  p.  9.  M  Ibid.  p.  18. 

K  Ibid.  p.  4.  *3  Ibid.  p.  ]  2. 

K  4 


104.  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK  knights,  travelling  for  ihe  purposes  of  traffic  was  very 
.  — .  rare,  and  became  more  so  when  the  Northman  in- 
vaders were  in  the  island,  and  while  their  unsettled 
emigrants  were  continually  moving  over  it.  Hence 
few  men  left  their  towns  or  burghs  but  for  pillage  or 
revenge  ;  and  this  occasioned  that  jealous  mistrust  of 
the  law  which  operated  so  long  to  discourage  even 
mercantile  journies. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  105 


CHAP.  XII. 

Their  Chivalry. 

THERE  is  no  evidence  that  the  refined  and  enthusi-      CHAP. 
astic  spirit  of  gallantry  which  accompanied  chivalry  in   . 
its  perfect  stage,  prevailed  among  the  Anglo-Saxons  ; 
but  that  chivalry,  in  a  less  polished  form,  and  con- 
sidered as  a  military  investiture,  conferred  with  reli- 
gious ceremonies,  by  putting  on  the  belt  and  sword, 
and  giving  the  knight  a  peculiar  dignity  among  his 
countrymen; — that  this  kind  of  chivalry  existed  in 
England  before  the  Norman  conquest,  the  authorities 
adduced  in  this  chapter  will  sufficiently  ascertain. 

In  the  reign  of  Edward  the  Confessor,  Hereward,  a 
noble  Anglo-Saxon  youth,  distinguished  himself  by 
his  daring  valour  and  eccentricity.  As  his  character 
is  highly  romantic,  and  affords  a  remarkable  instance 
of  the  Anglo-Saxon  chivalry,  I  will  state  the  main  in- 
cidents of  his  life,  from  the  plain  and  temperate  nar- 
ration of  his  contemporary,  who  was  the  Conqueror's 
secretary. 

"  His  father  was  Leofric,  lord  of  Brunne,  in  Lincolnshire,  a 
nobleman  who  had  become  very  illustrious  for  his  warlike  exploits. 
He  was  a  relation  of  the  great  earl  of  Hereford,  who  had  married 
t the  king's  sister. 

"  Hereward  was  the  son  of  this  Leofric  and  his  wife  Ediva. 
He  was  tall  and  handsome,  but  too  warlike,  and  of  an  immoderate 
fierceness  of  mind.  In  his  juvenile  plays  and  wrestlings  he  was 
so  ungovernable,  that  his  hand  was  often  raised  against  every  one, 
and  every  one's  hand  against  him.  When  the  youths  of  his  age 
went  to  wrestling  and  such  other  sports,  unless  he  triumphed  over 
all,  and  his  playfellows  conceded  to  him  the  laurel  of  victory,  he 
very  often  extorted  by  his  sword  what  he  could  not  gain  by  his 
muscular  strength. 

"  The  youths  of  his  neighbourhood  complaining  of  this  conduct, 


106  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK  his  father's  anger  was  excited  against  him.  Leofric  stated  to  king 
VII.  Edward  the  many  intolerable  tricks  that  had  been  practised  even 

' » '  upon  himself,  and  his  excessive  violence  towards  others.  Upon 

this  representation,  the  Confessor  ordered  him  into  banishment. 

"  Hereward,  thus  exiled,  went  fearlessly  to  Northumbria,  thence 
to  Cornwall,  thence  to  Ireland,  and  afterwards  to  Flanders ;  and 
everywhere  most  bravely  carrying  himself,  he  soon  obtained  a 
glorious  and  magnificent  reputation. 

"  In  every  danger  intrepidly  pressing  forward,  and  happily  es- 
caping ;  in  every  military  conflict  always  throwing  himself  on  the 
bravest,  and  boldly  conquering ;  it  was  doubtful  whether  he  was 
more  fortunate  or  brave.  His  victories  over  all  his  enemies  were 
complete,  and  he  escaped  harmless  from  the  greatest  battles. 

"Becoming  so  illustrious  by  his  military  successes,  his  valiant 
deeds  became  known  in  England,  and  were  sung  through  the 
country.  The  dislike  of  his  parent,  relatives,  and  friends,  was 
changed  into  the  most  ardent  affection. 

"  In  Flanders  he  married  a  noble  lady,  Turfrida,  and  had  by  her 
a  daughter,  who  lately  married  (I  am  transcribing  Ingulf)  an  illus- 
trious knight,  a  great  friend  to  our  monastery,  and  lord  of  Depyng 
and  the  paternal  inheritance  of  Brunne  and  its  appurtenances. 

"  The  mother  of  Turfrida  coming  to  England  with  her  husband, 
with  his  permission  forsook  all  earthly  pomp,  and  became  a  nun  in 
our  monastery  of  Croyland. 

"  Hereward  returning  to  his  native  soil  with  his  wife,  after 
great  battles,  and  a  thousand  dangers  frequently  dared  and  bravely 
terminated,  as  well  against  the  king  of  England  as  the  earls  barons, 
prefects,  and  presidents,  which  are  yet  sung  in  our  streets  (says 
Ingulf),  and  having  avenged  his  mother  with  his  powerful  right 
hand,  at  length,  with  the  king's  pardon,  obtained  his  paternal  in- 
heritance, and  ended  his  days  in  peace,  and  was'very  lately  buried 
near  his  wife  in  our  monastery." l 

It  is  obvious  from  the  connection  of  this  singular  cha- 
racter with  Croyland  monastery,  that  no  one  could 
furnish  us  with  more  authentic  particulars  of  him 
than  Ingulf,  who  lived  at  the  time,  and  was  a  monk 
in  the  same  place.  I  will  add  a  few  more  circum- 
stances, which  the  same  writer  has  recorded  concern- 
ing him. 

It  was  iri  Flanders  that  Hereward  heard  that  the 
Normans  had  conquered  England ;  that  his  father  was 
dead ;  that  the  Conqueror  had  given  his  inheritance 
to  a  Norman  ;  and  that  his  mother's  widowhood  was 

1  Ingulf,  p.  67,  68. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  107 

afflicted   by  many  injuries   and   distresses.     Trans-     CHAP. 
ported  with  grief  at  the  account,  he  hastened  with  his  . 

wife  to  England,  and,  collecting  a  body  of  her  relations, 
he  attacked  the  oppressors  of  his  mother,  and  drove 
them  from  her  territory. 

At  this  period  of  the  narration,  the  important  pas- 
sage2 occurs,  which  gives  such  complete  evidence  to 
the  Anglo-Saxon  chivalry. 

"  Considering  then,  that  he  was  at  the  head  of  very  brave  men, 
and  commanded  some  milites,  and  had  not  yet  been  legally  bound 
with  the  belt,  according  to  the  military  custom,  he  took  with  him 
a  very  few  tyros  of  his  cohort,  to  be  legitimately  consociated  with 
himself  to  warfare,  and  went  to  his  uncle,  the  abbot  of  Peter- 
borough, named  Brand,  a  very  religious  man,  (as  I  have  heard 
from  my  predecessor,  my  lord  Ulketul,  abbot,  and  many  others,) 
much  given  to  charity,  and  adorned  with  all  the  virtues ;  and 
having  first  of  all  made  a  confession  of  his  sins,  and  received  ab- 
solution, he  very  urgently  prayed  that  he  might  be  made  a  legi- 
timate miles.  For  it  was  the  custom  of  the-  English,  that  every 
one  that  was  to  be  consecrated  to  the  legitimate  militia,  should,  on 
the  evening  preceding  the  day  of  his  consecration,  with  contrition 
and  compunction,  make  a  confession  of  all  his  sins  to  a  bishop,  an 
abbot,  a  monk,  or  some  priest;  and,  devoted  wholly  to  prayers, 
devotions,  and  mortifications,  should  pass  the  night  in  the  church  ; 
in  the  next  morning  should  hear  mass,  should  offer  his  sword  on 
the  altar,  and  after  the  Gospel  had  been  read,  the  priest  having 
blessed  the  sword,  should  place  it  on  the  neck  of  the  miles,  with 
his  benediction.  Having  communicated  at  the  same  mass  with 
the  sacred  mysteries,  he  would  afterwards  remain  a  legitimate 
miles." 

He  adds,  that  the  Normans  regarded  this  custom 
of  consecrating  a  miles  as  abomination,  and  did  not 
hold  such  a  one  a  legitimate  miles,  but  reckoned  him 
a  slothful  equitem  and  degenerate  quiritem. 
,  From  the  preceding  account  we  collect  these 
things :  — 

1st,  That  a  man  might  take  up  arms,  head  warriors, 
fight  with  them,  and  gain  much  military  celebrity, 
and  yet  not  thereby  become  a  legitimate  miles. 

2d,  That  he  could  not  reputably  head  milites,  with- 
out being  a  legitimate  miles. 

*  Ingulf,  p.  7O. 


108  HISTORY    OF   THE 

BOOK          3d,  That  to  be  a  legitimate  miles  was  an  honorary 

, ,_ distinction,  worthy  the  ambition  of  a  man  who  had 

previously  been  of  such  great  military  celebrity  as 
Hereward. 

4th,  That  to  be  a  miles,  an  express  ceremony  of 
consecration  was  requisite. 

5th,  That  the  ceremony  consisted  of  a  confession 
and  absolution  of  sins,  on  the  day  preceding  the  con- 
secration ;  of  watching  in  the  church,  all  the  previous 
night,  with  prayers  and  humiliations ;  of  hearing  mass 
next  morning  ;  of  offering  his  sword  on  the  altar ;  of 
its  being  blessed  by  the  priest ;  of  its  being  then 
placed  on  his  neck  ;  and  of  his  afterwards  communi- 
cating. He  was  then  declared  a  legitimate  miles. 

6th,  The  mode  above  described  was  the  Anglo-Saxon 
mode ;  but  there  was  another  mode  in  existence  after 
the  Conquest :  for  it  is  expressly  mentioned,  that  the 
Normans  did  not  use,  but  detested,  the  custom  of 
religious  consecration. 

7th,  That  a  legitimate  miles  was  invested  with  a 
belt  and  a  sword. 

Another  passage,  which  alludes  to  the  Anglo-Saxon 
chivalry,  is  in  Malmsbury,  in  which  he  expressly  de- 
clares, that  Alfred  made  Athelstan  a  miles.  He  says, 
that  Alfred,  seeing  Athelstan  to  be  an  elegant  youth, 
prematurely  made  him  a  miles,  investing  him  with  a 
purple  garment,  a  belt  set  with  gems,  and  a  Saxon 
sword,  with  a  golden  sheath.3 

The  investiture  of  the  belt,  alluded  to  in  the  ac- 
count of  Hereward,  and  in  Malmsbury's  account  of 
Athelstan' s  knighthood,  is  also  mentioned  by  Ingulf, 
on  another  occasion.  Speaking  of  the  famous  Saxon 
chancellor  Turketul,  who  died  in  975,  he  says,  that 
he  had,  among  other  relics,  the  thumb  of  St.  Bartho- 
lomew, with  which  he  used  to  cross  himself  in  danger, 
tempest,  and  lightning.  A  dux  Beneventanus  gave 

3  Malmsbury,  p.  49 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  109 

this  to  the  emperor,  when  he  girded  him  with  the  first     CHAP. 
military  belt.4    The  emperor  gave  it  to  the  chancellor.  . 
Another  author  who  died  in  1004  says,  "  Whoever 
uses  the  belt  of  his  knighthood  (militise)  is  considered 
as  a  knight  (miles)  of  his  dignity."5 

That  there  was  a  military  dignity  among  the  Saxons, 
which  they  who  wrote  in  Latin  expressed  by  the  term 
miles,  is,  I  think,  very  clear,  from  other  numerous 
passages.  There  are  many  grants  of  kings  and  others 
extant  to  their  militibus.  Thus  Edred,  "  cuidam 
meo  ministro  ac  militi,"  "  meo  fideli  ministro  ac  mi- 
liti,"  "  cuidam  meo  militi."6  The  word  miles  cannot 
here  mean  simply  a  soldier.  So  to  many  charters  we 
find  the  signatures  of  several  persons  characterised  by 
this  title.7  Bede  frequently  uses  the  term  in  passages 
and  with  connections  which  show  that  he  meant  to 
express  dignity  by  it.  We  are  at  least  certain  that 
his  royal  Anglo-Saxon  translator  believed  this,  because 
he  has  always  interpreted  the  expression,  when  it  has 
this  signification,  by  a  Saxon  word  of  peculiar  dig- 
nity.8 Ingulf  mentions  several  great  men,  in  the 
Anglo-Saxon  times,  with  the  addition  of  miles  as  an 

*  Ingulf,  p.  51. 

*  Abb.  Flor.  in  Can.  c.  51.     Quisquis  militiae  suae  cingulo  utitor,  dignitatis  suse 
miles  adscribitur. 

"  MS.  Claud.  B.  6.  So  an  archbishop  gives  land,  Heming.  Chart  191.  210. 
234. 

7  To  a  charta  of  Edward  Confessor,  five  sign  with  the  addition  of  miles.  MS. 
Claud.  B.  6.  Eleven  sign  with  miles  to  a  charta  of  Ethelwulph.  Text.  Roff.  In 
the  Saxon  chartulary  of  Wilton,  which  Sir  Richard  Colt  Hoare  is  now  printing, 
the  charters  are  usually  signed  by  several  milites.  In  this,  one  of  Edred's  after 
four  duces  has  twelve  names  with  the  addition  of  miles  to  each,  p.  21.  Another  in 
946,  after  the  prelates  and  duces,  has  also  twelve  milites,  p.  22.  The  next  by 
Ethelred,  in  994,  after  the  prelates,  abbots,  and  duces,  has  no  milites,  but  instead 
of  them,  twenty  ministri,  p.  24.  This  curious  variation  intimates  that  miles  and 
minister  were  synonymous.  The  Saxon  term  for  minister  was  thegn,  and  this  is 
the  word  by  which  Alfred  translates  the  miles  of  Bede. 

9  Bede:  Alfred: 

alium  de  militibus,  othenne  cynmser  thesn, 

cum  his  —  militibus,  mib  hir  rhesnum, 

milite  sibi  fldelissimo,  hir  ehesne  —  serpeoperte, 

prefato  milite,  poperppecenam  bir  chesne, 

comitibus  ac  militibus,  hir  stpopuiu,  cyninst-r  rhesiium, 

de  militia  ejus  juvenis,  rum  seons  ehor  cymnser  ehegn. 

P.  511.  525.  539.  551.  590. 


110  HISTORY    OF   THE 

BOOK  augmentation  of  their  consequence ;  and  once  intro- 
•  duces  a  king  styling  a  miles  his  magister.9 — Domes- 
day-book mentions  several  milites  as  holding  lands. 

But  although  the  Anglo-Saxons  had  a  military  dig- 
nity which  their  Latin  writers  called  miles,  I  do  not 
think  that  the  word  cniht  was  applied  by  them  to  ex- 
press it ;  at  least,  not  till  the  latter  periods  of  their 
dynasty. 

It  has  been  shown,  in  the  chapter  on  their  infancy 
and  education,  that  a  youth  was  called  a  cniht.  By 
the  same  term  they  also  denoted  an  attendant.10  In 
Cedmon  it  occurs  a  few  times ;  but  it  seems  to  have 
been  used  to  mean  youths.  Speaking  of  Nabochodo- 
nossor,  he  says, 

He  commanded  his  gerefas, 

out  of  the  miserable  relics  of  the  Israelites, 

to  seek  some  of  the  youth 

that  were  most  skilled 

in  the  instruction  of  books. 

He  would,  that  the  cnihtas 

should  learn  the  craft 

to  interpret  dreams.11 

Then  they  there  found 
for  their  sagacious  lord 
noble  cnihtas.12 

Speaking  of  the  adoration  of  the  image  of  Dara,  he 

says, 

The  cnihtas  of  a  good  race 
acted  with  discretion, 
that  they  the  idol 
would  not  as  their  god 
hold  and  have.13 

Then  was  wrath 

the  king  in  his  mind. 

He  commanded  an  oven  to  heat 

to  the  destruction  of  the  lives  of  the  cnihtas.14 

•  Ingulf,  p.  6.  14.  20.  25.  63.  This  use  of  the  word  miles  is  one  of  Hickes's 
reasons  for  his  attack  on  Ingulf;  an  attack  which  is  clearly  ill  founded.  I  feel 
every  gratitude  to  Hickes  for  his  labours  on  the  Northern  languages ;  but  I  can- 
not conceal  that  I  think  him  mistaken  on  several  very  important  points  of  the 
Saxon  antiquities. 

10  Gen.  xxi.  65.     Luke,  vii.  7.  and  xii.  45. 

11  Cedmon,  p.  77.  )2  Ibid. 

w  Ibid.  p.  79.  M  Ibid.  p.  80. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  Ill 

The  word  has  no  military  or  dignifying  distinction      CHAP. 
in  these  passages.  .    xn'    . 

JElfric,  in  his  glossary,  interprets  cniht-had  by 
pueritia,  pubes ;  and  to  oth  cniht-hade  he  puts  pube 
tenus. 

There  are,  however,  instances  of  grants  to  cnihtas, 
which  imply,  that  after  Alfred's  reign,  and  those  of 
his  immediate  descendants,  the^word  was  gradually 
advancing,  from  the  expression  of  a  youth  or  an  at- 
tendant, to  signify  a  more  dignified  sort  of  dependent. 
A  Saxon  will  has,  "  Let  men  give  my  cnihtas  and  my 
stewardas  witas  forty  punda."     ^Elfhelm,  in  his  will, 
says,  "  I  give  to  my  wife  and  my  daughter  half  the 
land  at  Cunnington,  to  be  divided,  except  the  four 
hides  that  I  give  to  zEthelric  and  Alfwold,  and  the 
half  hide  that  I  give  to  Osmaer,  my  cniht."  ^Ethelstan 
-ZEtheling,  in  his  will,  expresses,  "  I  give  my  father, 
king  jEthelraed,  the  land  at  Cealhtun,  except  the  eight 
hides  that  I  have  given  to  ^Elmor,  my  cniht."  —  "And 
I  give  to  jEthelwin,   my  cniht,  the  sword  that  he 
before  gave  me."  15     There  are  three  grants  of  land 
from  Oswald,  archbishop,  to  cnihts ;  and  it  is  impor- 
tant to  observe,  he  does  not  call  them  his  cnihts,  or  any 
other  person's  cnihts,  but  he  calls  them  sumum  cnihte, 
some  cniht,  or  a  cniht,  as  if  cniht  had  been  a  definite 
and   well-known    character.     His   words   are,  "  One 
hide  at  Hymeltun  to  sumum  cniht,   whose  name  is 
Wulfgeat ;" — "two   hides,    all   but   sixty   acres,    to 
sumum  cniht,  whose  name  is  ^Ethelwold ;"  —  " 


14  See  these  wills  in  the  appendix  to  the  Saxon  dictionary.  I  perceive .  from 
Otfrid's  Franco-theotise  Paraphrase  of  the  Gospels,  that  the  word  knight,  or  knechro, 
was  used  by  the  Franks,  in  the  ninth  century,  to  express  the  meaning  of  miles  ; 
for  he  says, 

6in  thepo  knechco  thir  Sirah.  "  Unus  militum  hoc  videt"  Lib.  iv.  53,  54. 
See  also  another  citation  in  Schilter's  Glossary,  p.  518.  As  Otfrid's  work  is  dated 
870,  his  knechto  is  the  most  ancient  use  of  the  term  knight  for  soldier  that  I  have 
seen.  It  seems  to  mean,  in  his  phrase,  rather  a  dignified  soldier,  than  a  common 
one. 


112  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK      hides  to  sumum  cniht,  whose  name  is  Osulf.  for  God's 

VII 

.      ^ — •  love,  and  for  our  peace." 

In  the  admonitions  to  different  orders  of  men, 
printed  with  the  Anglo-Saxon  laws,  there  is  a  passage 
which  gives  cniht  and  cnihthood  in  a  meaning  rather 
different  from  those  which  have  been  stated :  "  That 
will  be  a  rightlike  life,  that  a  cniht  continues  in  his 
cnihthade  till  he  marries  rightly  a  maiden  wife,  and 
have  her  then  afterwards,  and  no  other  while  she 
lives."  17  Cnihthade  here  implies  chastity  and  bache- 
lorship. 

Perhaps  cniht  originally  signified  a  boy,  afterwards 
a  servant  who  was  not  a  slave.  It  may  have  been 
then  applied  to  denote  a  military  attendant ;  and  in 
this  sense  it  gradually  superseded  the  word  thegn, 
which  I  think  was  the  Saxon  term  for  the  dignity 
implied  by  the  term  miles.  A  knight,  even  in  the 
full  chivalric  meaning,  was  a  military  servant  of 
somebody,  either  of  the  king,  the  queen,  a  favourite 
lady,  or  some  person  of  dignity.  In  a  state  very 
similar  to  this  are  the  cnihtas  in  the  Saxon  wills. 
They  appear  to  us,  in  like  manner,  in  a  rank  far 
above  a  servant  in  the  Saxon  gild-scipes.  Of  these 
fraternities,  cnihts  constituted  a  part,  and  are  dis- 
tinctly mentioned,  though  with  a  reference  to  some 
lord  to  whom  they  were  subordinate ;  a  situation 
which  seems  best  explained,  by  supposing  them  free 
and  respectable  military  dependents.  "  If  a  cniht 
draw  a  sword,  the  lord  shall  pay  one  pound,  and  let 
the  lord  get  it  when  he  may ;  and  all  the  gild-scipe 
shall  help  him,  that  he  may  get  his  money.  And  if 
a  cniht  wounds  another,  his  lord  shall  avenge  it. 
And  if  a  cniht  sits  within  the  ascent,  let  him  pay  one 
syster  of  honey ;  and  if  he  has  any  foot-stool,  let  him 

18  Heming.  Chart.     Five  hides  are  mentioned  as  the  fee  of  a  knight   in  this 
ancient  author's  collections,  p.  189. 
17  Wilkins,  Leg.  Sax.  p.  150. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  113 

pay  the  same."  18     In  another  gild-scipe,  after  each  of     CHAP. 
the  gild  has  been  directed  to  bring  two  systers  of  • 

malt,  it  is  added,  "  And  let  every  cniht  bring  one,  and 
a  sceat  of  honey."  19 

It  occurs  again,  as  a  known  and  recognised  cha- 
racter, in  an  act  of  a  slave's  emancipation,  "  Thereto  is 
witness,  William  of  Orchut,  and  Ruold  the  cniht,  and 
Osbern  fadera,  and  Umfreig  of  Tettaborn,  and  Al- 
word  the  portreeve,  and  Johan  the  cniht."  20 

It  occurs  again,  as  the  designation  of  a  known  and 
reputable  character  in  society,  in  a  Saxon  charta 
about  land ;  for  after  many  witnesses  have  been  men- 
tioned by  name,  these  words  follow :  "  And  many  a 
good  cniht  besides  these."  21 

The  term  as  well  as  the  character  of  cniht  was, 
therefore,  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  period,  rising  fast  to  its 
full  station  of  dignity. 

There  is  a  character  represented  in  the  illumina- 
tions and  drawings  of  a  Saxon  MS.  which  I  think 
answers  to  the  situation  of  a  cniht,  in  its  more  ad- 
vanced meaning.  When  a  king  is  sitting  on  his 
throne,  he  is  drawn  as  holding  his  sceptre.  Close  by 
him,  and  as  a  part  of  his  public  dignity,  a  person  is 
standing,  holding  his  sword  and  shield.  This  figure 
occurs  several  times  in  the  drawings  of  Genesis,  in 
Claud.  B.  4.  A  similar  character  occurs  near  a  king 
in  the  battle.  The  king  is  fighting  ;  an  armed  atten- 
dant, apparently  a  young  man,  is  fighting  near  him. 
I  consider  these  to  represent  what  was  originally 
Called  a  king's  thegn,  or  miles,  and  afterwards  a  cniht ; 
and  such  a  character  Lilla  appears  to  have  been,  who 
received  the  assassin's  blow  that  was  intended  for 
Edwin.22 

Tournaments  appear  to  have  been  used  in  the  age 

18  See  the  Gild-scipe  in  Hickes's  Diss.  Ep.  p.  21. 

19  Ibid.  p.  22.  »  Ibid.  p.  18. 

21  Hickes,  Gram.  Pref.  p.  xxi.  a  See  the  1st  vol.  of  this  work. 

VOL.  III.  I 


114  HISTORY    OF   THE 

BOOK  of  the  Anglo-Saxons,  for  they  are  expressly  mentioned 
• — ,— <  in  the  laws  of  the  emperor  of  Germany,  Henry  the 
First.  It  was  in  934  that  he  published  institutions 
concerning  them.23  By  these  he  directs,  that  the 
equestrian  games,  to  be  fought  by  the  usual  weapons, 
should  be  solemnly  exhibited  in  the  empire  by  those 
of  noble  descent.  All  blasphemers  and  traitors ;  they 
who  had  deprived  widows  or  virgins  of  their  honour 
or  property ;  the  perjured,  the  coward,  the  homicide, 
and  the  sacrilegious  ;  they  who  had  robbed  the  orphan, 
who  had  attacked  the  unsuspecting,  who  had  ha- 
rassed society,  and  injured  the  commercial ;  the  adul- 
terer and  the  merchant ;  were  prohibited  from  par- 
taking of  the  diversions.  If  they  presumed  to  present 
themselves,  their  horses  were  taken  away,  and  they 
were  to  be  thrown  on  the  septum.24 

The  city  or  place  appropriated  for  the  exercises  was 
made  free  to  all  except  heretics,  thieves,  and  traitors, 
during  the  time  of  the  games,  and  for  fourteen  days 
preceding  and  afterwards.  The  area  of  the  games  was 
to  be  hedged  round :  every  combatant  was  to  be  first 
confessed  and  absolved  ;  every  count  was  to  bring  with 
him  but  six  companions ;  a  baron  four,  a  knight 
three,  others  only  two,  unless  they  maintained  them 
at  their  own  expense.25 

Something  like  a  trophy  appears  in  a  description  of 
Saxon  boundaries  of  land :  "  Thence  to  the  limit  of  a 


23  Goldastus,  in  his  Constitutiones  Imperiales,  vol.  ii.  p.  41.,  has  the  Henrici  I. 
Aucupis  leges  hastiludiales  sive  de  torneamentis,  which,  he  says,  were  lata:  Gottingse 
in  Saxonia,  938.     Thr  author  of  the  Aquila  Saxonica,   p.  27.,  says,  it  should  be 
934.     These  leges  are  also  mentioned  in  Fabricius,  Hist.   Sax.   i.   p.  122.     The 
Aquila  Saxonica  quotes  also  at  length  other  statuta  et  privilegia  of  these  games, 
made  at  Magdeburg.     This  imperial  document  contradicts  the  opinion,  that  tour- 
naments originated  in  1066,  which  Dufresne  gives,  3  Gloss.  Med.  1 1 47.     Wittichind, 
who  addressed  his  history  to  the  grand-daughter  of  Henry,  expressly  says  of  this 
emperor,  "  In  exercitiis  quoque  ludi  tanta  eminentia  superabat  omnes  ut  terrorem 
cseteris  ostentaret,"  p.  15.     Previous  to  this,  Nithard  mentions,  that  some  French 
gentlemen  fought  in  play  on  horseback. 

24  Goldastus,  ubi  supra. 

25  Aquila  Saxonica,  p.  28,  29.,  where  the  other  provisions,  established  for  the 
regulation  of  the  tournaments,  may  be  seen. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  115 

banner,  coat  of  mail,  and  helmet,  both  of  the  kings     CHAP. 
and  of  Eadbald  in  an  ash-tree."  2G  T  '   . 

No  shield-maker  was  allowed  to  put  a  sheep's  skin 
on  a  shield.27  Was  this  provision  made  to  favour 
the  manufacture  of  parchment  for  their  books  ? 

28  Hem.  Chart,  p.  7. 

2T  Wilk.  Leg.  p.  59.  I  observe  another  passage  in  the  canons  of  Edgar  relating 
to  cnihtes :  "  We  teach  that  every  priest  should  have  at  the  synods  his  cleric,  and 
a  fit  man  to  cnihte,  and  no  one  unwise  that  loves  folly."  Wilk.  Leg.  p.  82.  This 
is  not  a  passage  applicable  to  a  boy,  but  to  a  manly  attendant  on  the  superior  priests 
at  the  great  councils. 


116  HISTORY    OF    THE 


CHAP.  XIII. 

Their  Superstitions. 

BOOK  (pHE  belief,  that  some  human  beings  could  attain  the 
— r- — '  power  of  inflicting  evils  on  their  fellow-creatures,  and 
of  controlling  the  operations  of  nature,  existed  among 
the  Anglo-Saxons,  but  did  not  originate  with  them. 
It  has  appeared  in  all  the  regions  of  the  globe  ;  and 
from  its  extensive  prevalence  we  may  perceive  that 
the  human  mind,  in  its  state  of  ignorance  and  bar- 
barism, is  a  soil  well  adapted  to  its  reception  and  cul- 
tivation. It  is  not  true  that  fear  first  made  a  deity  ; 
but  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  fear,  vanity,  and  hope, 
are  the  parents  of  superstition. 

Life  has  so  many  diseases  which  the  uninstructed 
mind  cannot  remedy  or  avert,  and  encourages  so 
many  hopes  which  every  age  and  condition  burn 
to  realise,  that  it  is  not  surprising  to  find  a  large 
portion  of  mankind  the  willing  prey  of  impostors, 
practising  on  their  credulity  by  threats  of  evil  and  pro- 
mises of  good,  greater  than  the  usual  course  of  nature 
would  dispense.  In  every  country  where  the  intelligent 
religions  of  Judaism  or  Christianity  were  unknown, 
these  delusions  obtained  a  kind  of  legal  sovereignty, 
and  peculiarly  in  Thrace  and  Chaldea.  But  that  such 
frauds  and  absurdities  should  be  countenanced,  where 
the  genuine  revelations  of  the  Divine  wisdom  prevail, 
may  reasonably  excite  both  our  astonishment  and  re- 
gret, especially  as  they  have  been  steadily  discoun- 
tenanced by  both  civil  and  ecclesiastical  laws.  Their 
foundation  seems  to  lie  deep  in  the  heart's  anxiety 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  117 

about  futurity;  in  its  impatience  for   good  greater     CHAP. 
than  it  enjoys ;   and  in  its  restless  curiosity  to  pe-  • 

netrate  the  unknown,  and  to  meddle  with  the  for- 
bidden. 

But  the  superstitions  of  magic  and  witchcraft 
began  among  the  civilised  nations  of  the  earth,  and 
prevailed  even  in  Greece  and  Rome,  before  the  Saxons 
are  known  to  have  had  an  historical  existence.  The 
general  diffusion  of  the  fond  mistake  forbids  us  to  de- 
rive the  later  impostures  from  those  which  preceded  ; 
but  as  every  thing  that  was  popular  among  the  Romans 
must  have  scattered  some  effects  on  the  nations  with 
whom  they  had  intercourse,  we  will  glance  at  the 
opinions  which  the  masters  of  the  world,  who  so  long 
colonised  our  island,  admitted  on  this  delusive  sub- 
ject. 

We  are  familiar  in  our  youth  with  the  incantations 
alluded  to  by  Virgil  and  Horace,  and  described  by 
Lucan :  it  is  still  more  amusing  to  read  of  Apuleius, 
who  flourished  under  the  Antonines,  and  who,  though 
born  in  Africa,  was  educated  at  Athens,  that  he  was 
accused  of  magic  arts,  and  of  having  obtained  a  rich 
wife  by  his  incantations.  In  his  Metamorphoseon  we 
have  a  curious  picture  of  the  witchcraft  which  was 
believed  to  exist  in  the  ancient  world.  One  of  his 
characters  is  described  as  a  saga,  or  witch1,  who  could 
lower  the  sky,  and  raise  the  manes  of  the  dead.  She 
is  stated  to  have  transformed  one  lover  into  a  beaver, 
another  into  a  frog,  and  another  into  a  ram ;  to  have 
condemned  a  rival  wife  to  perpetual  gestation ;  to  have 
closed  up  impregnably  all  the  houses  of  a  city,  whose 
inhabitants  were  going  to  stone  her;  and  to  have  trans- 
ported the  family  of  the  authors  of  the  commotion  to 
the  top  of  a  distant  mountain. 

Another  lady  of  similar  taste  is  mentioned  to  have 

1  Apul.  Metamorph.  lib.  i.  p.  6. 
i  3 


118  HISTORY    OF   THE 

BvnK      been  a  maga,  mistress  of  every  sepulchral  song,  who 

, — '    by  twigs,  little  stones,  and  such  like  petty  instruments, 

could  submerge  all  the  light  of  the  world  in  the  lowest 
Tartarus,  and  into  ancient  chaos ;  who  could  turn  her 
lovers  that  displeased  her  into  stones  or  animals,  or 
entirely  destroy  them.2 

Apuleius  afterwards  gives  us  a  description  of  one  of 
her  achievements.  In  the  dead  of  the  night,  as  two 
friends  are  sleeping  in  a  room,  the  doors  burst  open 
with  great  fury ;  the  bed  of  one  is  overturned  upon 
him;  two  witches  enter,  one  carrying  a  light,  the  other 
a  sponge  and  a  sword.  This  stabs  her  sleeping  faith- 
less lover,  plunges  the  weapon  up  to  its  hilt  in  his 
throat,  receives  all  the  blood  in  a  vessel,  that  not  a  drop 
might  appear,  and  then  takes  out  his  heart.  The  other 
applied  her  sponge  to  the  wounds,  saying  "  Sponge ! 
sea-born!  beware  of  rivers !"  The  consequence  was, 
that  though  he  waked,  and  travelled  as  well  as 
ever,  yet  when  on  his  journey  he  approached  a 
river,  and  proceeded  to  drink  at  it,  his  wounds 
opened,  the  sponge  flew  out,  and  the  victim  fell 
dead.3 

Apuleius  himself  was  a  great  student  of  magic. 
The  chief  seat  of  all  these  wonders  is  declared  to  have 
been  Thessaly;  and  so  popular  was  the  notion  of 
witchcraft  among  those  nations  whom  in  our  youth 
we  are  taught  almost  exclusively  to  admire,  that  even 

2  Apul.  Metamorph.  lib.  i.  p.  21. 

3  Mr.  Cumberland  in   his  Observer,  No.  31.,   has  noticed  the  magical  powers 
ascribed  in  the  Clementine  recognitions,  and  Constit.  Apos.  to  Simon  Magus,  viz. 
That  he  created  a  man  out  of  the  air ;  that  he  had  the  power  of  being  invisible  ; 
that  he  could  make  marble  as  penetrable  as  clay  ;  could  animate  statues  ;  resist 
the    effects  of  fire  ;   present    himself  with  two  faces,  like  Janus ;  metamorphose 
himself  into  a  sheep  or  a  goat ;  fly  at  pleasure  through  the  air ;  create  gold  in  a 
moment ;  and  at  a  wish,  take  a  scythe  in  his  hand  and  mow  a  field  of  corn  almost 
at  a  stroke  ;  and  recall  the  unjustly  murdered  to  life.     A  woman  of  public  noto- 
riety looking  out  of  the  window  of  a  castle  on  a  great  crowd  below,  he  was  said  to 
have  made  her  appear,  and  then  fall  down  from  every  window  of  the  place  at  th2 
same  time.     To  these  fancies  Anastacius  Nicenus  added,  that  Simon  was  frequently 
preceded  by  spectres,  which  he  declared  to  be  the  spirits  of  certain  persons  that 
were  dead.     It  is  extraordinary  that  the   ancients  framed  no  romantic   tales  on 
imaginations  so  favourable  to  interesting  fiction. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  119 

philosophers  thought  that  they  accounted  sufficiently     CHAP. 
for  the  miracles  of  the  Christian  legislator,  by  referring  . 

them  to  inagic. 

We  will  consider  the  Anglo-Saxon  superstitions 
under  the  heads  of  their  witchcraft,  their  charms,  and 
their  prognostics. 

Their  pretenders  to  witchcraft  were  called  wicca, 
scin-laeca,  galdor-craeftig,  wiglaer,  and  morthwyrtha. 
Wigker  is  a  combination  from  wig,  an  idol  or  a 
temple,  and  lasr,  learning,  and  may  have  been  one  of 
the  characters  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  idolatry.  He  was 
the  wizard,  as  wicca  was  the  witch.  Scin-la3ca  was  a 
species  of  phantom  or  apparition,  and  was  also  used  as 
the  name  of  the  person  who  had  the  power  of  pro- 
ducing such  things :  it  is,  literally,  a  shining  dead 
body.  Galdor-craeftig  implies,  one  skilled  in  incanta- 
tions ;  and  morthwyrtha  is,  literally,  a  worshipper  of 
the  dead. 

Another  general  appellation  for  such  personages 
was  dry,  a  magician.  The  clergy  opposed  these 
follies  in  their  homilies4;  and  their  exhortations 
imply  that  some  had  the  knavery  to  attempt  to 
practise  them. 

The  laws  notice  these  practices  with  penal  severity. 
The  best  account  that  can  be  given  of  them  will  be 
found  in  the  passages  proscribing  them. 

"  If  any  wicca,   or  wigla3r,  or  false   swearer,    or 
morthwyrtha,    or   any  foul,  contaminated,   manifest 
horcwenan,  (whore  quean  or  strumpet,)  be  anywhere 
*in  the  land,  man  shall  drive  them  out."5 

"We  teach  that  every  priest  shall  extinguish  all 
heathendom,  and  forbid  wilweorthunga  (fountain 

4  Thus,  in  a  homily  against  auguries,  it  is  said,  "  That  the  dead  should  rise 
through  dry-craeft,  deofol  gild,  wicc-craeft,  and  wiglunga,  is  very  abominable  to  our 
Saviour ;  and  they  that  exercise  these  crafts  are  God's  enemies,  and  truly  belong 
to  the  deceitful  devil,  with  him  to  dwell  for  ever  in  eternal  punishment."     MSS. 
Bodl.     Wanl.  Cat.  p.  42. 

5  Wilk.  Leg.  Anglo-Sax,  p.  53. 

i  4 


120  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK  worship),  and  licwiglunga  (incantations  of  the  dead), 
-  and  hwata  (omens),  and  galdra  (magic),  and  man- 
worship,  and  the  abominations  that  men  exercise  in 
various  sorts  of  witchcraft,  and  in  frithsplottum,  and 
with  elms  and  other  trees,  and  with  stones,  and  with 
many  other  phantoms."6 

From  subsequent  regulations,  we  find  that  these 
practices  were  made  the  intruments  of  the  most  fatal 
mischief;  for  penitentiary  penalties  are  enjoined  if  any 
one  should  destroy  another  by  wiccecrseft ;  or  if  any 
should  drive  sickness  on  a  man ;  or  if  death  should 
follow  from  the  attempt.7 

They  seem  to  have  used  philtres;  for  it  is  also  made 
punishable  if  any  should  use  witchcraft  to  produce 
another's  love,  or  should  give  him  to  eat  or  to  drink 
with  magic.8  They  were  also  forbid  to  wiglian  by  the 
moon.9  Canute  renewed  the  prohibitions.  He  en- 
joined them  not  to  worship  the  sun  or  the  moon,  fire 
or  floods,  wells  or  stones,  or  any  sort  of  tree ;  not  to 
love  wiccecraeft,  or  frame  death-spells,  either  by  lot 
or  by  torch ;  nor  to  effect  any  thing  by  phantoms.10 
From  the  Pcenitentiale  of  Theodore  we  also  learn, 
that  the  power  of  letting  loose  tempests  was  pre- 
tended to.11 

Another  name  for  their  magical  arts  was  unlybban 
wyrce,  literally,  destructive  of  life.  The  penitence  is 
prescribed  for  a  woman  who  kills  a  man  by  unlybban. 
One  instance  of  their  philtres  is  detailed  to  us.  A 
woman  resolving  to  destroy  her  step-son,  or  to 
alienate  from  him  his  father's  affection,  sought  a  witch, 
who  knew  how  to  change  minds  by  art  and  enchant- 
ments. Addressing  such  a  one  with  promises  and 
rewards,  she  enquired  how  the  mind  of  the  father 

•  Wilk.  Leg.  Anglo-Sax,  p.  83.  *  Ibid.  p.  93. 

8  Ibid.  9  MS.  Tib.  A.  3.  10  Wilkins,  p.  134. 

11  Spelm.  Concil.  155.  They  dreaded  spectres ;  and  one  of  their  medical 
recipes  is,  "  If  a  man  suffer  from  a  scinlac,  or  spectre,  let  him  eat  lion's  flesh,  and 
he  will  never  suffer  from  any  scinlac  again."  Cott.  MSS.  Vitell.  C.  3. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  121 

mio;ht  be  turned  from  the  child,  and  be  fixed  on  her-      CHAP. 

XIII 

self.       The    magical    medicament   was    immediately         t  '  • 
made,  and  mixed  with  the  husband's  meat  and  drink. 
The  catastrophe  of  the  whole  was  the  murder  of  the 
child  ;  and  the  discovery  of  the  crime  by  the  assistant, 
to  revenge  the  step-mother's  ill-treatrnent.12 

The  charms  used  by  the  Anglo-Saxons  were  innu- 
merable. They  trusted  in  their  magical  incantations 
for  the  cure  of  disease13,  for  the  success  of  their 
tillage14,  for  the  discovery  of  lost  property15,  for  un- 
charming  cattle,  and  for  the  prevention  of  casualties.16 
Specimens  of  their  charms  for  these  purposes  still 
remain  to  us.  Bede  tells  us,  that  "many,  in  times 
of  disease  (neglecting  the  sacraments),  went  to  the 
erring  medicaments  of  idolatry,  as  if  to  restrain  God's 
chastisements  by  incantations,  phylacteries,  or  any 
other  secret  of  the  demoniacal  arts."  17 

Their  prognostics,  from  the  sun  and  moon,  from 
thunder,  and  from  dreams,  were  so  numerous,  as  to 
display  and  to  perpetuate  a  most  lamentable  debility 
of  mind.  Every  day  of  every  month  was  catalogued 
as  a  propitious  or  unpropitious  season  for  certain 
transactions.  We  have  Anglo-Saxon  treatises  which 
contain  rules  for  discovering  the  future  fortune 
and  disposition  of  a  child,  from  the  day  of  his 
nativity.  One  day  was  useful  for  all  things ;  another, 
though  good  to  tame  animals,  was  baleful  to  sow 
seeds.  One  day  was  favourable  to  the  commence- 
ment of  business  ;  another  to  let  blood ;  and  others 
wore  a  forbidding  aspect  to  these  and  other  things. 
On  this  day  they  were  to  buy,  on  a  second  to  sell,  on 
a  third  to  hunt,  on  a  fourth  to  do  nothing.  If  a  child 

12  3  Gale's  Script,  p.  439. 

13  For  incantations  to  cure  various  diseases,  see  Wanley's  Catalogue  of  Saxon 
MSS.,  p.  44.  115.  231,  232.  234.  305. 

14  For  charms  to  make  fields  fertile,  see  \Vanley,  p.  98.  225. 

u  For  charms  to  find  lost  cattle,  or  any  thing  stolen,  see  Wanley,  p.  114.  186. 

16  For  amulets  against  poison,  disease,  and  battle,  see  also  Wanley. 

17  Bede,  lib.  iv.  c.  27. 


122  HISTORY   OF   THE 

were  born  on  such  a  day,  it  would  live ;  if  on  another 
its  life  would  be  sickly  ;  if  on  another  it  would  perish 
early.  In  a  word,  the  most  alarming  fears,  and 
the  most  extravagant  hopes,  were  perpetually  raised 
by  these  foolish  superstitions,  which  tended  to  keep 
the  mind  in  the  dreary  bondage  of  ignorance  and  ab- 
surdity, which  prevented  the  growth  of  knowlege,  by 
the  incessant  war  of  prejudice,  and  the  slavish  effects 
of  the  most  imbecile  apprehensions.18 

The  same  anticipations  of  futurity  were  made  by 
noticing  on  what  day  of  the  week  or  month  it  first 
thundered,  or  the  new  moon  appeared,  or  the  new- 
year's  day  occurred.  Dreams  likewise  had  regular  in- 
terpretations and  applications  ;  and  thus  life,  instead 
of  being  governed  by  the  councils  of  wisdom,  or  the 
precepts  of  virtue,  was  directed  by  those  solemn 
lessons  of  gross  superstition,  which  the  most  igno- 
rant peasant  of  our  days  would  be  ashamed  to  avow.19 
How  lamentable  is  it  that  mankind  should  have  such 
an  inveterate  propensity  to  resort  to  the  meanest 
agencies,  and  the  most  capricious  accidents  of  nature, 
for  aid  or  comforts  in  their  anxieties  and  difficulties, 
rather  than  to  confide  in  its  Author,  solicit  his  kind- 
ness, or  resign  themselves  to  his  will ;  rather  than 
calmly  await  his  benevolent  dispensations,  and  trust 
to  his  discernment  for  the  fittest  season  of  their  occur- 
rence and  duration.20 

18  See  especially  MS.  Tiberius,  A.  3.,  and  Bede's  works  on  these  subjects.     A 
few  specimens  may  amuse  :   "  (jn  the  first  night  of  the  moon,  go  to  the  king  and 
ask  what  you  like.     Whatever  you  see  at  the  first  appearance  of  the  new  moon 
will  be  a  blessing  to  you.     In  the  beginning  of  the  moon  it  is  useful  to  do  any 
thing.     If  a  man  be  born  on  a  Sunday  he  will  live  without  trouble  all  his  life.     If 

t  thunder  in  the  evening  some  great  person  is  born.  If  new-year's  day  be  on  a 
Monday  it  will  be  a  grim  and  confounding  winter.  When  you  see  a  bee  fast  in 
the  briar,  wish  what  you  please,  and  it  will  not  fail  you." 

19  Some  of  their  fancies :   "  If  a  man  dream  that  he  hath  a  burning  candle  in 
his  hand  it  is  a  sign  of  good.     If  he  dream  that  he  sees  an  eagle  over  his  head  it 
implies  dignity  to  him,  and  the  greater,  the  higher  the  bird  flies.      Whatever  we 
dream  on  the  first  night  of  the  old  moon  will  become  joyful  to  us." 

20  Even  while  this  page  is  penning,  one  Gipsy  is  offering  her  prognostications, 
surprised  at  being  refused ;  and  another  is  employed  in  a  neighbouring  garden, 
by  three  intellectual  beings,  to  delude  them  by  her  random  predictions,  which  she 
afterwards  ridicules  them  for  believing  ! 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  123 

It  is,  however,  an  act  of  impartial  justice  to  our  CHAP. 
ancestors,  and  to  others,  to  remark  that  the  supersti-  -  \  '  • 
tions  into  which  the  various  branches  of  human  society 
have  diverged  in  pagan  as  well  as  Christian  countries, 
however  they  may  surprise  us  by  their  absurdity,  or 
displease  us  by  their  mischievous  effects,  have  yet 
usually  sprung  from  some  good  principle  that  has 
been  erroneously  applied  or  injuriously  perverted. 
The  superstitions  connected  with  divination  are  emi- 
nently of  this  character.  Whether  the  pecking  of 
chickens ;  the  appearance  of  eagles ;  the  direction  of 
the  flight  of  birds ;  the  state  of  a  brute's  entrails ; 
the  drawing  of  twigs  ;  the  neighing  of  a  horse ;  the 
rolling  of  thunder ;  the  flowing  of  a  victim's  blood, 
or  the  ravings  of  a  maniac,  were,  like  the  prognostics 
of  the  Anglo-Saxons,  the  criterion  adopted ;  yet  the 
founding  principle  always  was  a  desire  to  be  guided 
by  the  Divine  will,  and  therefore  to  discover  it ;  a  hope 
that  this  was  possible,  and  a  belief  that  the  means 
selected  and  hallowed  by  their  religious  faith  or 
popular  fancies  would  be  the  channel  through  which 
the  superior  direction  or  communication  would  be 
imparted. 

They  assumed  that  the  Deity  would  indicate  his 
will  and  dicisions  by  the  mediums  which  they  appro- 
priated to  be  his  instruments  for  this  purpose  ;  and  it 
was  the  determination  of  the  Divine  mind  that  they 
venerated  and  obeyed  when  they  made  birds  its  in- 
terpreters :  as  Lord  Herbert  of  Cherbury,  who  dis- 
credited nearly  all  religious  institutions,  admitted  in 
his  own  case  a  soft  roll  of  distant  thunder  to  be  the 
appointed  messenger  to  him  from  the  same  Divine 
sovereignty,  that  he  should  execute  the  purpose  he 
was  meditating.  Hence,  in  giving  these  superstitions 
such  an  influence  over  their  conduct,  the  Anglo- 
Saxons  did  no  more  than  what  Persians,  Greeks, 
Romans,  and  many  modern  Europeans,  even  of  cul- 


124  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK  tivated  minds,  have  done  without  being  thought 
, '  >  peculiarly  ridiculous.  All  perversions  of  a  good  prin- 
ciple, and  all  such  false  superstitions,  are  vicious  and 
degrading  ;  but  the  degradation  applies  equally  to  all 
nations,  and  to  all  ages  who  have  used  them,  and 
must  not  be  charged  with  any  emphatic  censure  or 
contempt  on  our  imitating,  but  not  therefore  weak- 
minded  ancestors. 

It  is  our  wisdom  to  desire  the  Divine  guidance,  and 
to  implore  it.  It  is  our  folly  to  seek  its  voice  and 
will  in  the  whims  and  devices  of  our  doting  imagin- 
ations. The  great  outlines  of  the  sublime  Mind, 
whose  direction  the  human  heart  in  all  ages,  and  the 
wisest  intellects  in  the  most  cultivated,  so  anxiously 
seek  for,  are  delineated  in  the  sacred  volumes  which 
form  our  true  faith  and  present  to  us  our  dearest 
hopes.  Enlightened  by  what  these  reveal,  and  acting 
on  their  tuition,  we  may  believe  as  Socrates,  Plato, 
Scipio,  and  Epictetus  thought,  and  as  every  Christian 
apostle  teaches,  that  the  further  assistance  which  we 
reverentially  solicit  will  be  silently  and  imperceptibly 
imparted  whenever  necessary,  and  will  give  us  that 
true  prudence  of  mind  and  judgment,  which  is  always 
most  effective  and  most  unerring  when  it  flows  from 
this  high  origin,  and  is  kept  in  continual  union  with 
its  venerated  Giver.21 

21  The  true  etymology  of  Prudentia  seems  to  be,  that  it  was  at  first  an  abbre- 
viation of  Providentia  in  the  loftiest  sense  of  that  word,  and  subsequently  came 
to  signify  also  those  human  prse-videntia  and  prac-audientia,  which  now  form  its 
common  meaning  and  ethical  appropriation. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  125 


CHAP.  XIV. 

Their  Funerals. 

THE  northern  nations,  at  one  period,  burnt  their  dead.      CHAP. 
But  the  custom  of  interring  the  body  had  become  ' 

established  among  the  Anglo-Saxons,  at  the  aera  when 
their  history  began  to  be  recorded  by  their  Christian 
clergy,  and  was  never  discontinued. 

Their  common  coffins  were  wood  ;  the  more  costly 
were  stone.  Thus  a  nun  who  had  been  buried  in  a 
wooden  coffin  was  afterwards  placed  in  one  of  stone.1 
Their  kings  were  interred  in  stone  coffins2 ;  they  were 
buried  in  linen3,  and  the  clergy  in  their  vestments.4 
In  two  instances  mentioned  by  Bede,  the  coffin  was 
provided  before  death.5  We  also  read  of  the  place  of 
burial  being  chosen  before  death,  and  sometimes  of  its 
being  ordered  by  will.6 

With  the  common  sympathy  of  human  nature, 
friends  are  described  as  attending,  in  illness,  round 
the  bed  of  the  deceased.  On  their  departure,  we  read 
of  friends  tearing  their  clothes  and  hair.7  One  who 
died,  is  mentioned  to  have  been  buried  the  next  day.8 
As  Cuthbert,  the  eleventh  bishop  from  Augustin,  ob- 
tained leave  to  make  cemeteries  within  cities9,  we  may 
infer  that  the  more  healthful  custom,  of  depositing 
the  dead  at  some  distance  from  the  habitations  of  the 
living,  was  the  general  practice ;  but  afterwards  it 
became  the  custom  of  England  to  bury  the  dead  in 

1  Bede,  lib.  iv.  c.  19.  2  Ibid.  c.  4. 

3  Ibid.  c.  19.  4  Ibid.  p.  261. 

5  Ibid.  lib.  v.  c.  5.  and  lib.  iv.  c.  11.  6  3  Gale  Script.  470. 

7  Eddius,  p.  64.  "  Bede,  p.  302. 

9  Dugd.  Mon.  i.  p.  25. 


126  HISTORY    OF   THE 

BOOK  the  churches.  The  first  restriction  to  this  practice 
< — <- — -  was  the  injunction  that  none  should  be  so  buried, 
unless  it  was  known  that  in  his  life  he  had  been  ac- 
ceptable to  God.  It  was  afterwards  ordered,  that  no 
corpse  should  be  deposited  in  a  church,  unless  of  an 
ecclesiastic,  or  a  layman  so  righteous  as  to  deserve 
such  a  distinction.  All  former  tombs  in  churches 
were  directed  to  be  made  level  with  the  pavement,  so 
that  none  might  be  seen  ;  and  if  in  any  part,  from 
the  number  of  the  tombs,  this  was  difficult  to  be  done, 
then  the  altar  was  to  be  removed  to  a  purer  spot,  and 
the  occupied  place  was  to  become  merely  a  burying- 
ground.10 

Some  of  their  customs  at  death  may  be  learnt  from 
the  following  narrations.  It  is  mentioned  in  Dun- 
stan's  life,  that  ^Ethelfleda,  when  on  her  death-bed, 
said  to  him,  "  Do  thou,  early  in  the  morning,  cause 
the  baths  to  be  hastened,  and  the  funeral  vestments 
to  be  prepared,  which  I  am  about  to  wear ;  arid  after 
the  washing  of  my  body,  I  will  celebrate  the  mass, 
and  receive  the  sacrament ;  and  in  that  manner  I  will 
die."11 

The  sickness,  death,  and  burial  of  archbishop  Wil- 
frid, in  the  eighth  century,  is  described  with  these 
particulars.  On  the  attack  of  his  illness,  all  the 
abbots  and  anchorites  near  were  unwearied  in  their 
prayers  for  his  recovery.  He  survived,  with  his 
senses  ;  and  power  of  speech  returned,  for  a  year  arid 
a  half.  A  short  time  before  his  death,  he  invited  two 
abbots  and  six  faithful  brethren  to  attend  him,  and 
desired  them  to  open  his  treasure-chest  with  a  key. 


10  Wilk.  Leg.  Anglo-Sax,  p.  179.  p.  84. 

11  MSS.  Cleop.  B.  13.     This  life  has  been  printed  in  the  Acta  Sanctorum  for 
May,  from  a  MS.  brought  from  the  Vedastine  monastery  at   Rome.     This  MS. 
differs  from  the  Cotton  MS.   in  some  particulars.     It  has  the  preface,  which  the 
Cotton  MS.  wants ;  but  it  has  not  two  pages  of  the  conclusion,  which  are  in  the 
Cotton  MS.     In  the  body  of  the  Roman  MS.  there  are  forty -two  hexameters  which 
are  not  in  the  Cotton  MS. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  127 

The  gold,  silver,  and   precious  stones  therein  were     CHAR 
brought  out,  and  divided  into  four  parts,  as  he  directed.  . 

One  of  these  he  ordered  to  be  sent  to  the  churches  at 
Rome,  as  a  present  for  his  soul ;  another  part  was  to 
be  divided  among  the  poor  of  his  people  ;  a  third  he 
gave  to  some  monasteries,  to  obtain  therewith  the 
friendship  of  the  kings  and  bishops  ;  and  the  fourth 
he  destined  to  those  who  had  shared  in  his  labours, 
and  to  whom  he  had  not  given  lands. 

After  his  death,  one  of  the  abbots  spread  his  linen 
garments  on  the  ground.  The  brethren  laid  his  body 
on  them,  washed  it  with  their  hands,  and  put  on  his 
ecclesiastical  dress.  Afterwards  they  wrapped  it  in 
linen,  and  singing  hymns,  they  conducted  it  in  a 
carriage  to  the  monastery.  All  the  monks  came  out 
to  meet  it ;  none  abstained  from  tears  and  weeping. 
They  received  it  with  hymns  and  chan tings,  and  de- 
posited it  in  the  church  which  he  had  built.12 

One  of  the  nobles  who  attended  the  king  at  his 
Easter  court,  having  died,  it  is  mentioned  that  his 
body  was  carried  to  Glastonbury;  and  the  king 
ordered  some  of  the  bishops,  earls,  and  barons,  to 
attend  the  bier  thither  with  honour.13 

When  the  body  of  an  alderman  was  taken  to  the 
monastery  at  Ramsay  to  be  buried,  a  numerous  assem- 
blage from  the  neighbourhood  met  to  accompany  his 
exequies.14 

The  saul-sceat,  or  the  payment  of  the  clergy  on 
death,  became  a  very  general  practice.  No  respect- 
able person  died  or  was  buried  without  a  handsome 
present  to  some  branch  or  other  of  the  ecclesiastical 
establishment. 

Nothing  can  more  strongly  express  the  importance 
and  necessity  of  this  custom,  than  that  several  of  their 

12  Eddius,  p.  89.  w  3  Gale  Script  p.  395. 

14  Ibid.  p.  423. 


128  HISTORY    OF   THE 

BOOK      gilds  seem  to  have  been  formed  chiefly  with  a  view  to 

VII  . 

.  provide  a  fund  for  this  purpose. 

It  appears  in  all  the  wills.  Thus  Wynflsed,  for  her 
saul-sceat,  gave  to  every  one  of  the  religious,  at  the 
places  she  mentions,  a  mancus  of  gold ;  and  to  another 
place,  half  a  pound's  worth,  for  saul-sceat.  She  adds 
a  direction  to  her  children,  that  they  will  illuminate 
for  her  soul. 

Byrhtric,  for  his  soul  and  his  ancestors,  gave  two 
sulings  of  land  by  his  will,  and  a  similar  present,  with 
thirty  gold  mancys,  for  his  wife's  soul  and  her  an- 
cestors.15 Wulfaru  bequeaths  to  Saint  Peter's  minster, 
for  his  "  miserable  soul,"  and  for  his  ancestors,  a 
bracelet,  a  patera,  two  golden  crosses,  with  garments 
and  bed-clothes.16 

A  dux  who  flourished  in  the  days  of  Edgar  and 
^Ethelred,  not  only  gave  an  abbot  some  valuable  lands, 
in  return  for  his  liberal  hospitality,  but  also  several 
others,  with  thirty  marks  of  gold,  and  twenty  pounds 
of  silver,  two  golden  crosses,  two  pieces  of  his  cloak, 
set  with  gold  and  gems  in  valuable  workmanship,  and 
other  things,  that,  if  he  fell  in  battle,  his  body  might 
be  buried  with  them.17 

A  dux  in  Alfred's  days  directed  one  hundred  swine 
to  be  given  to  a  church  in  Canterbury,  for  him  and 

CD  */    ' 

for  his  soul ;  and  the  same  to  Chertsey  abbey.  The 
same  dux  directed  two  hundred  peninga  to  be  paid 
annually  from  some  land  to  Chertsey  abbey,  for  the 
soul  of  Alfred.18 

So  .ZEthelstan  the  articling  gave  to  St.  Peter's 
church,  at  Westminster,  land  which  he  had  bought 
of  his  father  for  two  hundred  mancusan  of  gold,  five 
pounds  of  silver  by  weight,  and  some  land,  which  he 

t 

15  Hickes,  Diss.  Ep.  51.  16  Ibid.  p.  54. 

17  3  Gale  Script.  494.  "  Test.  .Elf.  App.  Sax.  Diet. 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 

had  purchased  for  two  hundred  and  fifty  gold  mancus 
by  weight ;  and  the  land  which  his  father  released  to 
him,  for  both  their  souls :  he  makes  other  bequests  to 
other  religious  places.19 

19  App.  Sax.  Diet  If  the  body  was  buried  out  of  the  "  riht  scire,"  or  parish, 
the  soul's  sceat  was  to  be  paid  to  the  minister  to  which  he  belonged.  Wilk.  Leg. 
121.  108.  It  was  to  be  always  given  at  the  open  grave.  Ib.  108. 


129 


VOL.  III. 


K 


130  HISTORY    OF   THE 


BOOK  VIII. 

The  GOVERNMENT  and  CONSTITUTION  of  the  ANGLO-SAXONS. 

CHAP.  I. 

The  KING'S  Election  and  Coronation. 

BOOK  IN  treating  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  government  it  will 
'  be  proper  to  begin  with  the  cyning,  or  king,  who, 
though  he  did  not  concentrate  in  himself  the  des- 
potism of  an  eastern  monarch,  was  yet  elevated  far 
above  the  rest  of  the  nation  in  dignity,  property,  and 
power. 

The  witena-gemot  may  then  be  considered,  and  after- 
wards the  official  dignities  respected  by  the  nation. 
Our  subject  will  be  closed  by  a  review  of  the  contri- 
butions levied  from  the  people. 

The  first  cynings  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  seem  to  have 
been  their  war -kings  continued  for  life;  and  the  crown 
was  not  hereditary,  but  elective.  Many  authors,  both 
in  the  Anglo-Saxon  times  and  afterwards,  when  speak- 
ing of  their  accessions,  express  them  in  terms  which 
signify  election.  Thus,  the  contemporary  author  of 
Dunstan's  life  says  of  Edwin,  "After  him  arose  Eadwig, 
son  of  king  Edmund,  in  age  a  youth,  and  with  little 
of  the  prudence  of  reigning ;  elected,  he  filled  up 
the  number  and  names  of  the  kings  over  both  people." 
It  proceeds  afterwards  to  mention,  that,  abandoning 
Eadwig,  they  chose  (eligere)  Eadgar  to  be  king.1 

It  was  the  witena-gemot  who  elected  the  cyning. 

1  MS.  Cleop.  B.  13.  p.  76.  78. 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


131 


The  council,  in  785,  directs,  that  "lawful  kings  be  /  CHAP. 

i  T 

chosen  by  the  priests  and  elders  of  the  people."2 
The  author  of  the  life  of  Dunstan  says,  "  When  at 
the  time  appointed  he  was  by  all  the  chiefs  of  the 
English,  by  general  election,  to  be  anointed  and 
consecrated  king."3  Ethelred  recites  himself,  in  a 
charter,  that  all  the  optimates  had  unanimously 
chosen  his  brother  Edward  to  rule  the  helm  of  the 
kingdom.4  Alfred  is  stated  to  have  been  chosen  by 
the  ducibus  et  presulibus  of  all  the  nation.5  Edward 
and  Athelstan  are  also  described  as  "  a  primatis 
electus."6 

Sometimes  the  election  is  mentioned  as  if  other  per- 
sons besides  the  witan  were  concerned  in  it.  Thus, 
the  Saxon  Chronicle  says,  that  after  Ethelred's  death 
all  the  witan  who  were  in  London,  and  the  citizens, 
chose  Edmund,  to  cinge.7  It  says  afterwards,  that 
when  Canute  died  there  was  a  gemot  of  all  the  witan 
at  Oxford ;  and  earl  Leofric,  and  most  of  the  thegns 
north  of  the  Thames,  and  the  lithsmen  at  London,  chose 
Harold.  The  earl  Godwin,  and  all  the  yldestan 
men  in  West  Saxony,  opposed  it  as  long  as  they 
could.8 

But,  from  the  comparison  of  all  the  passages  on 
this  subject,  the  result  seems  to  be,  that  the  king  was 
elected  at  the  witena-gemot  held  on  the  demise  of  the 
preceding  sovereign  ;  and  these  citizens  and  lithsmen 
were  probably  the  more  popular  part  of  the  national 
council,  the  representatives  of  the  cities  and  burghs. 
•The  name  of  lithsmen  would  suit  those  of  the  mari- 
time burghs,  afterwards,  as  now,  called  the  cinque- 
ports. 

That  the  accession  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  sovereigns 
was  not  governed  by  the  rules  of  hereditary  succession, 


2  Spelm.  Concil.  p.  296. 

4  MS.  Claud,  c.  9.  p.  123. 

8  Ethelwerd,  847.  Malmbs.  48. 

8  Ibid.  p.  154. 


*  MS.  Cleop.  p.  76. 

4  Simeon  Dunel.  126.  127 

7  Sax.  Chron.  p.  148. 


K  2 


132  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK  is  manifest  from  their  history.  The  dynasties  of 

, '  .  Wessex  were  more  steady  and  regular  than  any  others 

in  the  octarchy.  Yet  the  son  of  its  third  king, 
Cealwin,  did  not  succeed,  though  he  existed.  The  son 
of  Ceolwulf  was  equally  passed  by.  Ceadwalla  left 
two  sons,  yet  Ina  acceded,  to  their  prejudice;  and, 
what  is  singular,  Ina  was  elected  king,  though  his 
father  was  alive.  Some  other  irregularities  of  the 
same  sort  took  place  before  Egbert,  and  continued  after 
him. 

Ethelbert,  the  second  son  of  Ethelwulph,  left  sons, 
and  yet  Ethelred  succeeded  in  their  stead.  They 
were  still  excluded,  when  Alfred  and  his  son  received 
the  crown.  So  Athelstan,  though  illegitimate,  was 
chosen  in  preference  to  his  legitimate  brothers.  On 
Edgar's  death,  both  his  eldest  and  youngest  sons  were 
made  candidates  for  the  crown,  though  Edward  was 
preferred ;  and  although  Edmund  Ironside  left  a  son, 
his  brother,  Edward  the  Confessor,  after  the  Danish 
reigns,  was  preferred  before  him.  To  the  exclusion 
of  the  same  prince,  Harold  the  Second  obtained  his 
election. 

But  though  the  Saxon  witan  continued  the  custom 
of  election,  and  sometimes  broke  the  regular  line  of 
descent,  by  crowning  the  collateral  branches,  yet  in 
the  greatest  number  of  instances  they  followed  the 
rule  of  hereditary  succession.  Their  choice  of  the 
cyning  in  Wessex,  even  when  the  heir  was  disregarded, 
was  always  made  from  the  family  of  its  first  founder, 
Cerdic,  and  usually  from  the  kinsmen  of  the  pre- 
ceding sovereign.  The  Norman  conquest  diminished 
the  power  of  the  witena-gemot  in  this  respect,  or 
at  least  restricted  its  practical  exertion.  The  form 
and  name  of  election  continued,  but  it  was  rather 
adoption  than  choice.  The  crown  passed  gradually 
from  an  elective  to  an  hereditary  succession;  —  a 
change  highly  auspicious  to  the  national  prosperity, 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  1 33 

by  precluding   the  most   destructive  of  all   human 
competitions. 

The  coronation  of  Ethelred  the  Second,  and  his 
coronation- oath,  have  been  transmitted  to  us  in  Latin, 
in  a  MS.  yet  extant  in  the  Cotton  Library.9  The 
ceremony  was  thus  ordered :  the  translation  is  made 
literal :  some  part  of  it  seems  to  be  the  composition  or 
the  arrangement  of  Dunstan. — 

"  Two  bishops,  with,  the  witan,  shall  lead  him  to  the  church, 
and  the  clergy,  with  the  bishops,  shall  sing  the  anthem,  'Firmetur 
manus  tua,'  and  the  '  Gloria  Patri.' 

"  When  the  king  arrives  at  the  church,  he  shall  prostrate  him- 
self before  the  altar,  and  the  'Te  Deum'  shall  be  chaunted. 

"  When  this  is  finished,  the  king  shall  be  raised  from  the  ground, 
and  having  been  chosen  by  the  bishops  and  people,  shall,  with  a 
clear  voice,  before  God  and  all  the  people,  promise  that  he  will 
observe  these  three  rules." 

"  The  Coronation  Oath. 

'  In  the  name  of  Christ,  I  promise  three  things  to  the  Christian 
'  people,  my  subjects  : 

'  First,  That  the  church  of  God,  and  all  the  Christian  people, 
'  shall  always  preserve  true  peace  under  our  auspices. 

'  Second,  That  I  will  forbid  rapacity  and  all  iniquities  to  every 
'  condition. 

'  Third,  That  I  will  command  equity  and  mercy  in  all  judgments, 
'  that  to  me  and  to  you  the  gracious  and  merciful  God  may  extend 
'  his  mercy.' 

"  All  shall  say,  Amen.  These  prayers  shall  follow,  which  the 
bishops  are  separately  to  repeat:  — 

'  We  invoke  thee,  O  Lord,  Holy  Father,  Almighty  and  Eternal 
'  God,  that  this  thy  servant,  (whom,  by  the  wisdom  of  thy  divine 
'  dispensations  from  the  beginning  of  his  formation  to  this  present 
'  day,  thou  hast  permitted  to  increase,  rejoicing  in  the  flower  of 
'  youth,)  enriched  with  the  gift  of  thy  piety,  and  full  of  the  grace 
4  of  truth,  thou  mayest  cause  to  be  always  advancing,  day  by  day, 
I*  to  better  things  before  God  and  men:  that,  rejoicing  in  the 
'  bounty  of  supernal  grace,  he  may  receive  the  throne  of  supreme 
'  power ;  and  defended  on  all  sides  from  his  enemies  by  the  wall  of 
'  thy  mercy,  he  may  deserve  to  govern  happily  the  people  com- 
'  mitted  to  him  with  the  peace  of  propitiation  and  the  strength 
'  of  victory.' " 

"  Second  Prayer. 

'  O  God,  who  directest  thy  people  in  strength,  and  governest 
'  them  with  love,  give  this  thy  servant  such  a  spirit  of  wisdom  with 

•  MS.  Claud.  A.  3. 
K  3 


134 


BOOK 
VIII. 


the  rule  of  discipline,  that,  devoted  to  thee  with  his  whole  heart, 
he  may  remain  in  bis  government  always  fit,  and  that  by  thy 
favour  the  security  of  this  church  may  be  preserved  in  his  time, 
and  Christian  devotion  may  remain  in  tranquillity ;  so  that,  per- 
severing in  good  works,  he  may  attain,  under  thy  guidance,  to 
thine  everlasting  kingdom.' 

"  After  a  third  prayer,  the  consecration  of  the  king  by  the  bishop 
takes  place,  who  holds  the  crown  over  him,  saying,  — 

'  Almighty  Creator,  Everlasting  Lord,  Governor  of  heaven  and 
'  earth,  the  Maker  and  Disposer  of  angels  and  men,  King  of  kings 
'  and  Lord  of  lords !  who  made  thy  faithful  servant  Abraham  to 
'  triumph  over  his  enemies,  and  gavest  manifold  victories  to  Moses 
'  and  Joshua,  the  prelates  of  thy  people  ;  and  didst  raise  David, 
'  thy  lowly  child,  to  the  summit  of  the  kingdom,  and  didst  free 
'  him  from  the  mouth  of  the  lion  and  the  paws  of  the  bear,  and 
'  from  Goliah,  and  from  the  malignant  sword  of  Saul  and  his 
1  enemies  ;  who  didst  endow  Solomon  with  the  ineffable  gift  of 
'  wisdom  and  peace  :  look  down  propitiously  on  our  humble  prayers, 
'  and  multiply  the  gifts  of  thy  blessing  on  this  thy  servant,  whom, 
'  with  humble  devotion,  we  have  chosen  to  be  king  of  the  Angles 
'  and  the  Saxons.  Surround  him  every  where  with  the  right 
'  hand  of  thy  power,  that,  strengthened  with  the  faithfulness  of 
'  Abraham,  the  meekness  of  Moses,  the  courage  of  Joshua;  the 
'  humility  of  David,  and  the  wisdom  of  Solomon,  he  may  be  well- 
'  pleasing  to  thee  in  all  things,  and  may  always  advance  in  the 
'  way  of  justice  with  inoffensive  progress. 

'  May  he  so  nourish,  teach,  defend,  and  instruct  the  church  of 
'  all  the  kingdom  of  the  Anglo-Saxons,  with  the  people  annexed 
'to  it ;  and  so  potently  and  royally  rule  it  against  all  visible  and 
'  invisible  enemies,  that  the  royal  throne  of  the  Angles  and  Saxons 
'  may  not  desert  his  sceptre,  but  that  he  may  keep  their  minds  in 
'  the  harmony  of  the  pristine  faith  and  peace !  May  he,  supported 
'  by  the  due  subjection  of  the  people,  and  glorified  by  worthy  love, 
'  through  a  long  life,  descend  to  govern  and  establish  it  with  the 
4  united  mercy  of  thy  glory !  Defended  with  the  helmet  and  in- 
'  vincible  shield  of  thy  protection,  and  surrounded  with  celestial 
'  arms,  may  he  obtain  the  triumph  of  victory  over  all  his  enemies, 
'  and  bring  the  terror  of  his  power  on  all  the  unfaithful,  and  shed 
'  peace  on  those  joyfully  fighting  for  thee  !  Adorn  him  with  the 
'  virtues  with  which  thou  hast  decorated  thy  faithful  servants  ; 
'  place  him  high  in  his  dominion,  and  anoint  him  with  the  oil  of 
'  the  grace  of  thy  Holy  Spirit ! ' 

"  Here  he  shall  be  ANOINTED  with  oil ;  and  this  anthem  shall  be 
sung :  — 

'  And  Zadoc  the  priest,  and  Nathan  the  prophet,  anointed  So- 
'  lomon  king  in  Sion ;  and,  approaching  him,  they  said,  May  the 
'  king  live  for  ever ! ' 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  135 

"After  two  appropriate  prayers,  the  SWORD  was  given  to  him, 
with  this  invocation  :  — 

'  God !  who  governest  all  things,  both  in  heaven  and  in  earth, 
'  by  thy  providence,  be  propitious  to  our  most  Christian  king, 
'  that  all  the  strength  of  his  enemies  may  be  broken  by  the  virtue 
'  of  the  spiritual  sword,  and  that  Thou  combating  for  him,  they 
'  may  be  utterly  destroyed ! ' 

"  The  king  shall  here  be  CROWNED,  and  shall  be  thus  addressed:  — 

4  May  God  crown  thee  with  the  crown  of  glory,  and  with  the 
'  honour  of  justice,  and  the  labour  of  fortitude  ;  that  by  the  virtue 
'  of  our  benediction,  and  by  a  right  faith,  and  the  various  fruit 
'  of  good  works,  thou  mayest  attain  to  the  crown  of  the  everlasting 
'  kingdom,  through  His  bounty  whose  kingdom  endures  for  ever ! ' 

"  After  the  crown  shall  be  put  upon  his  head,  this  prayer  shall  be 
said :  — 

*  God  of  eternity !  Commander  of  the  virtues !  the  Conqueror 
of  all  enemies!  bless  this  thy  servant,  now  humbly  bending  his 
head  before  thee,  and  preserve  him  long  in  health,  prosperity, 
and  happiness.  Whenever  he  shall  invoke  thine  aid,  be  speedily 
present  to  him,  and  protect  and  defend  him.  Bestow  on  him  the 
riches  of  thy  grace ;  fulfil  his  desires  with  every  good  thing,  and 
crown  him  with  thy  mercy.' 

"  The  SCEPTRE  shall  be  here  given  to  him,  with  this  address : — 

'  Take  the  illustrious  sceptre  of  the  royal  power,  the  rod  of  thy 

*  dominion,  the  rod  of  justice,  by  which  mayest  thou  govern  thyself 
'  well,  and  the  holy  church  and  Christian  people  committed  by  the 
'  Lord  to  thee !     Mayest  thou  with  royal  virtue  defend  us  from 

*  the  wicked  ;  correct  the  bad,  and  pacify  the  upright ;  and  that 

*  they  may  hold  the  right  way,  direct  them  with  thine  aid,  so  that 
'  from  the  temporal  kingdom  thou  mayest  attain  to  that  which  is 
'  eternal,  by  His  aid  whose  endless  dominion  will  remain  through 
'  every  age  ! ' 

"After  the  sceptre  has  been  given,  this  prayer  follows  :  — 

'  Lord  of  all !    Fountain  of  good !    God  of  all !    Governor  of  go- 

*  vernors !  bestow  on  thy  servant  the  dignity  to  govern  well,  and 
**  strengthen  him  that  he  become  the  honour  granted  him  by  thee ! 

Make  him  illustrious  above  every  other  king  in  Britain !  Enrich 
him  with  thine  affluent  benediction,  and  establish  him  firmly  in 
the  throne  of  his  kingdom  !  Visit  him  in  his  offspring,  and  grant 
him  length  of  life  !  In  his  day  may  justice  be  pre-eminent ;  so 
that,  with  all  joy  and  felicity,  he  may  be  glorified  in  thine  ever- 
lasting kingdom ! ' 

"  The  ROD  shall  be  here  given  to  him,  with  this  address :  — 

'  Take  the  rod  of  justice  and  equity;  by  which  thou  mayest  un- 
'  derstand  how  to  soothe  the  pious  and  terrify  the  bad  ;  teach  the 

K  4 


136  HISTORY    OF   THE 

BOOK       '  way  to  the  erring ;  stretch  out  thine  hand  to  the  faltering  ;  abase 
Vlii.        '  the  proud  ;  exalt  the  humble,  that  Christ  our  Lord  may  open  to 

' » '     '  thee  the  door,  who  says  of  himself,   I  am  the  door  ;  if  any  enter 

'  through  me,  he  shall  be  saved.  And  HE  who  is  the  key  of 
'  David,  and  the  sceptre  of  the  house  of  Israel,  who  opens  and  no 
'  one  can  shut ;  who  shuts  and  no  one  can  open ;  may  he  be  thy 
'  helper !  HE  who  bringeth  the  bounden  from  the  prison-house, 

*  and  the  one  sitting  in  darkness  and  the  shadow  of  death !  that  in 
'  all  things  thou  mayst  deserve  to  follow  him  of  whom  David  sang, 
'  Thy  seat,  O  God,  endureth  for  ever ;  the  sceptre  of  thy  kingdom 
'  is  a  right    sceptre.     Imitate    him   who   says,  Thou   hast   loved 
'  righteousness,  and  hated  iniquity ;  therefore  God,  even  thy  God, 
'  has  anointed  thee  with  the  oil  of  gladness  above  thy  fellows.' 

"  The  benedictions  follow  :  — 

'  May  the  Almighty  Lord  extend  the  right  hand  of  his  blessing, 

*  and  pour  upon  thee  the  gift  of  his  protection,  and  surround  thee 
'  with  a  wall  of  happiness,  and  with  the  guardianship  of  his  care ; 
'  the  merits  of  the  holy  Mary ;  of  Saint  Peter,  the  prince  of  the 
'  Apostles  ;  and  of  Saint  Gregory,  the  apostle  of  the  English  ;  and 
'  of  all  the  Saints,  interceding  for  thee ! 

'  May  the  Lord  forgive  thee  all  the  evil  thou  hast  done,  and 
'  bestow  on  thee  the  grace  and  mercy  which  thou  humbly,  askest 
'of  him  ;  may  he  free  thee  from  all  adversity,  and  from  all  the 

*  assaults  of  visible  or  invisible  enemies  ! 

'  May  he  place  his  good  angels  to  watch  over  thee,  that  they 
'  always  and  every  where  may  precede,  accompany,  and  follow 
'  thee  ;  and  by  his  power  may  he  preserve  thee  from  sin,  from  the 
1  sword,  and  every  accident  and  danger  ! 

*  May  he  convert  thine  enemies  to  the  benignity  of  peace  and 
'  love,  and  make  thee  gracious  and  amiable  in  every  good  thing  ; 

*  and  may  he  cover  those  that  persecute  and  hate  thee  with  salu- 
'  tary  confusion ;  and  may  everlasting  sanctification  flourish  upon 
'  thee ! 

*  May  he  always  make  thee  victorious  and  triumphant  over  thine 
'  enemies,  visible  or  invisible  ;  and  pour  upon  thy  heart  both  the 
'  fear  and  the  continual  love  of  his  holy  name,   and    make  thee 
'  persevere  in  the  right  faith  and  in  good  works,  granting  thee 

*  peace  in  thy  days ;  and  with  the  palm  of  victory  may  he  bring 
'  thee  to  an  endless  reign ! 

'  And  may  he  make  them  happy  in  this  world,  and  the  partakers 
'  of  his  everlasting  felicity,  who  have  willed  to  make  thee  king 
'  over  his  people ! 

'  Bless,  Lord,  this  elected  prince,  thou  who  rulest  for  ever  the 
'  kingdoms  of  all  kings. 

'  And  so  glorify  him  with  thy  blessing,  that  he  may  hold  the 
'  sceptre  of  Solomon  with  the  sublimity  of  a  David,'  &c. 

'  Grant  him,  by  thy  inspiration,  so  to  govern  thy  people,  as  thou 
.'  didst  permit  Solomon  to  obtain  a  peaceful  kingdom.'  " 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  137 

"  Designation  of  the  State  of  the  Kingdom. 

'  Stand  and  retain  now  the  state  which  thou  hast  hitherto  held 
'  by  paternal  succession,  with  hereditary  right,  delegated  to  thee 
'  by  the  authority  of  Almighty  God,  and  our  present  delivery,  that 
'  is,  of  all  the  bishops  and  other  servants  of  God  ;  and  in  so  much  as 
'  thou  hast  beheld  the  clergy  nearer  the  sacred  altars,  so  much 
'  more  remember  to  pay  them  the  honour  due,  in  suitable  places. 
'  So  may  the  Mediator  of  God  and  men  confirm  thee  the  mediator 
'  of  the  clergy  and  the  common  people,  on  the  throne  of  this  king- 
'  dom,  and  make  thee  reign  with  him  in  his  eternal  kingdom.' 

"  This  prayer  follows :  — 

'  May  the  Almighty  Lord  give  thee,  from  the  dew  of  heaven, 
'  and  the  fatness  of  the  earth,  abundance  of  corn,  wine,  and  oil ! 
'  May  the  people  serve  thee,  and  the  tribes  adore  thee !  Be  the 
'  lord  of  thy  brothers,  and  let  the  sons  of  thy  mother  bow  before 
'  thee :  He  who  blesses  thee  shall  be  filled  with  blessings,  and 
*  God  will  be  thy  helper :  May  the  Almighty  bless  thee  with  the 
'  blessings  of  the  heaven  above,  and  in  the  mountains  and  the 
'  vallies  ;  with  the  blessing  of  the  deep  below  ;  with  the  blessing 
'  of  the  suckling  and  the  womb  ;  with  the  blessings  of  grapes  and 
'  apples  ;  and  may  the  blessing  of  the  ancient  fathers,  Abraham, 
'  Isaac,  and  Jacob,  be  heaped  upon  thee ! 

'  Bless,  Lord,  the  courage  of  this  prince,  and  prosper  the  works 
'  of  his  hands  ;  and  by  thy  blessing  may  his  land  be  filled  with 
'  apples,  with  the  fruits,  and  the  dew  of  heaven,  arid  of  the  deep 
'  below ;  with  the  fruit  of  the  sun  and  moon  ;  from  the  top  of  the 
'  ancient  mountains,  from  the  apples  of  the  eternal  hills,  and  from 
'  the  fruits  of  the  earth  and  its  fulness ! 

*  May  the  blessing  of  Him  who  appeared  in  the  bush  come  upon 
'  his  head ;  and  may  the  full  blessing  of  the  Lord  be  upon  his  sons, 
'  and  may  he  steep  his  feet  in  oil ! 

'  With  his  horn,  as  the  horn  of  the  rhinoceros,  may  he  scatter 
'  the  nations  to  the  extremities  of  the  earth ;  and  may  He  who  has 
'  ascended  to  the  skies  be  his  auxiliary  for  ever !' 

"  Here  the  coronation  ends." 


138  HISTOEY    OF    THE 


CHAP.  II. 

His  Family  and  Officers. 

BOOK  THE  Anglo-Saxon  queen  was  crowned,  as  well  as  the 
VIIL  ,  king,  until  the  reign  of  Egbert,  when  this  honour 
was  taken  from  her.  The  crimes  of  the  preceding 
queen,  Eadburga,  occasioned  the  Anglo-Saxons  to 
depart  awhile,  in  this  respect,  frotfi  the  custom  of  all 
the  German  nations.1  But  it  was  soon  restored  ;  for 
Ethelwulph,  on  his  second  marriage,  suffered  his 
queen,  Judith,  to  be  crowned.  An  account  of  the 
ceremony  of  her  coronation  has  been  preserved  by 
the  old  Frankish  writers.2 

The  custom  was  not  immediately  re- assumed  in 
England,  because  the  expressions  of  Asser  imply,  that 
in  Alfred's  time  the  disuse  of  the  coronation  con- 
tinued. But,  by  the  time  of  the  second  Ethelred  it 
was  restored ;  for  after  the  account  of  his  coronation, 
the  ceremonial  of  her  coronation  follows.  —  She  was 
anointed  ;  and,  after  a  prayer,  a  ring  was  given  to  her, 
and  then  she  was  crowned.3 

The  queen's  name  is  joined  with  the  cyning's  in 
some  charters,  and  it  is  not  unusual  to  find  them 
signed  by  her.  From  them  we  learn  that  she  often 
sat  in  the  witena-gemot,  even  after  she  became  queen- 
dowager.  She  had  her  separate  property :  for,  in  a 
gift  of  land  by  Ethelsmtha,  -the  queen  of  Alfred,  she 
gives  fifteen  manentes,  calling  them  a  part  of  the 

1  Asser,  Vit.  Alfr.  p.  10,  11. 

*  It  may  be  seen  in  Du  Chesne's  Collection  of  the  Frankish  Historians,  torn.  ii. 
p.  423. 

3  Cott.  MS.  Claud.  A.  3. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  139 

land  of  her  own  power.4     She  had  also  officers  of  her     CHAP. 
own  household ;  for  the  persons,  with  whose  consent  .        — > 
and   testimony  she   made  the  grant,  are  called  her 
nobles. 

The  king's  sons  had  lands  appropriated  for  them, 
even  though  under  age ;  for  Ethelred  says,  that,  on 
his  brother  being  elected  king,  "  the  nobles  delivered 
to  me,  for  my  use,  the  lands  belonging  to  the  king's 
sons."  These,  on  the  death  of  the  princes,  or  on 
their  accession  to  the  sovereignty,  became  the  pro- 
perty of  the  king ;  for,  he  adds,  "  my  brother  dying, 
I  assumed  the  dominion,  both  of  the  royal  lands,  and 
of  those  belonging  to  the  king's  sons."  5 

Among  the  royal  household  we  fipd  the  disc  thegn, 
or  the  thegn  of  his  dishes  ;  the  hregal  thegn,  or  the 
thegn  of  his  wardrobe ;  his  hors  thegn,  or  the  thegn 
of  his  stud  ;  his  camerarius,  or  chamberlain ;  his 
propincenarius  and  pincerna,  or  cupbearer  ;  his  secre- 
taries ;  his  chancellor ;  and,  in  an  humbler  rank,  his 
ma3gden,  his  grindende  theowa,  his  fedesl,  his  ambiht- 
smith,  his  horswealh,  his  geneat,  and  his  laadrinc. 
But  we  may  remark,  that  his  cupbearer  and  feeder, 
or  probably  taster,  were  both  females.  The  executive 
officers  of  his  government  will  be  mentioned  hereafter. 

4  MS.   Claud,   c.  9.  p.  105.     Some  valuable  facts  and  remarks  on  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  queen  may  be  seen  in  Sergeant  Heywood's  "  Ranks  of  the  People,"  p.  2 — 31. 
6  Ibid.  p.  123. 


140  HISTORY    OF   THE 


CHAP.  III. 

The  Dignity  and  Prerogatives  of  the  ANGLO-SAXON  Cyning. 

BOOK  FIVE  descriptions  of  kings  have  appeared  in  the  world : 
— r— •>  the  FATHER  at  the  head  of  his  family ;  the  most  ancient 
sovereign,  once  exhibited  in  the  Jewish  Patriarch, 
but  now  perhaps  obsolete,  unless  in  the  simplicity  of 
some  portions  of  Africa.  The  ELDER,  governing  his 
descendants  and  tribe  rather  by  influence  and  per- 
suasion than  power,  as  the  North  American  sachems  ; 
the  Arabian  sheiks ;  and  some  Tartarian  hordes.  The 
IMPERATOR,  or  military  sovereign,  commanding  among 
his  people  as  among  his  soldiers,  like  the  emperors  of 
Rome.  The  DESPOT  LORD,  ruling  his  nation  like  his 
vassal  slaves,  without  check,  sympathy,  consideration, 
or  responsibility,  like  the  shereffs  of  Morocco,  the  dey 
of  Algiers,  and,  in  a  great  measure,  the  sultans  of 
Turkey;  and  the  Teutonic  KINGS,  who  are  neither 
I  fathers,  elders,  imperators,  nor  despotic  lords,  but 
f  who  are  a  creation  of  social  wisdom  far  more  excel- 
lent in  conception,  and  more  beneficial  in  practice 
than  either  of  the  others.  The  father-king  must  cease 
to  exist  when  the  family  becomes  a  tribe.  The  elder 
king,  who  then  succeeds,  suits  not  a  numerous,  enter- 
prising, and  extensively-spread  nation.  The  impe- 
rator,  or  the  despot  lord,  must  then  be  resorted  to,  or 
tyrannical  oligarchies,  severe  aristocracies,  or  factious 
democracies,  must  be  substituted  ;  or  else  an  anoma- 
lous, and  discordant,  and  not  lasting  combination  of 
some  of  these  forms ;  which  was  attempted  at  Athens, 
Carthage,  Rome,  and  Sparta,  with  no  permanent  ad- 
vantage, or  possibility  of  long  continuance. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  141 

The  experience  and  sagacity  of  the  ancient  world  CHAP. 
went  no  farther  than  to  use  one  or  other  of  these  in-  *—^. — > 
stitutions.  It  was  reserved  for  those  whom  we  un- 
justly call  Barbarians,  the  descendants  of  the  Scythian, 
Gothic,  or  Teutonic  nomades,  to  invent,  and  to  reduce  - 
to  practice,  a  form  of  monarchy,  under  the  name  of 
kings,  with  powers  so  great,  yet  so  limited  ;  so  superior 
and  independent  in  the  theory  of  law,  and  yet  so  sub- 
ordinate to  it,  and  so  governed  by  it ;  so  majestic,  yet 
so  popular ;  so  dignified,  yet  so  watched  ;  so  intrusted, 
yet  so  criticised ;  so  powerful,  yet  so  counteracted  ;  so 
honoured,  yet  so  counselled  ;  so  wealthy,  yet  so  depen- 
dent,— that  all  the  good  which  sovereignty  can  im- 
part is  enjoyed  largely  by  the  nations  whom  they 
sway,  with  as  few  as  possible  of  the  evils  which  con- 
tinued power  must  always  tend  to  occasion,  and  which 
no  human  wisdom,  while  the  executing  instruments 
of  its  plans  are  imperfect  mortals,  can  absolutely 
prevent.  Such  an  institution  was  the  Anglo-Saxon 
cyning ;  and  such,  with  all  the  improvements  which 
a  free-spirited  nation  has  at  various  times  added  to  it, 
is  the  British  monarchy  under  which  we  are  now  re- 
posing. 

The  Anglo-Saxon  cyning  reigned,  as  his  kingly  I 
successors  reign,  by  no  divine  right.  His  office  was 
the  invention,  his  appointment  was  the  election,  of  his 
people  ;  as  the  succession  of  our  present  sovereigns  is 
the  ordination  of  law  made  by  all  the  orders  of  the 
people  in  their  great  united  parliamentary  council. 
*But  religion  has  wisely  taught  us  to  consider  the 
reigning  sovereign  as  a  consecrated  functionary ;  not 
to  give  him  the  right  divine  of  doing  wrong,  but  to 
guard  his  person  and  character,  for  the  sake  of  that 
welfare  of  the  society  for  which  they  were  created, 
with  all  the  veneration  which  can  be  obtained  from 
human  sympathies ;  and  with  all  that  attachment 
which  will  most  effectually  promote  the  utility  of  his 


142  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK  great  office.  Hence  he  was,  as  already  shown, 
.  VIIL  .  anointed,  prayed  for,  and  said  to  reign  by  the  grace 
of  God.  Hence,  violence  to  his  person  has  been 
always  considered  as  a  species  of  sacrilege.  Hence, 
without  adopting  the  impious  deification  of  the  Roman 
emperors,  or  the  analogous  adulation  with  which 
those  of  China  and  the  East  are  to  their  own  moral 
prejudice  surrounded,  our  kings  have  been  always 
considered  with  a  degree  of  religious1  as  well  as  civil 
respect,  enough  to  raise  them  above  every  other  class 
of  society  in  character  as  well  as  dignity  and  prero- 
gative :  but  not  enough  to  emancipate  them  from  all 
legal  obligations,  nor  to  elevate  them  above  that  law 
to  which  both  sovereign  and  people  are  equally  subject. 
That  this  state  of  subordination  to  the  laws  was  the 
principle  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  royalty  we  may  safely 
infer  from  the  emphatic  words  of  our  ancient  and 
venerable  Bracton.  The  Norman  kings  were  certainly 
not  inferior  in  power  or  prerogative  to  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  ;  yet  of  the  kingly  power  in  his  day,  that  of 
Henry  the  Third,  and  viewing  it  as  connected  with 
the  usages  of  what  then  was  English  antiquity,  he 
says,— 

"  KINGS  ought  not  to  be  under  man,  but  under  God,  AND  THE 
LAW,  because  THE  LAW  MAKES  THE  KING.  The  King  ascribes  to 
the  Law  what  the  Law  ascribes  to  him  ;  that  is,  dignity  and 
power  :  for  he  is  not  King  where  his  will  governs,  and  not  the 
Law.2 

"  The  King  has  a  superior,  God :  ALSO  THE  LAW  BY  WHICH  HE 
is  MADE  KING  ;  also  this  court,  that  is,  of  the  earls  and  barons 
(the  parliament) ;  therefore,  if  the  King  should  be  without  a  bridle, 
that  is,  without  Law,  They  ought  to  put  a  bridle  upon  Him.3 

"  The  English  laws  are  not  whatever  is  rashly  presumed  from 
the  will  of  the  King  ;  but  what,  with  the  intention  of  establishing 

1  Hence  Bracton  calls  the  king  the  Vicarius  Dei,  p.  5.  The  minister  and 
vicarius  of  God,  p.  55.  But  monarchy  was  not  at  first  very  securely  established 
among  all  the  Gothic  nations.  For  among  the  Burgundians,  whose  king  was 
called  by  the  general  name  Hendinos,  it  was  an  ancient  custom  that  he  might  be 
deposed  if  the  fortune  of  war  turned  against  him,  or  if  the  earth  denied  an  abundant 
harvest.  Bulaeus  Hist.  Univ.  Par.  i.  p.  6. 

*  Bracton,  p.  5.  8  Ibid.  p.  34. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  143 

laws,  shall  be  rightly  determined  by  the  council  of  his  magistrates       CHAP. 
(the  parliament),  the  King  presiding  in  authority,  and  in  the  de-         ill. 
liberation  and  discussion  having  been  had  upon  this  subject."4  « — - 

So  our  ancient  law-book,  Fleta,  written  under  the 
successful  and  powerful  Edward  the  First,  thus  ex- 
presses the  same  ideas,  imitating  or  copying  its  pre- 
decessor :  — 

"  The  King  has  superiors  in  ruling  the  people ;  as,  THE  LAW, 
by  which  he  is  made  King ;  and  his  court,  that  is,  the  earls  and 
barons,"  meaning  by  these,  the  parliament.5 

"  The  King  ought  not  to  have  an  equal  in  his  kingdom ;  for  an 
equal  has  no  government  over  an  equal  :  nor  ought  he  to  have  any 
superior  but  God  AND  THE  LAW.  And  because  BY  THE  LAW  he 
is  made  King,  it  is  fit  that  domination  and  power  should  be  ascribed 
to  the  Law,  and  should  be  defended  by  him  on  whom  THE  LAW  has 
bestowed  honour  and  power.  He  governs  badly  when  a  will  shall 
govern  in  him  dissonant  to  the  law.6 

"  He  is  not  called  King  from  reigning,  but  the  name  is  assumed 
from  well  governing.  He  is  a  King  while  he  governs  well ;  but  a 
Tyrant  when  he  oppresses  his  people  by  his  violated  domination.7 

"  To  this  He  is  elected  that  he  may  cause  justice  to  be  exhibited 
equally  to  all  who  are  subject  to  him,  accepting  the  person  of  no 
one:  that  in  him  the  Lord  may  sit,  and  by  him  decree  judgment. 
It  concerns  him  to  defend  and  sustain  what  shall  be  justly  judged  ; 
because  if  there  was  not  one  who  would  do  justice,  peace  would 
easily  be  exterminated.8 

"  He  has  the  power  of  coercion,  that  he  may  punish  and  restrain 
the  delinquents ;  and  have  it  in  his  power  to  make  the  laws, 
customs,  and  assizes  provided,  approved,  and  sworn  in  his  kingdom, 
to  be  firmly  observed  BY  HIMSELF  and  all  his  subjects.9 

"  He  ought  to  excel  all  in  his  kingdom  in  power,  because  He 
ought  not  to  have  a  peer,  and  much  more  a  superior,  in  admi- 
nistering justice.  Yet,  though  he  excel  all  in  power,  his  heart 
should  be  in  the  hand  of  God ;  and  that  his  power  may  not  remain 
unbridled,  let  him  apply  the  bridle  of  temperance  and  the  reins  of 
moderation,  that  HE  be  not  drawn  to  do  injury,  who  can  do  nothing 
in  the  land  BUT  WHAT  HE  CAN  DO  BY  LAW.10 
.  "For  this  HE  is  CREATED  AND  CHOSEN  KING,  that  he  may  do 
justice  to  all."11 

It  is  in  the  same  strain  that  our  judge  Fortescue 
writes,  in  the  reign  of  Henry  the  Sixth  :  — 

"  The  King  of  England  cannot  change  the  laws  of  his  kingdom 
at  his  will.12 

4  Bracton,  p.  107.  5  Fleta,  Proemium.  6  Fleta,  p.  2. 

7  Ibid.  p.  IS.  8  Ibid.  9  Ibid. 

">  Ibid.  "  Ibid.  p.  18.  12  Fortescue,  p.  25. 


144  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK  "  He  cannot  change  the  laws  without  the  assent  of  his  subjects  ; 

VIII.        nor  burthen  his  people  with  strange  impositions.13 

4 1 '         "  The  statutes  of  England  cannot  thus  arise,  since  they  are  not 

from  the  will  of  the  prince,  but  by  the  assent  of  the  whole  king- 
dom.14 

"  They  are  not  made  by  the  prudence  of  one  man ;  or  of  an 
hundred  counsellors ;  but  of  more  than  three  hundred  chosen  men  ; 
as  those  who  know  the  form  of  the  parliament  of  England,  and  the 
order  and  manner  of  its  convocation.15 

"  Nor  can  the  King,  by  himself,  or  his  ministers,  impose  talliages 
or  subsidies,  or  any  other  burthens  on  his  liege  people ;  or  change 
their  laws,  or  establish  new  ones,  without  the  concession  and  assent 
of  all  his  kingdom,  expressed  in  parliament." l6 

It  is  in  the  same  spirit,  and  obviously  implying  the 
same  principles,  which  these  lawyers  of  Henry  the 
Third,  Edward  the  First,  and  Henry  the  Sixth,  have 
expressed  more  at  large,  that  the  still  more  ancient 
Glanville,  under  Henry  the  Second,  in  his  very  short 
treatise,  takes  also  occasion  to  say, — 

"  It  will  not  seem  absurd  that  those  English  laws  should  be 
called  LAWS,  although  not  written,  which  have  been  promulgated 
on  doubtful  things,  and  in  council  determined  by  the  advice  of  the 
proceres,  and  acceding  authority  of  the  prince." l7 

From  this  passage  we  perceive  that  these  unwritten 
laws  were  not  mere  customs,  as  the  common  law  of 
England  has  been  sometimes  erroneously  called,  but 
the  actual  enactments  of  the  national  council  of  Eng- 
land ;  and  as  these  principles,  from  which  the  ancient 
interpreters  of  the  law  deduced  their  statements  of 
the  royal  and  parliamentary  power  in  England,  are 
not  likely  to  have  originated  after  the  Norman  con- 
quest, we  may  consider  them  as  describing  to  us  some 
important  features  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  cyning,  and  of 
the  Anglo-Saxon  witeria-gemots. 

We  will  now  proceed  to  collect  more  distinctly  some 
of  the  chief  traits  of  the  dignity  and  prerogatives  of 
the  cyning,  which  the  Anglo-Saxon  remains  have 
preserved  for  our  curiosity. 

»  Fortescue,  p.  26.  "  Ibid.  p.  40.  w  Ibid. 

16  Ibid,  p    84.  17  Glanville  Prologus. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  145 

The  authorities  already  adduced  on  the  nature  of     CHAP. 
the  government  of  the  Saxons  on  the  Continent,  lead  . 

us  to  infer,  that  when  Hengist,  Ella,  Cerdic,  and  Ida 
invaded  Britain,  they  and  the  other  chiefs  who  suc- 
ceeded in  establishing  themselves  in  the  island,  came 
with  the  rank  of  war-kings,  whose  power  was  to  con- 
tinue while  hostilities  existed. 

But  to  rule  a  territory  extorted  by  violence  from 
angry  natives,  who  were  perpetually  struggling  to 
regain  it,  could  scarcely  admit  of  any  deposition  of 
the  kingly  office.  The  same  power  and  dignity 
which  were  requisite  to  obtain  victory  were  equally 
wanted,  while  the  hostility  lasted,  to  preserve  its 
conquests.  It  is,  therefore,  probable  that  the  first 
Anglo-Saxon  chieftains  and  their  successors  were, 
from  necessity  and  utility,  continued  on  the  throne 
till  the  kingly  dignity  became  an  established,  a  legal, 
and  a  venerated  institution. 

The  circumstance  that  these  war-kings  and  their 
associates  invaded  and  conquered  the  dominions  of 
petty  British  kings,  was  also  favourable  to  the  estab- 
lishment of  continued  royalty.  When  the  British 
king  fell,  or  retreated  before  the  Saxon  war-king,  all 
his  advantages  became  the  spoil  of  his  conquerors. 
The  Saxon  chief  naturally  succeeded  to  the  British, 
the  Saxon  nobles  to  the  British  nobles,  and  the  other 
invading  warriors  to  the  possessions  of  the  free  part 
of  the  native  community. 

It  is  certain,  that  in  the  earliest  periods  of  the 
3\.nglo-Saxon  history,  we  find  the  cyning,  or  king, 
and  all  the  four  orders  of  noble,  free,  freed,  and 
servile.  Their  conversion  to  Christianity  introduced 
another  class,  of  monks  and  clergy. 

The  power  and  prerogatives  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  \ 
cyning  were  progressively  acquired.  As  the  nation  \ 
had  no  written  constitution,  their  government  was 

VOL.  III.  L 


146  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK  that  of  ancient  custom,  gradually  altered  from  its 
>  ,  '  '  original  features  by  the  new  circumstances  which 
occurred.  In  the  course  of  time,  the  augmentation  of 
the  power  of  the  cyriing  became  indispensable  to  the 
happiness  of  the  nation.  What  could  arrange  the 
contentions  of  right,  property,  and  power,  between 
equal  nobles,  or  between  them  and  the  free,  and 
afterwards  between  them  and  the  church  ;  what 
could  protect,  the  infant  state  from  British  hostility, 
ever  jealous,  ever  bickering,  and  ever  to  be  mistrusted, 
but  such  an  institution  as  continued  royalty — as  a 
cyning,  raised  in  dignity  and  power  above  all  the  other 
chieftains ;  who  could  cause  the  laws  of  the  society 
to  be  executed,  and  their  various  rights  adjusted  ;  to 
whom  every  rank  could  effectually  appeal,  and  who 
was  the  protector  of  every  order  of  the  state  from 
violence  and  wrong  ? 

We  have  seen  that  the  land  swarmed  with  inde- 
pendent land  proprietors  of  various  denominations, 
whose  privileges  were  not  uniform  ;  but  whose  juris- 
dictions Avere  generally  peculiar  and  independent. 
What  but  a  king  could,  in  their  age,  and  with  their 
customs,  have  rescued  the  nation  from  a  New  Zealand 
state  of  general  warfare?  The  institution  of  the 
cyning  was,  therefore,  an  admirable  device,  adapted 
to  promote  the  common  interest.  It  maintained 
peace  between  the  turbulent  chieftains.  It  insured 
to  every  order  the  enjoyment  of  its  immunities.  It 
was  the  source  whence  legal  justice  was  administered 
to  all ;  and  perhaps  no  single  incident  tended  more 
to  accelerate  the  Anglo-Saxon  civilisation,  than  the 
character  and  prerogatives  of  the  cyning,  mode- 
rated by  the  continuance  of  the  witena-gemots,  and 
the  free  spirit  of  the  people. 

It  is  extremely  difficult  to  describe  accurately  his 
privileges  and  his  power.  It  is  remarked  by  Tacitus, 
as  peculiar  to  the  German  nations,  that  the  power  of 


i 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  147 

their  kings  was  neither  unlimited  nor  free18 ;  and 
that  the  chieftains  governed  rather  by  influence  than 
command.  They  could  neither  punish,  fetter,  nor 
lash :  priests  only  had  these  powers,  and  these  seve- 
rities were  submitted  to  from  them  as  the  inflictions 
of  their  gods.19  The  ancient  Saxons  having  no  king  M 
but  in  war-time,  his  power  could  be  but  temporary  ;  u 
and  when  it  became  more  permanent,  must  have  been 
much  restricted.  As  the  supreme  chief  of  many 
other  chieftains,  whose  rights  were  as  sacred  as  his 
dignity  may  have  been  popular,  his  authority  must 
have  been  circumscribed  by  others.  Much  of  his 
power  at  first  depended  on  his  personal  character 
and  talents.  Thus  Eadbald  had  less  authority  in 
Kent  than  his  father20  ;  while  Edwin,  in  Northumbria, 
attained  to  such  power,  that  he  had  the  banner 
carried  before  him,  not  only  in  battle,  but  also  in  his 
excursions  with  his  ministers  through  his  kingdom, 
which  seems  to  have  been  an  assumption  of  dignity 
and  state  unknown  before.21  So,  Oswin  was  so 
beloved  for  his  amiable  conduct,  that  the  noblest  men 
of  his  provinces  came  from  every  part  to  attend  and 
serve  him.22 

The  growth  of  the  kingly  prerogatives  was  favoured 
not  only  by  the  energy  and  talents  of  the  prosperous 
sovereigns,  but  also  by  the  natural  tendency  of  such 
a  power  to  accumulate.  The  crown  was  a  permanent 
establishment,  which  it  was  the  interest  of  every  one 
but  the  superior  nobles  to  maintain  and  to-aggrand- 
iize,  till  its  power  became  formidable  enough  to  be 
felt  in  its  oppressions.  Its  domains  were  increasing 
by  every  successful  war.  and  its  revenue,  privileges, 
and  munificence,  were  perpetually  adding  to  its 
wealth  and  influence. 

18  Nee  regibus  infinita ;  nee  libera  potestas.      Mor    Germ.  s.  7. 

19  Mor.  Germ.  s.  7.  ro  Bede,  lib.  ii.  c.  6. 
21  Ibid.  c.  16.  »  Ibid.  c.  14. 

L  2 


148  HISTORY    OF   THE 

When  the  zeal  of  the  popes  had  completed  the  con- 
version of  the  island,  and  an  hierarchy  was  esta- 
blished, the  kingly  power  received  great  support  and 
augmentation  from  the  religious  veneration  with 
which  the  clergy  surrounded  it.  That  the  church,  in 
its  weakness,  should  support  the  crown,  which  was 
its  best  protector,  was  a  circumstance  as  natural  as 
that  it  should  afterwards  oppose  it,  when  its  aggres- 
sions became  feared. 

The  laws  of  Ethelbert,  the  first  Christian  king  of 
Kent,  Avho  was  converted  about  600,  are  the  most, 
ancient  specimens  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  legislation 
which  remain  to  us.  In  these23  the  cyning  appears 
already  distinguished  by  a  superior  rank  and  privi- 
leges. While  the  mund-byrd  of  a  ceorl  was  valued 
at  six  scillinga,  the  king's  was  appointed  at  fifty. 
The  mulct  on  homicide  in  an  eorle's  residence  was 
twelve  scillinga  ;  in  a  king's  fifty.  A  double  penalty 
was  inflicted  for  injuries  done  where  the  cyning  was 
drinking.  An  offence  with  his  female  was  punished 
by  a  fine  of  fifty  scillinga ;  while  the  eorle's  occasioned 
only  twelve,  and  a  ceorl's  but  six.  So,  though  a 
freeman's  theft  from  a  freeman  incurred  a  treble 
satisfaction,  his  purloining  the  king's  property  was  to 
be  nine  times  compensated. 

Another  impressive  and  profitable  token  of  supe- 
riority was,  that  some  of  the  mulcts  on  offences  were 
paid  to  him.  Thus,  if  any  harm  was  done  to  the 
leode,  or  people,  when  the  king  called  them  together, 
the  compensation  was  to  be  double,  and  fifty  scillinga 
were  to  be  paid  to  the  king.  If  any  one  killed  a  free- 
man, the  king  had  a  similar  sum  as  his  lord.  If  a 
freeman  stole  from  others  of  the  same  condition,  the 
penalty  was  to  be  the  king's.  If  a  pregnant  woman 
was  forced  away,  the  king  had  fifteen  scillinga. 

23  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  p.  1—7. 


ANGLO  SAXONS.  149 

In  the  laws  of  Ina,  we  see  the  cyning  mentioned  in 
a  style  of  authority  very  much  resembling  that  of 
subsequent  sovereigns.  He  says,  "  I,  Ina,  by  the 
grace  of  God,  king  of  the  West  Saxons."  He  uses  the 
phrase,  "my  bishops."  He  calls  the  nobles  "my 
ealdorrnen,"  and  "  the  oldest  sages  of  my  people." 
He  adds,  "  I  was  consulting  on  the  health  of  our  soul 
and  the  establishment  of  our  kingdom,  that  right 
laws,  and  right  cyne  domas  (kingly  judgments), 
through  our  people,  might  be  settled  and  confirmed, 
and  that  no  ealdorman,  and  none  of  our  subjects  should 
violate  our  laws"  The  laws  then  are  introduced  with 
"  We  command."24 

One  of  the  provisions  in  these  laws  shows  the  king 
in  the  same  authoritative  and  dignified  features. 
"  If  any  one  fight  in  the  king's  house,  he  shall  forfeit 
all  his  property,  and  it  shall  remain  for  the  king's 
decision  whether  he  shall  have  his  life  or  not."25 
The  difference  between  this  offence  and  quarrels  else- 
where was  very  great :  for  a  battle  in  the  church,  and 
in  an  ealdorman's  house,  was  punished  by  a  fine  of 
120  scillinga  only. 

The  epithets  given  by  the  pope  to  the  first  Christian 
king  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  were,  "  the  glorious,"  and 
"the  most  glorious."  In  several  of  their  letters,  the 
phrase  "your  glory"  is  used  as  synonymous  with  our 
expression  of  "  your  majesty."  The  same  epithet  of 
"most  glorious"  is  applied  by  Aldhem  to  the  king  of 
Cornwall,  and,  by  an  abbot,  to  the  Frankish  king.26 
*But  this  epithet  was  rather  the  complimentary  lan- 
guage of  the  day  than  a  phrase  appropriated  to 
royalty  ;  for  Alphuald,  king  of  East  Anglia,  writing  to 
Boniface,  styles  the  mitred  missionary,  "  Domino  glo- 
riosissimo."  A  pope,  in  634,  addresses  the  king  of 
Northumbria  as  "  your  excellency."  Boniface,  to  the 

24  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  p.  14.  "»  Ibid.  p.  16. 

*•  Bonif.  Letters,  16  Mag.  Bib.  65.  85. 

i,  3 


150  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK  king  of  Mercia,  says,  "We  intreat  the  clemency  of 
-  -T  '  .  your  highness."  On  another  occasion,  his  superscrip- 
tion is  more  rhetorical :  "  To  Ethelbald,  king,  my 
dearest  lord,  and  in  the  love  of  Christ  to  be  preferred 
to  other  kings,  governing  the  illustrious  sceptre  of 
the  empire  of  the  Angles."27  Another  address  of  the 
same  sort,  in  Saxon,  occurs  in  a  monk's  dedication  of 
a  saint's  life :  "  To  my  most  loved  lord  above  the 
earthly  kings  of  all  other  men,  Alfwold,  king  of  the 
East  Angles,  ruling  his  kingdom  with  right  and  with 
dignity."28 

The  titles  which  the  ancient  Saxon  kings  assumed 
in  their  charters  may  be  briefly  noticed  :  —  "I,  jEthel- 
bald,  by  divine  dispensation,  king  of  the  Mercians." 
The  powerful  Offa  simply  writes,  "  Offa,  king  of  the 
Mercians."  Another :  "  Kenulph,  by  God's  mercy, 
king  of  the  Mercians."  Witlaf  s,  Burtulph's,  and 
Beorred's,  are  as  unassuming.  In  the  same  spirit, 
Ethelwulph  calls  himself  merely  Rex  West  Saxonum. 
The  style  in  which  Edgar  chose  to  be  mentioned  is 
usually  very  pompous  and  rhetorical. 

Alfred's  exordium  to  his  laws  is  as  dignified  as 
Ina's  :  "  I,  Alfred,  cynirig,  gathered  together  and  have 
commanded  to  be  written  many  of  those  things  that 
our  forefathers  held  which  pleased  me ;  and  many  of 
those  things  that  liked  me  not  /  have  thrown  aside, 
with  the  advice  of  my  witan,  and  other  things  have 
commanded  to  be  holden."29 

The  subsequent  kings,  in  the  same  manner,  pro- 
mulged  the  laws  in  their  own  name,  with  the  advice 
of  their  witan. 

|       The  prerogatives  and  influence  in  society  of  the  cy- 
I  ning  were  great.    He  was  to  be  prayed  for,  and  volun- 
tarily honoured30;  his  word  was  to  be  taken  without 
an  oath31;  he  had  the  high  prerogative  of  pardoning 

»T  Bonif.  Letters,  16  Mag.  Bib.  *  »  MS.  Vita  S.  Guthlaci.   Cott.  Lib. 

29  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  p.  34.  *°  Ibid.  p.  10.  "  Ibid.  p.  11. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  151 

in  certain  cases32 ;  his  mund-byrd  and  his  were,  were  CHAP; 
larger  than  those  of  any  other  class  of  society33;  his  .  m'  . 
safety  was  protected  by  high  penalties  for  offences 
committed  in  his  presence  or  habitation,  or  against  his 
family34 ;  he  had  the  lordship  of  the  free35 ;  he  had  the 
option  to  sell  over  sea,  to  kill,  or  to  take  the  were  of  a 
freeman  thief ;  also  to  sell  a  theow  over  sea,  or  take  a 
penalty36 ;  he  could  mitigate  penalties37;  and  could  re- 
mit them38  ;  he  had  a  sele,  or  tribunal,  before  whom 
thieves  were  brought39 ;  he  had  a  tribunal  in  London40 ; 
his  tribunal  was  the  last  court  of  appeal41 ;  he  was  the 
executive  superintendent  of  the  general  laws,  and 
usually  received  the  lines  attached  to  crimes.42  The 
Jews  were  his  property43  ;  the  high  executive  officers, 
the  ealdormen,  the  gerefas,  the  thegns,  and  others, 
were  liable  to  be  displaced  by  him.44  He  convoked 
the  councils  of  the  witan45,  and  summoned  the  people 
to  the  army,  which  he  commanded. 

In   the    Saxon   book   of  constitutions   he  is  thus  t 
spoken  of:   "  The  king  should  be  in  the   place  of  a  ll    <^T 
father  to  his  people  ;  and,  in  vigilance  and  guardian-   * 
ship,  a  viceroy  of  Christ,  as  he  is  called.      It  belongs    . 
to  him  and  all  his  family  to  love  Christianity,  and 
shun  heathenism.     He  should  respect  and  defend  the 
church,  and  tranquillise  and  conciliate  his  people  by 
right  laws;  and  by  him  happiness  will  be  increased. 
He  loves  right,  and  avoids  what  is  not  so."46 

82  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  p.  20.  65.  »  Ibid.  71,  72,  34  Ibid.  22, 

35  Ibid.  2.  M  Ibid.  12.  S7  Ibid.  77. 

I      »  Spelm.  Cone.  p.  485.  !9  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  8.  w  Ibid.  p.  1 0. 

41  Domesday,  in  loc.  42  Heming.  Chart,  1.  p.  265. 

43  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  203.  "  Ibid.  109.  122.  «  Ibid.  109. 

46  Wilk.  Leg.  p.  147.  The  exhortations  which  Aleuin  gives  to  a  king  of  North- 
umbria  will  show  what  the  Anglo-Saxons  expected  or  desired  their  kings  to  be. 
After  reminding  him  that  man  cannot  perish  like  an  animal,  but  must  live  some- 
where else  for  ever,  and  happily  or  miserably  according  to  his  actions  here,  he 
adds : — 

"  Love  not  unjust  riches,  for  all  injustice  is  avenged  by  God.  It  is  the  duty  of 
a  king  to  repress  all  iniquities  by  his  power,  to  be  just  in  his  judgment,  and  prone 
to  mercy.  God  will  be  merciful  to  him  according  as  he  shows  mercy  to  his  sub- 
jects.  Let  him  be  sober  in  his  morals,  true  in  his  words,  liberal  in  his  gifts,  pro- 
vident in  his  councils.  Let  him  choose  prudent  ministers,  who  fear  God  and  lead 

i,  4 


152  HISTORY    OF  'THE 

BOOK  His  property,  on  the  dissolution  of  the  octarchy, 
.  _  '  .  was  very  extensive  in  every  part  of  England.  Just 
before  Alfred  acceded  to  the  crown,  there  were  four 
kings  reigning  over  the  Anglo-Saxons;  — the  kings 
of  Wessex,  Mercia.  East  Anglia,  and  Northumbria. 
These  four  sovereignties  had  absorbed  the  other  four. 
But  when  the  sword  of  the  Northmen  had  destroyed 
the  dynasties  of  Mercia,  East  Anglia,  and  North- 
umbria, and  when  the  invaders  had  themselves  bent 
to  the  power  of  Alfred,  then  the  Anglo-Saxon  cyning 
rose  into  great  power  and  property,  because  the  royal 
power  and  property  of  the  subdued  kingdoms  became 
the  right  of  the  ruling  king.  Alfred  united  in 
himself  all  the  regal  possessions  in  England,  except 
those  which  he  allowed  the  Danish  princes  to  retain 
in  Northumbria  and  East  Anglia.  The  Northmen 
were  completely  subdued  by  Athelstan  ;  and,  when 
this  event  took  place,  the  cyning  of  England  became 
the  possessor  of  all  the  prerogatives  and  property 
which  the  eight  kings  of  the  octarchy  had  enjoyed. 
It  was  this  concentration  of  wealth  and  privileges, 
and  its  consequences,  which  exalted  the  cyning  to 
that  majesty  and  power  which,  in  the  latter  periods 
of  the  Anglo-Saxon  dynasty,  became  attached  to  the 
throne. 

The  royal  property  consisted  of  lands  in  demesne 
in  every  part  of  England  ;  and  though  in  the  lapse  of 

an  honourable  life.  He  must  not  covet  another's  inheritance,  nor  indulge  in 
avarice,  nor  in  rapine.  Often  by  rapine  he  loses  his  own  possessions ;  for  the 
Supreme  hears  the  groans  of  the  oppressed. 

"  You  have  seen  how  the  kings  your  predecessors  have  perished  from  their  in- 
justice, their  rapinrs,  and  their  profligacy.  Dread  their  ruin.  The  same  God 
surveys  your  actions  who  did  not  spare  their  crimes.  Many  desired  to  amass 
supplies  by  violence  and  iniquities,  and  did  not  foresee  that  by  this  conduct  they 
would  lose  the  comfort  both  of  this  world  and  the  future.  Cultivate  then  peace, 
benignity,  mercy,  justice,  and  virtue."  Ep.  15.38. 

In  another  letter  to  him  he  says  :  — 

"  It  does  not  become  you  on  a  throne  to  live  with  rustic  manners.  Anger  should 
not  govern  you,  but  reason.  Mercy  will  make  you  amiable,  and  cruelty  hateful. 
Let  truth  only  be  heard  from  your  mouth.  Be  chaste,  sober,  and  reputable.  Be 
free  in  giving,  and  not  covetous  in  receiving.  Let  justice  adorn  your  actions,  and 
the  form  of  honourable  demeanour  distinguish  you  to  all  who  see  you."  P.  1554. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  153 

time  he  had  given  large  possessions  to  his  friends  and      CHAP. 
followers,    yet   from    many   he    reserved   rents    and  . 

services  which  were  a  great  source  of  wealth  and 
power.  The  places  which  occur  with  the  denomina- 
tion of  royal  towns,  or  royal  villas,  are  very  numerous ; 
and  among  these  we  may  notice  the  name  of  Winde- 
shore  (Windsor),  which  is  still  a  regal  residence. 

His  revenues  were  the  rents  and  produce  of  his 
lands  in  demesne  ;  customs  in  the  sea-ports ;  tolls  in 
the  markets,  and  in  the  cities  on  sales;  duties  and 
services  to  be  paid  to  him  in  the  burghs,  or  to  be 
commuted  for  money ;  wites,  or  penalties  and  for- 
feitures, which  the  law  attached  to  certain  crimes  and 
offences ;  heriots  from  his  thanes,  and  various  pay- 
ments and  benefits  arising  to  him  on  the  circumstances 
stated  in  the  laws. 

His  dignity  and  influence  were  displayed  arid 
upheld  by  his  liberality,  of  which  specimens  will  be 
given  in  another  place. 

But  all  the  prerogatives  and  rights  of  the  Anglo-  \ 
Saxon  cyning  were  definite  and  ascertained.  They  M 
were  such  as  had  become  established  by  law  or  II 
custom,  and  could  be  as  little  exceeded  by  the  sove- 
reign as  withheld  by  his  people.  They  were  not 
arbitrary  privileges  of  an  unknown  extent.  Even 
William  the  Conqueror  found  it  necessary  to  have  an 
official  survey  of  the  royal  rights  taken  in  every  part 
of  the  kingdom ;  and  we  find  the  hundred,  or  similar 
bodies  in  every  county,  making  the  inquisition  to  the 
» king's  commissioners,  who  returned  to  the  sovereign 
that  minute  record  of  his  claims  upon  his  subjects 
which  constitutes  the  Domesday-book.  The  royal 
claims  in  Domesday-book  were,  therefore,  not  the 
arbitrary  impositions  of  the  throne,  but  were  those 
which  the  people  themselves  testified  to  their  king 
to  have  been  his  legal  rights.  Perhaps  no  country  in 
Europe  can  exhibit  such  an  ancient  record  of  the 


154  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK      freedom  of  its  people,  and  the  limited  prerogatives  of 


VIII. 

its  ruler. 


The  military  force  was  under  the  command  of  the 
king,  while  it  was  assembled.  It  was  rather  a  militia 
than  a  regular  army.  We  have  already  given  some 
notices  of  its  nature :  from  a  certain  quantity  of  land, 
a  fixed  number  of  soldiers  were  sent,  when  the  king 
summoned  his  people  to  an  expedition,  who  were 
bound  to  serve  under  him  for  a  certain  time,  appa- 
rently two  months.  Thus,  in  Berkshire,  "  when  the 
king  sent  any  where  his  army,  one  soldier  went  from 
every  five  hides,  and  for  his  victuals  or  his  pay  every 
hide  gave  him  four  shillings  for  two  months.  This 
money  was  not  transmitted  to  the  king,  but  to  the 
soldiers.  If  any  one,  after  he  was  summoned  to  the 
expedition,  did  not  go,  he  forfeited  to  the  king  all  his 
land.  If  any  who  had  the  right  of  staying  at  home 
promised  to  send  a  substitute,  and  the  substitute  did 
not  go,  the  penalty  was  fifty  shillings."  In  Wiltshire, 
"  when  the  king  went  on  an  expedition  by  land  or 
sea,  he  had  from  Wilton  burgh  either  twenty  shillings 
to  feed  his  buzecarlos,  or  led  one  man  with  him  for 
the  honour  of  five  hides."  A  curious  instance  of 
tenure  on  military  service  occurs  in  Herning's  Char- 
tularium.  The  prior  of  a  monastery  gave  a  villa  to 
a  miles  for  life,  on  condition  of  his  serving  for  the 
monastery  for  it,  in  the  expeditions  by  sea  and  land 
which  then  frequently  took  place. 

By  the  laws  persons  were  forbidden  to  join  the  fyrd, 
or  expedition,  without  the  king's  leave.  To  depart 
from  it  without  permission,  when  the  king  com- 
manded, was  still  more  severely  punished.  The  loss 
of  life,  and  the  forfeiture  of  all  the  offender's  property, 
was  the  consequence. 

The  scip  fyrd,  or  naval  expedition,  was  ordered  to 
be  always  so  accelerated  as  to  be  ready  every  year 
soon  after  Easter. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  155 

It  was  enacted,  that  whoever  destroyed  or  injured      CHAP. 
the  people's  fyrd  scyp  should  carefully  compensate  it,  . 

and  to  the  king  the  mund.  47 

So  early  as  in  the  time  of  Ina,  it  was  provided, 
that  if  a  sith-cund  man,  having  land,  neglected  the 
fyrd,  he  should  pay  one  hundred  and  twenty  shillings, 
and  forfeit  his  land.  If  he  had  no  land,  he  was  to 
pay  sixty  shillings.  A  ceorl  paid  thirty  shillings  as 
a  fyrd-wite.48 

In  this  obligation  of  military  service  attached  to 
lands,  we  see  the  leading  principle  of  the  feudal 
system.  Its  next  principle  was  that  of  doing  homage 
to  the  superior  from  whom  they  were  held.  Did  the 
Anglo-Saxons  perform  the  act  of  homage  ?  I  have 
met  with  one  passage  which  implies  it.  The  head  of 
a  monastery,  finding  he  could  not  prevail  against  an 
opposing  bishop,  sought  Wulstaii  as  a  protector,  and 
did  homage  to  him.49 

47  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  122.  «  Ibid.  23. 

49  Petiit  Wulstanum  fecit  que  sibi  homagium.     3  Gale  Script.  482. 


156  HISTORY    OF    THE 


CHAP.  IV. 

The  Witena-  Gemot,  or  ANGLO-SAXON  Parliament,  and  of  whom 

composed, 

BOOK  THE  gemot  of  the  witan  was  the  great  council  of  the 
11L  .  Anglo-Saxon  nation ;  their  parliament,  or  legislative 
and  supreme  judicial  assembly.  As  the  highest 
judicial  court  of  the  kingdom,  it  resembled  our 
present  House  of  Lords.  And  in  those  periods,  when 
the  peers  of  the  realm  represented  territorial  property 
rather  than  hereditary  dignities,  the  comparison 
between  the  Saxon  witena-gemot  and  the  upper  house 
of  our  modern  parliament  might  have  been  more 
correctly  made  in  their  legislative  capacity.  As  the 
German  states  are  recorded  by  Tacitus  to  have  had 
national  councils1,  so  the  continental  Saxons  are  also 
stated  to  have  possessed  them.2 

If  we  had  no  other  evidence  of  the  political  wisdom 
of  our  Gothic  or  Teutonic  ancestors  than  their  insti- 
tution of  the  witena-gemots,  or  national  parliaments, 
this  happy  and  wise  invention  would  be  sufficient  to 
entitle  them  to  our  veneration  and  gratitude.  For 
they  have  not  only  given  to  government  a  form, 
energy,  and  direction  more  promotive  of  the  happi- 
ness of  mankind  than  any  other  species  of  it  has 
exhibited,  but  they  are  the  most  admirable  provision 
for  adapting  its  exercise  and  continuance  to  all  the 
ne  circumstances  ever  arising  of  society,  and  for 
suiting  and  favouring  its  continual  progress. 

Of  these  assemblies,  originating  amid  the  woods 
and  migrations  of  the  Teutonic  tribes,  one  important 

1  Tacitus  de  Morib.  Germ. 

2  Fabricius  Hist.  Sax.  64.  69.     Chronographus  Saxo.  p.  115. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  157 

use  has  been,  to  remove  from  the  nation  that  has     CHAP. 

IV 

possessed   and    preserved   them,    the    reproach,    the  • 

bondage,  and  the  misery  of  an  immutable  legislation. 
The  Medes  and  Persians  made  it  their  right  that 
their  laws  should  never  be  changed ;  not  even  to  be 
improved.  This  truly  barbaric  conception,  a  fa- 
vourite dogma  also  with  the  kingly  priests,  or  priestly 
kings  of  the  Nile,  and  even  at  Lacedemon,  could  only 
operate  to  curtail  society  of  its  fair  growth,  and  to 
bind  all  future  ages  to  be  as  imperfect  as  the  past. 
It  may  produce  such  a  political  and  intellectual 
monstrosity  as  Egypt  long  exhibited,  and  force  a 
nation  to  remain  a  piece  of  mechanism  of  bygone 
absurdity.  But  internal  degradation  and  discomfort, 
external  weakness,  and  national  inferiority  and  decay, 
are  the  certain  accompaniments  of  a  polity  so  violent 
and  unnatural. 

Instead  of  thus  making  the  times  of  ignorance, 
national  infancy,  and  incipient  experience,  the  stand- 
ard and  the  laws  of  a  country's  future  manhood,  the 
Anglo-Saxon  witena-gemot,  or  parliament,  was  a  wise 
and  parental  law-giver ;  not  bound  in  the  chains  of 
an  obsolete  antiquity,  but  always  presiding  with  a 
nurturing  care ;  always  living,  feeling,  and  acting 
with  the  population  and  circumstances  of  the  day, 
and  providing  such  regulations,  either  by  alterations 
of  former  laws,  or  by  the  additions  of  new  ones,  as  the 
vicissitudes,  novelties,  wants,  improvement,  sentiment, 
situation,  and  interest  of  its  co-existing  society,  in  its 
•various  classes,  were  found  to.be  continually  needing: 
sometimes  legislating  for  the  benefit  of  the  rich,  or 
the  great,  or  the  clergy,  or  the  commercial,  or  the 
agriculturist ;  sometimes  for  the  middling  and  lower 
orders ;  and  sometimes  collectively  for  all.  Open 
to  petitions,  stating  the  grievences  from  which  certain 
classes  or  individuals  occasionally  suffer,  and  acquiring 
thus  a  knowlege  of  the  wants  and  feelings  of  society, 


00  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK  which  no  vigilance  of  its  own  or  of  government  could 
.  by  other  means  obtain :  ready  to  enact  new  laws,  as 
manifest  evils  suggest  and  reasoning  wisdom  patron- 
ises, an  English  parliament,  with  all  its  imperfections, 
many  perhaps  inevitable,  is, — I  speak  with  reverence, 
and  only  use  the  expression  from  the  want  of  another, 
as  meaning,  —  the  nearest  human  imitation  of  a 
superintending  Providence  which  our  necessities  or 
our  sagacity  have  yet  produced  or  devised.  The 
right  of  petitioning  brings  before  it  all  the  evils,  real 
or  imaginary,  that  affect  the  population  which  it 
guards ;  and  the  popular  part  being  new-chosen  at 
reasonable  intervals,  from  the  most  educated  orders  of 
society,  is  perpetually  renewed  with  its  best  talents  ; 
and,  what  is  not  less  valuable,  with  its  living  and 
contemporaneous  feelings,  fears,  hopes,  and  tendencies. 
No  despotic  government,  however  pure  and  wise,  can 
have  these  advantages.  It  cannot  so  effectually  know 
what  its  subjects  want.  It  cannot  so  well  judge  what 
they  ought  to  obtain.  It  cannot  so  completely  har- 
monise with  the  sympathies  and  flowing  mind  of  the 
day,  because  its  majesty  precludes  the  acquisition  of 
such  identity  as  a  septennial  or  hexennial  election  in- 
fuses. Whether  new  members  are  chosen,  or  old  ones 
are  re-elected,  in  both  cases  the  election  bespeaks 
their  affinity  with  the  hearts  and  understandings 
that  surround  them,  and  provides  this  security  for  a 
kind,  vigilant,  and  improved  legislation  more  effect- 
ually than  any  other  system  has  yet  imparted.  Our 
Anglo-Saxon  ancestors  had  all  these  advantages, 
though  the  peculiar  state  of  their  society  prevented 
them  from  having  that  full  benefit  of  such  a  noble 
institution  as  we  now  enjoy.  But  they  were  peti- 
tioned, and  they  legislated ;  and  the  dom-boc,  or 
laws,  of  every  Anglo-Saxon  reign  that  has  survived 
to  us,  contains  some  improvements  on  the  preceding. 
Some  of  their  members  were  also  most  probably 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  159 

chosen  like  our  own  august  parliament.     The  noble     CHAP. 
tree  was  then  planted  and  growing,  and  had  begun    .    IV    . 
to  produce  fruit ;  though  it  had  not   obtained   the 
majestic  strength  and  dilation,  and  the  beauty  and 
fertility  of  that  which   now  overshadows,   protects, 
and  distinguishes  the  British  islands  and  their  de- 
pendencies. 

But  this  excellence  our  Anglo-Saxon  parliaments 
certainly  possessed,  that  they  contained  the  collected 
feelings  and  mind  of  all  the  classes  of  the  nation, 
except  of  the  enslaved.  The  king  was  always  an  in- 
tegral part  of  their  constitution.  He  summoned,  he 
addressed  them  ;  his  concurrence  was  always  necessary 
to  their  legislation,  and  he  was  the  organ  of  its  exe- 
cution. The  noble  proprietors  of  land,  and  of  the 
dignities  annexed  to  it  or  flowing  from  it,  were  also 
essential  members,  and  sometimes  the  most  powerful. 
The  gentry  or  thegns,  knights,  and  the  official  dig- 
nities were  there,  and  the  chiefs  of  the  clergy  who  had 
landed  property.  The  bishops  and  abbots  were  always 
a  constituent  part,  after  Christianity  was  introduced ; 
and  if  that  unhappy  portion  of  the  people,  which  con- 
sisted of  the  slaves  of  all  these  orders,  had  no  actual 
representatives,  yet  the  many  provisions  for  the  benefit 
in  the  laws  show  that  they  possessed  humane  friends 
in  it,  attentive  to  their  interests,  and  compassionating 
their  degradation  :  these  were  probably  the  king  and 
the  clergy.  It  was  the  interest  of  royalty,  and  con- 
genial with  the  courteous  feelings  which  have  usually 
accompanied  our  kings,  to  increase  the  number  of  the 
free,  because  every  freed  slave  gave  the  crown  a  new 
partisan,  and  thus  lessened  those  of  a  fierce,  haughty, 
and  dangerous  nobility.  It  was  the  duty  and  the  bene- 
volent wish  of  the  religious,  and  also  their  interest,  to 
pursue  the  same  policy,  and,  in  the  mean  time,  to  miti- 
gate the  evils  of  thraldom.  Thus  the  feelings,  the 
interests,  and  the  reason  of  all  classes  of  the  Anglo- 


160  HISTORY    OF   THE 

BOOK  Saxon  society  appeared  in  their  witena-gemot ;  and 
•  whoever  studies  the  successive  provisions  of  their 
legislation  which  have  come  down  to  us,  will  perceive 
that  the  state  of  every  class  was  progressively  melio- 
rated by  new  laws  as  new  circumstances  required 
them ;  and,  even  as  far  as  we  can  discern  their  opera- 
tion, almost  every  law  seems  to  have  been  an  improve- 
ment. Nothing  more  tended  to  insure  this  effect,  than 
the  right  and  practice  of  the  subject  to  petition  his 
legislature;  for  this,  in  practical  tendency,  makes  every 
man,  who  has  any  grievance  to  complain  of,  a  kind  of 
party  to  its  councils,  as  it  enables  him  to  lay  his  com- 
plaint before  it,  as  completely  as  if  he  were  a,  member 
of  its  body.  Thus,  as  our  present  parliament,  in  its 
sovereign,  its  nobles,  and  its  popular  representatives, 
and  in  the  petitions  which  it  receives,  concentres  all 
the  feelings  and  mind  of  the  nation  ;  so  did  the 
Anglo-Saxon  witena-gemot :  for  there  is  good  reason  to 
believe,  that  the  cities  and  burghs  sent  their  members 
into  its  body;  and  if  these  were  not  at  first  commercial 
from  the  poverty  and  low  estate  of  the  earliest  Anglo- 
Saxon  tradesmen,  they  were  likely  to  be  of  this  de- 
scription, when  commerce  had  increased  into  the  power 
of  giving  wealth,  and  that  wealth,  of  creating  for  the 
merchant  an  effective  rank  not  less  important  in  the 
society  whom  he  benefited,  than  the  born  nobility, 
which  the  great  so  highly  valued.  It  is  to  the  credit 
of  the  Anglo-Saxons,  that  no  other  European  branch 
of  the  Teutonic  population  preserved  so  free  and  so 
effective  a  witena-gemot  as  they  did.  The  legislatures 
which  continued  to  exist  of  this  sort  in  other  coun- 
tries gradually  dwindled  into  non-existence,  while  the 
English  parliament  has  flourished,  like  the  English 
nation,  an  example  and  an  instrument  of  a  national 
prosperity  and  power,  exceeded  by  no  preceding  state, 
arid  equalled,  if  at  all,  by  very  few.  To  Era  Paolo's 
exclamation,  of  "  Esto  perpetua,"  the  tendencies  of 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  161 

the   present    age   allow   us   to   add   the   hope  that, 
sooner  or  later,  "Sit  universa." 

Where  the  cyning  was  only  the  temporary  com- 
mander of  the  nation,  for  the  purposes  of  war,  whose 
function  ceased  when  peace  returned,  the  witena-gemot 
must  have  been  the  supreme  authority  of  the  nation. 
But  when  the  cyning  became  an  established  and  per- 
manent dignity,  whose  privileges  and  power  were  per- 
petually increasing  till  he  attained  the  majestic 
prerogatives  and  widely- diffused  property  which 
Athelstan  and  Edgar  enjoyed,  the  witena-gemot  then 
assumed  a  secondary  rank  in  the  state.  We  will 
endeavour  to  delineate  its  nature  and  powers  with 
fidelity,  adopting  no  theory,  but  carefully  following 
the  lights  which  the  Saxon  documents  afford  to  us. 
The  topics  of  our  inquiry  will  be  these : 

What  its  members  were  styled. 

Of  whom  it  was  composed. 

By  whom  convened. 

The  times  of  its  meetings. 

The  place. 

Its  business. 

Its  power. 

The  gemot  and  its  members  have  various  appel- 
lations in  the  writings  of  our  ancestors.  In  their 
vernacular  tongue  they  have  been  styled,  the  witena- 
gemot  ;  the  Engla  ra3d  gifan  (council-givers)  ;  the 
witan  ;  the  Eadigra  geheahtendlic  ymcyme  (the  illus- 
trious assembly  of  the  wealthy)  ;  the  Eadigan  (the 
•wealthy)  ;  the  mycel  synoth  (great  synod).3 

In  the  Latin  phrases  applied  to  them  by  our  fore- 
fathers they  have  been  called  optimates ;  principes  ; 
primates  ;  proceres ;  concionatores  AngliaB,  and  such 
like.4 

*  Sax.   Chron.    154.     MS.    Claud.    A.    3.     Sax.   Chron.    148.     Alfred's    Will. 
Wilkins,  76.  102.     Ibid.  p.  10.  p.  72,  &c. 

4  Etbelward,  847.    Hem.  Chart,  p.  15.  1 7.  23.    MS.  Claud.    MS.  Cleop.    3  Gale, 

484,  485,  &c. 

VOL.  III.  M 


162  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK  The  kings  who  allude  to  them  in  their  grants,  call 
.  VIIL  .  them,  My  witan ;  meorum  sapientum  archontum ; 
heroicorum  virorum ;  conciliatorum  meorum;  meo- 
rum  omnium  episcoporum  et  principum  optimatum 
meorum  ;  optimatibus5  nostris.  All  these  are  various 
phrases  to  express  the  same  thing.  With  reference 
to  their  presumed  wisdom,  they  were  called  witan ; 
with  reference  to  their  rank  and  property,  or  nomi- 
nation, they  were  styled  eadigan,  optimates,  principes, 
proceres,  &c.  Other  names  will  appear  in  some  of 
the  subsequent  quotations. 

On  the  question,  who  were  the  members  of  the 
witena-gemot,  some  certain  information  can  be  given, 
and  some  probable  inferences  may  be  made.  That 
the  bishops,  abbots,  eorles,  ealdorrnen,  and  those  who 
bore  the  title  which  was  latinised  into  dux,  princeps, 
&c.,  were  parts  of  the  great  national  council,  is  indis- 
putable, from  the  language  of  the  laws  and  the  nume- 
rous charters  which  they  signed.  It  is  as  manifest, 
that  others  besides  these  higher  nobles  also  attended 
it ;  and  that  these  were  thegns,  or  ministri,  milites, 
and  several  who  are  mentioned  in  the  charters 
without  any  designation  of  legal  rank.  Thus  far 
the  Anglo-Saxon  documents  give  certain  information. 
The  only  questionable  points  are,  whether  these 
thegns,  milites,  and  others,  attended  like  our  ancient 
and  present  barons,  as  a  matter  of  personal  right 
from  their  rank,  when  summoned  by  the  king,  and 
with  a  legal  claim  to  be  so  summoned  ;  or  whether 
they  were  elected  representatives  of  any  and  what 
part  of  the  nation,  inferior  in  rank  to  the  summoned 
nobility.  After  many  years'  consideration  of  the 
question,  I  am  inclined  to  believe,  that  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  witena-gemot  very  much  resembled  our  present 
parliament,  in  the  orders  and  persons  that  composed 

5  Iteming  Chart.  2.  41.  57.     MS.  Claud.  C.  9.  103.  112,  113,  &c. 


i 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  1 6  ?> 

it ;  and  that  the  members,  who  attended  as  represen-     CHAP. 
tatives,  were  chosen  by  classes  analogous  to  those  who   •        — , 
now  possess  the  elective  franchise. 

We  have  an  expressive  outline  of  the  general 
construction  of  all  the  German  national  councils,  in 
these  words  of  Tacitus :  "  On  the  minor  affairs  the 
chiefs  consult ;  on  the  greater,  ALL.  Yet  so,  that 
those  things,  of  which  the  decision  rests  with  the 
people,  are  treated  of  among  the  chiefs." 6  This 
passage  shows  that,  by  the  general  principle  of  the 
most  ancient  German  gemots,  the  people  made  an 
essential  part  of  the  assembly.  Both  chiefs  and 
people  deliberated,  and  the  people  decided.  This 
being  the  primeval  principle  of  the  national  councils 
of  ancient  Germany,  before  the  Angles  and  Saxons 
left  it,  it  becomes  incumbent  on  the  historical 
antiquary  to  show,  not  when  the  people  acceded  to 
the  witena-gemots,  but  when,  if  ever,  they  were 
divested  of  the  right  of  attending  them.  Of  such  a 
divestment  there  is  no  trace  either  in  our  historical 
or  legal  records. 

The  popular  part  of  our  representation  seems  to 
have  been  immemorial.  There  is  no  document  that 
marks  its  commencement.  And  if  the  probabilities 
of  the  case  had  been  duly  considered,  it  would  have 
been  allowed  to  be  unlikely,  that  the  sovereigns  and 
the  aristocracy  of  the  nation  would  have  united  to 
diminish  their  own  legislative  power,  by  calling 
representatives  from  the  people  to  share  it.  Neither 
kings  nor  nobles. could  alone  confer  this  power;  and 
it  would  have  been  a  voluntary  and  unparalleled 
abandonment  of  their  own  exclusive  prerogatives  and 
privileges,  that  they  should  have  combined  to  impart 
it  to  others,  if  these  had  not  possessed  an  ancient 
indefeasible  right  of  enjoying  it.  But,  in  considering 

6  Tacitus  Germ.  s.  11. 
M  2 


164  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK  the  Anglo-Saxon  people  that  were  represented  at  the 
•  gemot,  we  must  not  confound  them  with  our  present 
population.  Those  classes  only  who  now  elect 
members  would  then  have  been  allowed  to  elect  them  ; 
and  the  numbers  of  the  individuals  composing  these 
classes  were  very  much  smaller  indeed  than  their 
present  amount.  The  great  bulk  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  population  was  in  a  servile  state,  arid  therefore  • 
without  any  constitutional  rights.  All  the  villani, 
servi,  bordarii,  cosceta3,  cotarii  and  coliberti,  esnes 
and  theows ;  that  is,  all  the  working  agricultural 
population,  and  most  of  those  who  occupied  the 
station  of  our  present  small  farmers ;  and  in  the  burghs 
and  cities,  all  those  who  were  what  is  called  the  men, 
or  low  vassals  of  other  persons,  analogous  to  our 
inferior  artisans  and  mechanics  and  small  tradesmen, 
were  the  property  of  their  respective  lords,  and  with 
no  more  political  rights  than  the  cattle  and  furniture, 
with  which  we  find  them  repeatedly  classed  and 
transferred.  Two  thirds,  at  least,  more  probably 
three  fourths,  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  population  were 
originally  in  this  state,  till  voluntary  or  purchased 
emancipations,  and  the  effects  of  war  and  invasion, 
gradually  increased  the  numbers  of  the  free.  Domes- 
day-book shows,  that  even  in  the  reign  of  the  Confessor, 
the  largest  part  of  the  English  population  was  in  the 
servile  state. 

The  constitutional  principle  as  to  the  servile  popu- 
lation of  the  country  seems  to  have  been,  that  it  was 
represented  by  its  masters  in  the  national  council, 
like  the  rest  of  their  property. 

Hence  it  was  only  to  the  freemen  of  the  counties, 
or,  as  we  now  call  them,  freeholders  ;  and  to  the  free 
inhabitants  of  the  burghs  or  boroughs,  and  cities, 
whom  we  now  call  burgesses  and  citizens,  that  any 
legislative  representation  can  have  applied  in  the 
Anglo-Saxon  times.  The  freeholders  appear  to  have 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  1G5 

multiplied  from  the  Northmen  invasions  ;  for  greater  CHAP. 
numbers  of  them  are  enumerated  in  Domesday  book,  .  /  . 
in  the  counties  which  the  Danish  population  princi- 
pally colonised,  than  in  the  others.7  These  desolating 
wars  destroyed  so  many  nobles  and  their  families, 
that  many  of  the  servile  must  have  often  become 
liberated  from  no  lords  or  thegns  surviving  to  claim 
them ;  and  corresponding  with  this  idea,  there  are 
many  passages  in  our  laws  which  are  directed  against 
those  who  wander  over  the  country  without  having  a 
visible  owner.  All  such,  as  well  as  every  fugitive 
who  could  escape  pursuit,  became  in  time  freemen 
in  the  burghs  or  towns  where  they  ultimately  settled  ; 
yet  these  would  not  become  electors  in  those  places 
where  none  were  allowed  to  be  burgesses,  who  were 
not  formally  admitted  to  be  such.  They  could  only 
acquire  a  share  in  the  elective  franchise  in  those  parts 
where  mere  house-holding  was  sufficient  to  constitute 
an  elector ;  and  as  this  large  privilege  was  in  after- 
times  possessed  in  very  few  places,  there  is  no  reason 
to  believe,  that  it  was  more  extensively  enjoyed  in 
the  Anglo-Saxon  burghs. 

If  the  freeholders  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  counties  were 
not  represented  in  their  witena-gemot,  at  what  other 
time  did  this  most  important  privilege  originate  ? 
That  it  should  have  begun  after  the  Norman  conquest 
is  incredible.  If  the  legislative  council  of  the  nation 
had  been  from  immemorial  custom  confined  to  the 
king  and  nobles,  their  sturdy  maintenance  of  all  their 
Exclusive  rights  and  advantages  is  evidence  that  they 
would  not  have  willingly  curtailed  their  power  by  so 
great  an  innovation.  The  pride  of  nobility  would  not  . 
have  admitted  unnoble  freeholders  to  have  shared  in 
the  most  honourable  of  its  privileges  ;  and  least  of  all 
would  the  fierce  and  powerful  Norman  lords  have 

7  See  Domesday-book  in  Fsscx,  Norfolk.  &c. 
M  3 


166  HISTORY    OF   THE 

BOOK  placed  the  Anglo-Saxon  freemen,  whom  they  had  con- 
.  VIIL  .  quered,  and  with  whom  they  were  long  in  jealous 
enmity  and  proud  hatred,  in  the  possession  of  such  a 
right.  But  the  total  absence  of  any  document  or 
date  of  the  origin  of  the  election  of  representatives  by 
the  freeholders  of  counties,  is  the  strongest  proof  we 
can  have  that  the  custom  has  been  immemorial,  and 
long  preceded  the  Norman  conquest.  The  facts  that 
such  representatives  have  been  always  called  knights 
of  the  shire,  and  that  milites,  or  an  order  like  those 
afterwards  termed  knights,  were  a  part  of  the  witena- 
gemot,  befriend  this  deduction.  Milites  or  knights 
were  not  the  nobles  of  the  country,  though  noblemen 
courted  the  military  honour  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
knighthood.  So  many  charters  of  the  witena-gemots 
exist,  signed  by  knights  or  milites,  that  either  milites 
had  a  right  as  such  to  be  a  part  of  the  council,  or  they 
were  sent  there  as  the  representatives  of  their  counties. 
The  first  supposition  is  supported  by  no  law  or  prac- 
tice, and  is  improbable  from  the  number  of  milites  in 
the  country.  The  latter  has  been  the  ancient  custom, 
without  any  known  origin  or  limitary  date. 

To  the  citizens  and  burgesses  of  parliament  ana- 
logous remarks  are  equally  applicable.  We  may  find 
no  existing  writ  ordering  their  election  earlier  than  the 
23d  year  of  Edward  I.8 ;  but  the  loss  of  the  preceding 
records  is  no  proof  of  their  non-existence,  and  ought 
never  to  have  been  confounded  with  it.  All  the  writs 
of  summons  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  nobles  to  the  witena- 
gemot  have  been  lost ;  yet,  who  would  infer  from  their 
non-appearance  that  the  nobles  were  not  summoned 
to  the  gemot,  and  had  no  right  to  be  there.  The 
earliest  summons  of  the  peers  to  parliament  is  usually, 
but  erroneously,  said  to  be  that  of  the  49  Hen.  III.  ; 
but  is  this  a  proof  that  they  were  not  in  parliament 

8  Brady  gives  this  writ  of  summons,  Hist.  Treat.  Boroughs,  p.  54. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  167 

before  ?9     There  is  nothing  in  the  earliest  writ  which     CHAP. 

IV 

has  survived  that  marks  such  writ  to  have  been  the   < — ^ — . 
commencement  of  the  custom.    The  truth  seems  to  be, 
that  this  privilege  has  been,  like  the  county  represent- 
ation, immemorial.     Authentic  history  can  assign  to  it 
no  limit. 

It  is  in  this  way  that  the  privilege  is  mentioned  by 
our  most  venerable  writers.  When  our  ancient  Little- 
ton mentions  burghs,  he  describes  them  as  the  most 
ancient  towns  of  England,  and  as  possessed  of  this 
privilege  of  representation,  without  any  remark  that 
this  great  right  was  a  novelty,  or  at  that  time  of 
modern  origin.  His  words  are  :  "  The  ancient  towns 
called  burghs  are  the  most  ancient  cities  that  are  in 
England ;  for  those  towns  that  are  called  cities  were 
burghs  in  ancient  times,  and  were  called  burghs.  For 
of  such  ancient  cities,  called  burghs,  come  the  bur- 
gesses to  parliament,  when  the  king  has  summoned  his 
parliament."  It  appears  to  me  that  our  venerable 
judge,  when  he  wrote  this  passage,  considered  the 
custom  of  sending  burgesses  as  ancient  as  the  burghs 
themselves.10 

The  ancient  words  of  the  writ  to  the  sheriffs,  cited 
by  Lord  Coke,  correspond  with  the  preceding  view  of 
the  subject.  They  do  not  order  him  to  return  bur- 
gesses from  this  or  that  particular  burgh,  to  which 
the  king  or  parliament  had  at  some  late  period 
granted  a  right;  but  they  direct  him  to  send  from 
every  burgh  in  his  county  two  burgesses11;  every 
•burgh,  as  if  it  had  been  the  common  public  right  of  all 
burghs,  and  not  a  special  privilege  granted  to  any  in 


9  The  error  on  this  subject  shows  the  absurdity  of  dating  the  origin  of  any  part 
of  the  parliamentary  representation  from  the  first  writ  that  has  happened  to  survive. 
Dugdale,  and  from  him  Hume,  and  a  stream  of  writers  on  this  subject,  state  the 
summons  of  the  peers  of  the  49  Hen.  III.  as  the  most  ancient  that  exists  ;  and  yet 
Selden  had  noticed  one  twenty-three  years  earlier.     There  is  one  to  the  archbishop 
of  York,  26  Henry  III.     It  is  Dors.  Claus.  26  Henry  III.  Mem.  13. 

10  Littleton,  Ten.  lib.  ii.  s.  164.  "  Coke  on  Littl.  p.  109. 

M  4 


168  HISTORY    OF   THE 

BOOK  particular.  The  language  of  the  oldest  writ  yet  found, 
•  23  Ed.  I.,  is  precisely  the  same.12 

In  the  same  manner  our  ancient  lawyer  Bracton 
speaks  generally  of  the  English  laws,  as  having  been 
made  by  the  three  estates  of  king,  lords,  and  commons. 
It  must  be  observed  that  he  is  not  here  speaking  of 
new  laws,  but  of  the  ancient  law  of  the  kingdom. 
"  It  will  not  be  absurd  to  call  the  English  laws  by  the 
name  of  laws,  although  not  written,  since  whatever 
shall  have  been  justly  defined  and  approved  by  the 
council  and  consent  of  the  magnates,  and  the  common 
assent  of  the  republic,  the  authority  of  the  king  or 
prince  preceding  has  the  vigour  of  law."13  Here 
our  unwritten  common  law  is  derived  from  the  con- 
curring authority  of  the  king,  the  great,  and  the 
common  assent  of  the  republic.  This  third  branch 
of  authority  is  evidently  that  which  arose  from  the 
popular  representation. 

Ina,  in  his  introduction  to  his  laws,  mentions 
distinctly  the  three  orders  of  the  nation  as  assisting 
and  concurring  in  their  formation. — "My  bishops 
and  all  my  ealdormen,  and  the  eldest  witan  of  my 
people,  and  a  great  collection  of  God's  servants."14 
Here  the  nobles,  the  people,  and  the  clergy,  are  dis- 
tinctly recognised. 

That  in  addition  to  the  clergy  and  greater  nobles, 
there  were  other  members  of  the  witena-gemot;  that 
thegns  or  ministri10,  and  milites,  or  a  rank  in  the  com- 
munity called  afterwards  knights,  were  among  these 
other  members ;  and  that  there  were  other  persons 
there  who  were  neither  clergy,  nobles,  knights,  thegns 


12  "  De  qualibet  civitate  ejusdem  comitatus,  duos  civcs  et  de  quolibet  burgo,  duos 
burgenses."     Brady,  p.  54. 

13  Bracton,  c.  i.  p.  1. 

11  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  p.  14. 

15  The  Saxon  word  used  to  express  minister  is  thegn.  In  Henry  the  First's  time 
thegn  is  mentioned  as  if  analogous  to  baron.  For  a  legal  offence  the  fine  of  a 
comes  was  ten  mancae  :  thanii  vel  barones  quinque.  Wilk.  Leg.  250. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  169 

nor  ministri,  and  who  being  mentioned  without  desis;-      CHAP. 

T  IV 

nation  in  an  age  when  all  were  so  tenacious  of  their  • 

rank,  may  be  reasonably  considered  to  have  been  of  an 
inferior  order,  are  facts  proved  by  the  expressions  used 
in  many  Anglo-Saxon  charters,  and  by  the  signatures 
to  them. 

A  charter  of  Ethelbald,  in  736,  is  signed  by  the  king,  two 
bishops,  two  coraites,  a  dux,  an  abbas,  and  by  six  persons  without 
any  note  of  their  quality. l& 

A  charter  of  Ethelred,  expressed  to  be  made  "  with  the  consent 
and  licence  of  my  optimates  and  other  fideles"  is  signed  by  the 
king,  two  archbishops,  six  bishops,  four  duces,  six  abbots,  ten 
ministri,  and  by  two  without  any  title.1"* 

A  charter  of  Ethelwulph  is  signed  by  the  king,  archbishop,  two 
duces,  and  by  twenty-three  without  a  title.  It  is  indorsed  by  two 
abbots,  seven  presbyters,  six  deacons,  and  by  three  without  a  titled 

A  charter  of  Sigered,  expressed  to  be  made  "  with  the  advice 
and  consent  of  my  principes,"  is  signed  by  the  king,  archbishop, 
two  abbots,  one  presbyter,  one  comes,  and  by  four  without  a 
title.19 

A  charter  of  Ceolvvulf  is  signed  by  the  king,  archbishop,  two 
bishops,  a  subregulus,  ten  duces,  three  abbots,  two  presbyters,  and 
by  five  without  a  titled 

A  charter  of  Offa  is  signed  by  the  king,  queen,  one  archbishop, 
three  bishops,  five  abbots,  two  principes,  one  dux,  one  prefect,  and 
by  eight  without  a  title?1  Another  of  Ofla's  has  two  without  a 
title.™ 

A  charter  of  Cenvvulf,  made  "  with  the  advice  and  consent  of 
my  optimates,"  is  signed  by  king,  queen,  archbishop,  four  bishops, 
five  duces,  and  by  one  without  a  title.™ 

A  charter  of  Berthtwulf,  mentioned  to  be  made  before  the  king 
and  proceres,  and  that  the  optimates  adjudged,  and  that  the  king 
before  his  archontes  did  it,  is  signed  by  the  king,  queen,  four 
bishops,  one  abbot,  eight  duces,  and  by  six  without  a  title?* 

A  charter  of  Edward,  the  son  of  Alfred,  made  "with  the  testi- 
mony of  the  bishops,  and  princes,  and  some  senators  subject  to 
them"  is  signed  by  the  king,  the  ruler  of  Mercia  and  his  lady, 
three  bishops,  two  duces,  two  ministri,  and  by  one  without  a  titled 

A  charter  of  Burghred,  made  "  with  the  advice  and  licence  of 
all  my  proceres,"  is  signed  by  the  king,  queen,  four  bishops,  ten 
duces,  and  by  ten  without  a  titled 

10  MSS.  Cott.  Aug.  A.  2.  "  Ibid. 

13  Ibid.  19  Dugdale,  Mon.  Ang.  p.  29. 

20  MSS.  Aug.  A.  2.  21  Ibid. 

22  Ileming.  Chart,  p.  18.  a  Ibid.  p.  23. 

24  Ibid.  p.  28.     Another  of  Berthtwulf  is  signed  by  seven  without  a  title,  p.  224. 

25  Ibid.  p.  65.  *  Ibid.  p.  87. 


170  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK  A  charter  of  Edward,  in  908,  is  signed  by  the  king,  archbishop, 

VIII.  four  bishops,  king's  brother  and  two  sons,  five  duces,  four  presby- 
*  v '  ters,  eighteen  ministri,  and  by  three  without  a  title?"1 

A  charter  of  Edward  the  Confessor  to  the  Abbey  of  Westminster, 
is  signed  by  the  king,  queen,  two  archbishops,  eight  bishops,  seven 
abbots,  the  chancellor,  four  duces,  six  ministri,  and  by  four  without 
a  title.™ 

A  charter  of  Edgar  is  signed  by  the  king,  two  archbishops, 
three  bishops,  three  abbots,  four  duces,  four  ministri,  and  by  fifteen 
others  without  a  titled 

A  charter  of  Cnut  is  signed  by  the  king,  queen,  two  archbishops, 
six  bishops,  seven  duces,  seven  milites,  seven  abbots,  and  by  jive 
without  a  title30  ;  and  this  is  expressed  to  be  made  with  the  advice 
and  decree  of  the  archbishops,  bishops,  abbots,  earls,  and  of  my 
other  jidelium?1 

A  charter  of  Edgar  in  973,  besides  the  king,  two  archbishops, 
three  bishops,  three  abbots,  four  duces,  and  four  discthegns,  has 
twenty-one  without  a  title  among  the  according  persons.32 

In  a  charter  of  Edward  the  Confessor,  the  consenting  persons 
are  the  king,  two  archbishops,  three  bishops,  the  chancellor,  a 
notary,  five  abbots,  four  duces,  a  chamberlain,  a  stallere,  and  two 
without  a  titled 

From  these  instances  it  is  manifest  that  there  were 
members  of  the  witena-gemot  who  were  distinguished 
by  no  rank  or  title  of  honour,  like  the  duces,  earls, 
thegns,  or  ministri,  and  milites,  and  who  had  no 
other  dignity  than  that  of  being  part  of  the  gemot, 
and  therefore  signed  the  charters  without  any  desig- 
nation of  peculiar  quality.  These  untitled  persons 
suit  the  situation  of  those  who  were  sent  by  the  cities 
and  burghs.  Such  would  be  but  plain  citizens  and 
burgesses,  who  had  no  rank  in  the  state  by  which 
they  could  be  designated. 

That  thegns,  or  ministri,  and  milites,  were  always 
members  of  the  witena-gemot,  will  be  sufficiently 

27  Dugd.  Mon.  p.  37.  M  Ibid.  p.  62.  »  Ibid.  p.  66. 

30  MSS.  Aug.  A.  2.  S1  Dugd.  Mon.  p.  288. 

32  Ibid.  p.  244.     "  His  testibus  concordantibvs." 

33  Ibid.  p.  238.     In  a  charter  granted  by  Wihtrcd,  it  is  stated  that  it  was  con- 
firmed in  716,  in  the  synod  held  at  Cloveshoe,  by  the  authority  of  those  whose 
names  follow.     It  is  signed   by  the  archbishop,  thirteen  bishops,  ten   presbyters, 
one  deacon,  two  abbots,  two  prepositi,  one  earl,  and  twenty  others  who  have  no 
titles.     Astle's  Charters,  MSS.  No.  2.     In  1018  is  a  charter  of  Cnut  signed  by 
prelates  and  duces,  and  also  by  a  prepositus,  two  ministri,  and  .by  four  others  with 
no  quality  annexed.     Ast.  Ch.  MSS.  No.  31. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  171 

manifested  by  the  following  instances,  as  well  as  by      CHAP. 
some  of  those  already  adduced.     It  will  be  hereafter  • 

shown,  in  considering  the  dignity  of  thegns,  or  thanes, 
that  the  superior  thegns,  also  called  king's  thegns, 
had  under  them  inferior  thegns,  who  were  named 
medeme  or  middling  thegns.  As  Domesday-book 
mentions  thanes  holding  land,  with  their  milites 
under  them,  who  were  also  landed  proprietors,  we 
may  presume  that  the  Saxon  term  of  the  middling 
thanes  was  first  used  to  mark  those  who  are  in 
Domesday  called  their  milites,  especially  as  Alfred 
translated  the  milites  of  Bede  by  the  word  thegn. 
But  the  term  cniht  was  also  coming  into  use  before 
the  Conquest  for  the  same  class  ;  and  afterwards  the 
word  knights  was  their  established  English  denomi- 
nation, as  milites  was  the  Latin  one.  That  the  Saxons 
had  a  dignity  and  class  of  persons  analogous  to  the 
Norman  knight  has  been  already  proved  :  one  autho- 
rity will  be  hereafter  noticed  which  applies  the  word 
drenc  to  this  celebrated  class  of  our  population. 

It  has  been  already  intimated  that  Saxon  superior 
thegns  were  classed  as  the  Norman  barons,  and  it 
is  probable  that  the  secondary  or  middling  thegns 
were  similar  to  the  Norman  knights.  But  although 
milites  were  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  witena-gemot,  as 
well  as  thegns,  yet,  as  all  the  milites,  or  secondary 
thegns,  were  too  numerous  to  be  there,  the  inference 
seems  indisputable,  that  those  who  were  present  did 
not  come  from  any  personal  right  of  being  members, 
*bu/t  were  sent  as  the  elected  representatives  of  others, 
either  of  their  own  class,  or  of  all  the  freeholders  in 
the  county  whom  they  preceded  in  rank. 

The  following  examples  will  add  more  information 
on  these  subjects  :  — 

A  charter  of  Ceolulf,  in  803,  is  signed  by  the  king,  archbishop, 
two  bishops,  three  duces,  one  presbyter,  and  by  thirteen  milites?* 

*4  MSS.  Aug.  A.  2. 


172  HISTORY   OF    THE 

BOOK  One  of  Ethelstan  has  the  names  of  the  king,  archbishop,  eight 

VIII.  bishops,  four  dnces,  ami  twenty  marked  mis  and  mi,  which  m;iy 
1 '  '  either  mean  miles  or  minister.35 

One  of  Cnut  stated  to  be  "  with  these  witnesses  consenting,"  and 
"under  the  testimony  of  the  optimates,"  is  signed  by  the  king,  queen, 
two  archbishops,  nine  bishops,  four  duces,  eight  abbots,  and  four 
•milites.' 6 

One  of  Ethelstan  has  the  king,  archbishop,  five  bishops,  three 
duces,  and  seven  ministri.37 

Eadwig's  charters  exhibit  to  us,  in  one,  the  king,  his  brother, 
archbishop,  two  bishops,  five  duces,  and  eight  ministri ;  in  the 
other,  besides  the  clergy,  six  duces  and  six  persons  marked  m.38 

Besides  one  of  Edgai's  signed  by  sixteen  iii,  and  another  by  twenty- 
six  mis39,  there  is  another,  expressed  to  be  "confirmed  at  London 
by  the  common  council  of  his  optimates,"  which  is  signed  by  four 
ministri.^ 

In  958,  a  charter  of  Edgar's,  made  "with  the  advice  of  my  op- 
timates," adds  "  these  witnesses  consenting,  whose  names  follow 
according  to  the  dignity  of  each."  The  names  are,  the  king's  two 
archbishops,  six  bishops,  the  king's  avia,  a  former  queen,  three 
abbots,  seven  duees,  and  sixty  ministri.*1 

A  charter  of  Wulfere,  in  664,  made  "with  the  accompanying 
kings,  fathers,  and  duces,  is  signed  by  the  king,  by  three  other 
kings  of  the  octarchy,  his  brother,  and  two  sisters,  archbishop, 
four  bishops,  two  presbyters,  one  abbot,  three  principes,  and  Jive 
ministri;"  and  it  is  added,  "by  the  rest  of  the  optimates  and 
ministri  of  the  king."42 

Edmund's  charter,  in  942,  is  signed  by  eleven  milites43;  another 
in  941,  by  fourteen  ministri.44  So  one  of  Edred's  has  nine  mi- 
nistri45 ;  another,  marked  as  with  the  consent  "heroicorum  virorum," 
has  also  nine  ministri.46  One  of  Ethelstan's  is  signed  by  eleven 
ministri.47  One  of  Cnut,  "  with  the  advice  of  twenty  ministri, 
among  others."48 

Of  Ethelred's  charters,  one  contains  fifteen  ministri  among  the 
concurring  persons49;  another  is  made  with  the  advice  of  forty- 
three  ministri,  among  others50;  another,  in  1006,  among  the 
"  sapientes,"  or  wise  men,  places  twenty-one  ministri51;  and  also 
ten  ministri  in  100 1.52 

On  so  important  a  subject  it  may  be  proper  to 
adduce  a  few  more  examples  :  — 

rs  MSS.  Aug.  A.  2.  «  Ibid. 

37  Ibid.  »  Ibid.  ™  Ibid. 

40  Dug.  Mon.  17.     One  of  the  persons,  among  the  kings  that  sign,  is  Mascusius 
Archipirata.      This  was  a  sea-king.     Another  has  twelve  ministri,  p.  141. 

41  Dug.  Mon.  p    103. 

42  Ibid.  p.  66.  «  Ibid.  287. 

44  Ibid.  214.     So  another  in  940,  has  twenty-three  ministri.     Aug.  A.  2. 

45  Aug.  A.  2.  *  Dugd.  Mon.  215. 

47  Hem.  Chart,  p.  12. 

48  Dugd.  276.     Another  of  his  is  signed  by  twenty-six  ministri.   Ibid.  p.  229. 

49  Dugd.  258.  »  Ibid.  261.  51  Ibid.  270. 
52  Ibid.  217.     So  fifteen  ministri  sign  another,  p.  218. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  173 

A   charter   of  Edgar,    in   970,  gives   strong  evidence  on  this      CHAP. 
subject:  it  is  signed  by  the  king,  two  archbishops,  eleven  bishops,          IV. 

the  queen,  eleven  abbots,  nine  duces,  and  twenty-six  milites,  or  ' « ' 

knights ;  and  there  are  added  these  words,  "  With  many  others  of 
all  the  dignities  and  primates  of  my  kingdom."53 

It  is  obvious  from  this  document  that  the  witena- 
gemot  consisted  not  only  of  the  prelates,  abbots,  and 
nobles,  but  of  knights  and  many  others,  who  are 
called  dignitates  et  primates.54 

Another  charter  of  Edgar  is  signed  by  the  king,  one  archbishop, 
twelve  bishops,  twelve  abbots,  six  duces,  and  twenty-eight  milites, 
or  knights.55 

One  of  Cnut  is  signed  by  the  king,  queen,  two  archbishops, 
eleven  bishops,  eight  abbots,  three  earls,  five  milites,  and  five 
others  called  satraps. 

That  this  was  part  of  the  witena-gemot  is  manifest, 
because  one  of  the  Comites  expresses,  in  addition  to 
his  signature,  that  it  was  the  decreturn  sapientum, 
the  decree  of  the  wise  men. 56 

The  Saxon  Chronicle  obviously  alludes  to  the 
members  and  assembly  of  the  witena-gemot  when  ifc 
mentions  that  William  the  Conqueror  wore  his  crown 
every  year,  in  Easter,  at  Winchester  ;  on  Whitsuntide, 
at  Westminster  ;  and  in  mid- winter  at  Gloucester ; 
and  then  were  with  him  all  the  pice  men  over  all 
England ;  archbishops,  bishops,  abbots,  and  earls, 
thegns,  and  cnihtas.57  It  is  not  at  all  probable  that 
thegns  and  knights  would  have  been  part  of  the 
Conqueror's  parliament  if  they  had  not  been  consti- 
tuent parts  of  the  national  council  before  his  inva- 
.sion. 

That  the  thegn,  or  minister,  was  also  sometimes  a 
miles,  I  infer  from  observing  that  one  of  Edgar's 
charters  is  signed  by  eight  with  the  designation  of 
miles,  some  of  whose  names  I  recognise  in  other 
charters  of  the  same  king,  where  they  are  denoted  as 

53  Compare  the  charters  in  Dugdale,  p.  211.,  with  those  in  pp.  141.  and  103. 

M  Gale's  Script,  vol.  iii.  p.  517.  M  Ibid.  p.  520. 

56  Ibid.  p.  523.  57  Sax.  Chron.  p.  190. 


174  HISTORY    OF   THE 

BOOK  ministri.58  That  tliegn  is  sometimes  translated  mi- 
'  nister,  many  charters  and  Saxon  documents  show59; 
but  there  is  one  that  has  come  down  to  us  which 
actually  distinguishes  the  ministri  from  the  nobiles  ; 
it  is  signed  by  the  king,  the  archbishop,  four  bishops, 
six  duces,  one  abbot,  three  nobiles,  and  nine  ministri.^ 
That  the  witena-gernot  contained  some  who  had 
lands,  and  some  who  had  none,  and  therefore  did  not 
sit  in  that  assembly  by  virtue  of  their  baronies,  or 
landed  property,  may  be  justly  inferred  from  an 
important  charter  of  Kenulf,  king  of  Mercia,  in  the 
year  811  :  — 

It  states  that  the  king  called  to  the  consecration  of  the  church, 
"  the  whole  of  the  optimates  of  Mercia  ;  the  bishops,  princes,  earls, 
procuratores,  and  my  relations,  the  kings  of  Kent  and  Essex,  with 
all  who  were  present,  witnesses,  in  our  synodical  councils."  The 
king  adds,  "  With  all  the  optimates  of  Mercia  IN  THREE  SYNODS, 
with  unanimous  advice,  I  gladly  gave  my  gifts  to  all  the  archontes 
of  Mercia,  and  of  the  other  provinces,  in  gold,  in  silver,  and  in  all 
my  utensils,  and  in  chosen  steeds  ;  that  is,  to  each  according  to 
the  dignity  of  his  degree  ;  and  on  all  ivho  had  not  lands  I  bestowed 
a  pound  in  the  purest  silver,  and  in  the  purest  gold  ;  and  to  every 
presbyter  one  marc ;  and  to  every  servant  of  God  one  shilling  ; 
and  these  gifts  are  not  to  be  numbered,  as  it  became  our  royal 
dignity."61 

This  important  charter  not  only  proves  that  some 
of  the  members  of  the  witena-gemot  had  no  lands, 
but  it  seems  to  intimate  that  they  met  in  three 
chambers.  The  expression  "  in  three  synods," 

58  Compare  the  charters  in  Dugdale  Mon.  p.  211.  with  those  in  pp.  141.  and  103. 

59  And  so  Alfred  translates  the  Latin  of  Bede. 

60  Dugd.  Mon.  230. 

61  Ibid.    ]89.      It  is  signed  by  only   the    king,    the    two   other    kings,  arch- 
bishop, twelve  bishops,  and  eleven   duces,  which  shows  that  only  a  part  of  the 
witena-gemot  signed  this  charter.     Some  of  the  Saxon  charters  have  been  supposed 
to  be  forged  just  after  the  Conquest.     The  observation  has  been  made  much  too 
indiscriminately.     But  though  the  monks  may  have  sometimes  pretended  to  more 
grants  of  land,  and  of  exemptions  than  they  were  entitled   to,  their  own  interest 
would  lead  them  to  be  correct  in  their  forms  and  phrases  of  the  documents  they 
adduced.     In  the  above  citations    I  have  endeavoured  to  avoid  all    that    seemed 
doubtful,  but  we  cannot  believe  that  the  monks  would  expose  themselves  to  im- 
mediate detection  by  introducing  into  the  witena-gemot  those  classes  who  were 
never  there.     Therefore,  even   surreptitious  charters  would  throw  light  on  this 
subject.  —  Procuratores,  or  attorneys,  imply  representation. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  175 

coupled  with  "  the  unanimous  advice,  "  leads  the  mind     CHAP. 
to  ask  whether  it  does  not  refer  to  the  three  orders  of  . 

clergy,  nobles,  and  commons  meeting  in  separate 
synods,  rather  than  to  three  successive  meetings  of 
the  same  synod.  The  practice  from  the  time  that 
the  meetings  of  parliament  become  distinctly  visible 
to  us  has  been  such  separate  meetings,  with  the 
custom  of  all  uniting  together  when  the  king  was 
present.  The  natural  force  of  the  words  "  three 
synods"  is  to  express  three  distinct  councils,  not 
three  sittings  of  the  same  council. 

There  is  a  charter,  dated  970,  in  Ingulf,  which 
besides  the  clergy,  duces,  and  ministers,  has  fourteen 
signatures  without  any  designation.62 

In  one  a  person  signs  himself  as  both  sacerdos  and 
minister,  as  if  the  minister  was  a  qualification  distinct 
from,  and  additional  to,  that  of  priest. 

In  833,  the  king  says  he  makes  his  charter  before 
the  bishops,  and  greater  proceres  of  all  England,  as 
if  the  proceres  had  been  in  two  divisions — the  ma- 
jores  and  the  minores.63 

The  same  distinction  is  expressly  mentioned  in  851. 
The  optimates  of  the  universi  concilii,  of  the  whole 
council,  are  noticed  ;  and  Ingulf  says,  "  In  this  coun- 
cil, many,  tarn  majores  quam  minores,  became  afflicted 
with  an  epidemical  disease."64 

This  distinction  of  the  greater  from  the  less  barons, 
or  proceres,  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  times,  shows  that 
there  were  two  classes  of  them  in  the  national  council 
before  the  Conquest.  That  the  majores,  or  greater 
barons,  answered  to  our  present  House  of  Peers,  and 
were,  like  them,  called  individually  to  parliament  by 
the  king's  writ  of  summons,  and  that  the  others  were 
to  be  sent  like  our  Commons,  we  may  safely  infer  from 
the  provisions  of  Magna  Charta :  "  We  will  cause  to 

62  Ingulf,  Hist.  p.  117.  M  Ibid.  p.  10. 

**  Ibid.  p.  16.     In  the  same  sense  Eadmer  mentions  "totam  regni  nobilitatem, 
populumque  minorem"  P.  58. 


176  HISTORY   OF   THE 


BOOK 
VIII. 


be  summoned  the  archbishops,  bishops,  abbots,  earls, 
and  greater  barons,  majores  barones,  separately,  by 
our  letters :  and  besides,  we  will  cause  to  be  sum- 
moned, in  general,  by  our  sheriffs  and  bailiffs,  all  those 
who  hold  of  us  in  capite  at  a  certain  day,  at  the  end 
of  forty  days  at  least,  at  a  certain  place,"  &c.65  The 
provisions  of  Magna  Charta  were  not  claimed  as  in- 
novations, but  as  the  ancient  rights  and  privileges  of 
the  nation. 

The  same  distinction  of  the  inferior  barons  from 
the  superior  chamber  of  them,  is  expressively  men- 
tioned in  the  life  of  Becket,  by  his  contemporary 
secretary. 

After  stating  that  the  king  appointed  a  general 
council,  or  parliament,  to  meet  at  Northampton,  he 
says,  "  On  the  second  day  the  bishops,  earls,  and  all 
the  barons  were  sitting."66  In  the  discussion  the 
bishops  said,  "  We  sit  here  not  as  bishops,  but  as 
barons  :  you  are  barons  and  we  are  barons,  your67 
peers."  He  afterwards  adds,  "  The  king  exacted  from 
the  earls  and  barons  their  judgment  of  the  arch- 
bishop. "  Then  follows  this  important  passage : 
"  Some  sheriffs  and  barons  of  the  second  dignity  are 
called  in,  ancient  in  days,  that  they  may  be  added  to 
them,  and  be  present  at  the  judgment."68 

These  last  quotations  prove  that  there  were  barons 
of  the  second  dignity  distinct  from  the  greater,  not 
only  in  the  time  of  John  but  also  of  Henry  the 
Second ;  and  by  comparing  them  with  the  expres- 
sions of  Ingulf,  it  is  obvious  that  the  same  distinction 
prevailed  in  the  Saxon  times.  The  passage  from  Ste- 
phanides  also  implies  that,  until  called  in,  the  minor 
barons  were  not  sitting  with  the  peers. 

The  expressions  of  the  writers  immediately  after 
the  Conquest,  in  describing  the  national  council,  show 

63  Statutes  of  the  Realm,  p.  10.  <*  W.  Stephan.  p.  35. 

67  Ibid,  p   37.  *  Ibid.  p.  46. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  177 

that  it  consisted  of  other  classes  besides  the  nobles  and     CHAP. 
clergy,  because  it  is  not  likely  that  the  first  three  . 

Norman  sovereigns  would  have  introduced,  as  there 
is  no  evidence  that  they  did  introduce,  a  more  popular 
representation.  Thus  of  Henry  the  First  it  is  said, 
by  Peter  of  Blois,  "  Having  appointed  a  most  dis- 
tinguished council  at  London,  as  well  of  the  bishops 
and  abbots  of  all  the  clergy  of  England,  as  of  the  earls, 
barons,  optimates  and  proceres  of  all  his  kingdom."69 
The  optimates  and  proceres  express  members  dif- 
ferent from  the  earls,  and  barons,  and  additional  to 
them. 

So  the  Saxon  Chronicle  mentions  of  the  same  king, 
Henry  the  First,  that  he  "  sent  his  writs  over  all 
England,  and  commanded  his  bishops  and  his  abbots, 
and  all  his  thegns,  that  they  should  corne  to  his  witena- 
gemot  at  Candlemas  day  at  Gloucester :  and  they  did 
so :  and  the  king  bade  them  choose  an  archbishop. 
The  bishops  chose  one,  but  it  is  added,  that  the  monks, 
the  eorles,  and  the  thegnas,  opposed  him."70  So  it  is 
mentioned  four  years  afterwards,  that  Henry  held  all 
his  "hired,"  meaning  his  council,  at  Windsor,  at 
Christmas  ;  and  that  all  the  head  men,  lay  and  clergy, 
that  were  in  England,  were  there ;  and  it  adds,  that 
the  archbishop,  bishops,  arid  abbots,  and  the  earls,  and 
all  the  thegns,  that  were  there,  swore  fidelity  to  his 
daughter.71  These  passages  concur  with  the  preceding 
to  show  that  the  witena-gemot  here  contained  other 
members,  called  thegns,  in  addition  to  the  earls  and 
tlergy. 

Recollecting  preceding  facts,  and  the  immemorial 
custom  of  the  united  assent  of  King,  Lords,  and 
Commons,  being  given  to  all  our  statute-laws,  with- 

69  Pet.  Bless.  Hist.  p.  128. 

70  Sax.  Chron.  224,  225.      That  thanes  or  thegns  made  part  of  the  witena- 
gemot  is  expressly  declared  by  Edgar  ;  for  he  says,  "  I  and  my  thegnas  will,"  &c. 
Wilk.  p.  80. 

71  Sax.  Chron.  p.  230. 

VOL.  III.  N 


178  HISTORY    OF   THE 

BOOK  out,  any  record  of  the  commencement  of  their  con- 
•  currence,  the  following  passages  of  the  unanimous 
consent  of  the  whole  council  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  times, 
and  of  their  being  the  council  of  the  whole  nation,  seem 
very  much  to  imply  an  unanimity  of  more  bodies  or 
classes  than  one  single  assembly  of  assenting  nobles :  — 

"  With  the  unanimous  consent  of  the  whole  of  the  present 
council."72 

"With  the  common  gratuitous  council  and  consent  of  all  the 
magnates  of  the  kingdom."  73 

"  When  (948)  the  universal  magnates  of  the  kingdom,  summoned 
by  the  royal  edict,  as  well  the  archbishop,  bishops,  and  abbots,  as 
the  other  proceres  and  optimates  of  the  whole  kingdom,  had  met 
together  at  London,  to  treat  of  the  public  affairs  of  the  whole 
kingdom."74 

"  947.  Who  at  London  in  a  common  council  before  the  arch- 
bishop, bishops,  and  the  magnates  of  the  whole 75  land." 

So  Egbert  says,  — 

"  With  the  licence  and  consent  of  the  whole  of  our  nation,  and 
with  the  unanimity  of  all  the  optimates."76 

So  a  charter  of  Ethelred  mentions,  emphatically, 
"with  the  unanimous  legal  council,  and  most  equal 
judgment,  of  the  bishops,  duces,  and  all  the  optimates 
of  this  kingdom."  And  a  charter  of  Burhred,  in  864, 
is  made  "with  the  consent  and  licence  of  all  our 
senate  of  bishops,  princes,  and  of  all  our  optimates 
together."  Another  document  says,  "  with  the  testi- 
mony of  the  bishops  arid  princes,  and  of  some  senators 
subject  to  them."77  All  these  expressions  seem  not  to 
suit  an  assembly  that  consisted  merely  of  nobles  and 
clergy, 

Hence,  when  we  read  that  William  the  Conqueror 
adds,  "  By  the  common  council  of  all  our  kingdom78," 
and  that  his  son  Henry  the  First  uses  the  words  "  By 
the  common  council  of  the  barons 79,"  we  appear  not  to 

72  Ingulf,  p.  15.  73  Ibid.  p.  13. 

'*  Ibid.  p.  32.  7S  Ibid.  p.  39. 

78  MSS.  Claud.  C.  9.  77  MSS.  Claud,  and  Hem.  Chart.  63.  65. 

78  Wilk.  Concil.  p.  228. 

79  Ibid.  233.     So  John  says  in  the  articles  preceding  Magna  Charta,  that  no 
scutage  or  aid  shall  be  imposed  on  the  kingdom  except  by  the  "  commune  consilium." 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  179 

err  when  we  infer  that  the  words  common  council  ex-      CHAP. 
press  an  united  council  of  more  classes  and  bodies  than   •  - 

one.  It  is  thus  the  terms  have  been  immemorially  used 
in  the  city  of  London.  Its  lord  mayor,  aldermen, 
and  the  elected  deputies  of  its  wards,  form,  when  all 
assemble,  its  common  council ;  yet  the  aldermen  have 
a  separate  court,  with  separate  powers  and  privileges, 
and  at  times,  like  the  mayor,  act  distinctly  and 
apart.  There  is  every  reason  to  suppose  that  this 
civic  constitution  of  the  metropolis  originated  in  the 
Anglo-Saxon  times. 

But  this  meaning  of  the  terms  "  common  council " 
is  not  left  merely  to  our  conjecture,  it  is  the  actual 
meaning  given  to  the  words  by  the  most  ancient  writ 
of  electing  citizens  and  burgesses  to  parliament  that 
has  survived  to  us.  It  occurs  among  the  Rolls  of 
the  23d  Edward  the  First.— 

"  We  command  and  firmly  enjoin  you,  that  of  the  aforesaid 
county  you  cause  to  be  elected,  without  delay,  two  knights,  and 
from  every  city  of  the  same  county  two  citizens,  and  from  every 
burgh  two  burgesses,  of  the  more  discreet  and  able  to  labour,  and 
cause  them  to  come  to  us  at  the  aforesaid  day  and  place  ;  so  that 
the  said  knights  may  have  then  there  full  and  sufficient  power  for 
themselves,  and  for  the  community  of  the  aforesaid  county ;  and 
the  said  citizens  and  burgesses  for  themselves,  and  for  the  com- 
munity of  the  aforesaid  cities  and  burghs,  distinct  from  them,  to 
do  there  what  shall  be  ordained  from  the  common  council  (de 
communi  consilio)  in  the  premises."80 

Here  the  words  common  council  are  applied  to 
express  the  deliberate  determinations  of  the  whole 
J^ody  of  the  parliament  in  its  three  estates  of  king, 
lords,  and  commons. 

If  only  the  nobles  and  clergy,  as  nobles  or  barons, 
had  formed  the  witena-gemot,  there  seems  to  be  no 
reason  why  so  many  and  such  various  phrases  should 
have  been  used  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  documents  to  ex- 
press its  members.  If  they  had  been  of  one  class  only, 

80  Claus.  23  Ed.  I.  M.  4.  apud  Brady,  p.  54. 
K  2 


180  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK  one  uniform  and  simple  denomination  would  have  been 
-.  more  natural ;  but  if  the  witena-gemot  was  a  complex 
body,  and,  besides  the  nobles,  comprised  knights  of 
the  shires,  citizens,  and  burgesses,  as  all  our  parlia- 
ments since  the  Conquest  seem  to  have  done,  then  we 
perceive  the  cause  of  their  appellations  being  mul- 
tiplied. 

The  force  of  all  the  preceding  circumstances,  con- 
sidered without  reference  to  any  theory,  and  taken 
together,  seems  to  me  to  suit  better  the  constitution 
of  our  present  parliament  than  any  senate  composed 
merely  of  nobility  arid  clergy.  Although  we  have  no 
direct  evidence  from  records  that  the  cities  and  burghs 
were  represented  in  the  witena-gemot,  yet  there  seems 
to  be  sufficient  probabilities  of  evidence  that  the  fact 
was  so.  The  claim  of  the  borough  of  Barnstaple,  in 
Devonshire,  must  have  considerable  weight  on  our 
judgments  when  we  reflect  on  this  subject.  In  a 
petition  to  parliament,  presented  in  the  reigri  of 
Edward  the  Third,  this  borough  claimed  to  have  been 
chartered  by  Athelstan,  with  several  privileges,  and 
to  have  sent,  from  time  immemorial,  burgesses  to 
parliament.  Its  claims  were  investigated  by  jurors 
legally  appointed,  and  though  from  the  loss  of  the 
charter  the  other  immunities  were  not  confirmed,  its 
right  of  sending  burgesses  was  admitted  to  continue.81 
In  Edward  the  Second's  reign  the  borough  of  St. 
Alban's  stated,  in  a  petition  to  parliament,  that  they, 
as  the  other  burgesses  of  the  kingdom,  ought  to  come, 
by  two  common  burgesses,  to  the  parliament  of  the 
kingdom  when  that  should  happen  to  be  summoned, 
as  they  have  been  accustomed  to  come  in  all  past 
times ;  but  that  the  sheriff,  to  favour  the  abbot,  had 
refused  to  return  them.  The  answer  to  this  petition 
was  not  a  denial  of  the  right,  but  a  reference  to  the 

81  Lord    Lyttelton    remarked    this    important    document   in    his   History   of 
Henry  II.  vol.  iii.  p.  413. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  181 

Chancery,  to   see   if  they  had  been   accustomed   to      CHAP. 
come.82     The  right  here  claimed  is  not  rested  on  any  . 

particular  charter,   but  on  the  ancient  usage  of  the 
country. 

In  the  51st  Edward  the  Third,  the  Commons  stated 
that,  "  of  the  common  right  of  the  kingdom,  two  persons 
are  and  will  be  chosen  to  be  in  parliament  for  the 
community  of  the  said  counties,  except  the  prelates, 
dukes,  earls,  and  barons,  and  such  as  hold  by  barony  ; 
and  besides  cities  and  burghs,  which  ought  to  choose 
of  themselves  such  as  should  answer  for  them. 83  Here 
also  the  privilege  of  parliamentary  representation  is 
not  rested  on  any  dated  law  or  royal  charter,  but  on 
the  common  right  of  the  kingdom. 

There  is  a  passage  in  the  laws  of  Ethelstan  that 
seems  to  me  to  relate  to  the  witena-gemot,  and  to  the 
representatives  of  burghs.  If  it  has  this  reference,  it 
shows  the  punishment  that  was  provided  for  those 
who,  when  chosen  for  the  burghs,  neglected  to  attend 
the  geinot 

"  If  any  one  shall  forsake  the  gemot  three  times  he 
shall  pay  a  fine  to  the  king  for  his  contumacy,  and 
shall  be  summoned  seven  nights  before  the  gemot 
meets.  If  he  will  not  then  act  rightly,  (that  is, 
attend,)  nor  pay  for  his  contumacy,  then  all  the  ylde- 
stan  men  that  belong  to  that  burgh  shall  ride  and 
take  away  all  that  he  possesses,  and  set  him  to  bail."84 

The  expence,  trouble,  suspension  of  business,  and 
occasional  danger,  which  the  burgesses,  especially  the 
more  distant,  would  often  experience  from  the  perils 
*of  travelling,  and  the  violence  of  the  great,  in  attend- 
ing the  witena-gemot,  must  have  made  many  persons 
backward  in  frequenting  it,  especially  when  they  had 
been  chosen  without  desiring  the  distinction.  This 
law  seems  directed  to  counteract  this  disposition. 

82  Plac.  Parliam.  vol.  i.  p.  327.  83  Ibid.  vol.  ii,  p.  368. 

81  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  p.  60. 

N  3 


182  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK  That  it  was  no  common  gemot  appears  from  the 
.  T  '  <  next  provision  of  the  same  law,  which  supposes  a 
reluctance  in  the  yldestan  man  to  inflict  the  punish- 
ment enjoined,  and  therefore  imposes  a  fine  on  every 
one  that  would  not  ride  with  his  companions  to  exe- 
cute the  law.  It  proceeds  to  forbid  all  revenge  for 
the  punishment,  and  directs  the  same  loss  of  property 
on  the  avenger  as  had  been  attached  to  the  person 
that  would  not  attend  the  gemot.  I  cannot  think  that 
the  severity  of  this  law  was  wanted  for  enforcing  at- 
tendance on  a  mere  folc,  or  shire  gemot,  for  which 
there  were  so  many  inducements  from  its  vicinity  and 
popularity.  Hence  I  think  it  relates  to  the  great 
national  council,  to  which  only  the  word  gemot,  by 
itself,  properly  applies.  The  word  gemot  is  frequently 
thus  used  to  express  the  witena-gemot.85 

That  every  freeman  had  his  definite  rights,  and 
every  land  its  definite  burdens  and  services,  known  and 
established  by  law  and  custom,  is  apparent  from  nume- 
rous Anglo-Saxon  documents  which  have  survived  to 
us,  and  is  fully  shown  by  Domesday-book,  in  which 
the  commissioners  appointed  by  the  Conqueror  made 
a  specific  return  of  the  gelding  lands  and  burghs  of 
the  country,  and  stated  the  individual  payments  and 
share  of  military  burdens  to  which  each  was  subject, 
and  which  only  could  be  claimed  from  him  according 
to  law  and  ancient  custom.  The  act  of  the  national 
legislature,  to  which,  by  his  representatives,  he  as- 
sented, could  alone  subject  him  to  further  burdens. 
These  definite,  individual  rights  favour  the  supposi- 
tion that  the  witena-gemot,  in  order  to  affect  the 
property  and  exemptions  of  the  free  class  of  the 
people,  must  have  consisted  of  more  orders  than  that 
of  the  nobility  and  clergy ;  and  the  probabilities,  on 
the  whole,  seem  to  be  that  the  witena-gemot  very 
much  resembled  our  present  parliaments. 

85  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  p.  62.  69.  116.  146,  &c. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  183 

Dr.  Brady's  assertion,  in  his  treatise  on  Boroughs,  CHAP. 
that  "there  were  no  citizens,  burgesses,  or  tenants  of  >  ^ — . 
the  king's  demesnes  summoned  to  great  councils  or 
parliaments  until  the  23d  of  Edward  the  First86,"  is 
not  supported  by  the  authorities  which  he  adduces, 
but  rests  on  his  mistaken  supposition  that  the  first 
writ,  now  existing,  of  that  year,  in  which  the  sheriff 
was  directed  to  proceed  to  the  election  of  citizens  and 
burgesses87,  was  the  first  time  that  they  were  elected 
at  all,  although  there  is  nothing  in  that  writ  which 
marks  it  to  have  been  the  commencement  of  an  inno- 
vation so  momentous,  and  although  one  of  the  next 
documents  which  he  produces  shows  that  the  govern- 
ment attempted  to  get  money  from  the  burghs  with' 
out  calling  their  representatives  into  parliament.88 
The  true  inference  from  all  his  documents  is,  that  the 
writs  for  the  election  of  burgesses  now  existing  are 
but  the  copies  of  more  ancient  forms,  and  the  repe- 
tition of  a  prescriptive  custom  which  has  no  known 
commencement. 

That  they  were  not  regularly  summoned  will  appear 
probable  when  the  frequent  violences  of  power,  and  all 
the  irregularities  of  those  disturbed  times,  are  duly 
considered. 

That  kings  may  have  sometimes  been  content  with 
the  money  they  obtained  from  the  barons  and  the 
counties,  or  may  have  sometimes  procured  it,  by  per- 
suasion or  threats,  from  the  burghs  separately,  as 
Edward  the  First  attempted  in  the  instance  alluded  to, 
are  also  credible  facts ;  but  the  fact  that  he  was 
obliged  to  solicit  the  grant  from  the  burghs,  is  evidence 
that  he  had  not  the  legal  power  of  raising  it  without 

86  Brady  on  Bor.  p.  68.  87  He  gives  it  in  his  book,  p.  54. 

88  Brady  on  Bor.  p.  66.  One  writ  mentions  that  the  mayor,  sheriffs,  aldermen, 
and  all  the  communities  of  the  city,  had  granted  him  a  sixth  of  their  movables,  and 
the  other,  reciting  this  as  an  example,  directs  the  commissioners  to  ask  (ad  petendum) 
this  of  the  demesne  cities  in  the  four  counties  mentioned,  and  to  go  with  the 
sheriffs  to  them  to  require  and  efficaciously  induce  them  to  make  a  similar  grant. 
P.  67. 

u  4 


184  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK     their  consent ;  and  their  right  to  give  this  consent  is 
.  VIIL  .   evidence  of  the  existence  of  their  constitutional  privi- 
lege of  not  being  taxed  without  their  own  consent ; 

O  O  * 

and  this  truth  confirms  all  the  reasoning  which  makes 
it,  probable  that  their  representatives  were  called  to  the 
Saxon  witena-gemot  when  it  was  intended  that  the 
burghs  should  contribute  to  the  taxation.  It  does  not 
at  all  shake  this  general  principle  that  some  new 
burghs  attained  the  privilege  within  the  period  of  his- 
torical record.89 

We  know  what  was  necessary  to  exalt  a  ceorl  to  a 
thegn,  but  we  cannot  distinctly  ascertain  all  the  quali- 
fications which  entitled  persons  to  a  seat  in  the  witena- 
gemot.  There  is,  however,  one  curious  passage  which 
ascertainsjthat  a  certain  amount  of  property  was  an 

and  that  acquired  property 
oa 

perty.  The  possession  here  stated  to  be  necessary 
was  forty  hides  of  land.  The  whole  incident  is  so 
curious  as  to  be  worth  transcribing.  —  Guddmund 
desired  in  matrimony  the  daughter  of  a  great  man, 
but  because  he  had  not  the  lordship  of  forty  hides  of 
land  he  could  not,  though  noble,  be  reckoned  among 

*  CJ  /  Q 

the  proceres ;  and  therefore  she  refused  him.  He 
went  to  his  brother,  the  abbot  of  Ely,  complaining  of 
his  misfortune.  The  abbot  fraudulently  gave  him 
possessions  of  the  monastery  sufficient  to  make  up  the 
deficiency.  This  circumstance  attests  that  nobility 
alone  was  not  sufficient  for  a  seat  among  the  witan, 
and  that  forty  hides  of  land  was  an  indispensable 
qualification.90 

89  The  ancient  charters  of  London,  or  copies  of  them  recited  in  authentic 
charters,  exist  from  the  time  of  Henry  the  First,  but  none  contain  the  grant  of  its 
right  of  sending  representatives.  The  just  inference  seems  to  be  that  this  con- 
stitutional right  had  been  established  long  before.  There  is  no  charter  existing, 
and  none  have  been  known  to  exist,  that  confers  the  right  on  any  of  the  ancient 
burghs.  This  appears  to  me  to  show  that  it  was  the  ancient  immemorial  right  of 
all  burghs  or  cities,  beginning  with  their  existence,  and  constitutionally  attached 
to  it,  and  not  flowing  from  any  specific  grant. 

*•  3  Gale's  Script,  p.  513. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  185 

I  cannot  avoid  mentioning  one  person's  designation,     CHAP. 
which  seems  to  have  the  force  of  expressing  an  elected  • 

member.  Among  the  persons  signing  to  the  act  of  the 
gemot  at  Cloveshoe,  in  824,  is,  "Ego  Beonna  electus 
consent,  et  subscrib."91 

91  Astle's  MS.  Charters,  No  12.  In  the  Registrum  Wiltunense,  a  charter  in 
948  is  signed,  after  the  clergy,  by  four  duces  and  nine  milites  :  one  in  940,  and 
another  in  960,  by  five  duces  and  eleven  milites  :  two  in  903  and  957  have,  each, 
the  signature  of  Athelstan  Mess'.  One  in  943  has  seven  duces  and  fourteen 
milites.  One  of  Alfred's,  in  892,  besides  his  son,  a  bishop,  two  priests,  and  two 
duces,  is  subscribed  by  Deormod  Cell'  ^Elfric  Thess'  and  Sigewulf,  Hinc'.  Edred's 
in  946  exhibits  eight  duces  and  twelve  milites  ;  and  the  grant  of  Ethelred  in  994 
is  signed  by  the  archbishop,  eleven  bishops,  seven  abbots,  seven  duces,  and  twenty 
ministri,  whose  appellation  seems  to  have  been  substituted  for  that  of  milites  in 
the  others. 


186  HISTORY    OF   THE 


CHAP.  V. 

Witena-  Gemot.  —  How  convened.  —  Times  and  Places  of 
Meeting.  —  Its  Business  and  Power. 

BOOK  THEY  were  convened  by  the  king's  writ.  Several 
VIII>  .  passages  in  the  writers  of  this  period  mention  that 
they  assembled  at  the  summons  of  the  king.  "  On  a 
paschal  solemnity  all  the  greater  men,  the  clergy,  and 
the  laity  of  all  the  land,  met  at  the  king's  court,  to 
celebrate  the  festival  called  by  him"1  In  1048,  the 
Saxon  Chronicle  says,  "the  king  sent  after  all  his 
witan,  and  bade  them  come  to  Gloucester  a  little 
after  the  feast  of  Saint  Mary."2  In  one  MS.  in  the 
year  993,  the  king  says,  "  I  ordered  a  synodale  council 
to  be  held  at  Winton  on  the  day  of  Pentecost."3 

The  times  of  their  meeting  seem  to  have  been 
usually  the  great  festivals  of  the  church,  as  Christmas, 
Easter,  and  Whitsuntide ;  and  of  these,  if  we  may 
judge  by  its  being  more  frequently  mentioned,  Easter 
was  the  favourite  period.  But  their  meetings  were 
not  confined  to  these  seasons  ;  for  we  find  that  they 
sometimes  took  place  in  the  middle  of  Lent4,  near  the 
feast  of  Saint  Mary5,  July6,  September,  and  October.7 
One  ancient  law-book,  the  Mirror,  mentions  "  that 
Alfred  caused  the  earls  to  meet  for  the  state  of  the 
kingdom,  and  ordained,  for  a  perpetual  usage,  that 
twice  in  the  year,  or  oftener,  if  need  were,  during 
peace,  they  should  assemble  together  at  London  to 
speak  their  minds  for  the  guiding  of  the  people ;  how 

1  3  Gale's  Script.  395.  2  Sax.  Chron.  p.  ]  63. 

3  MS.  Claud,  c.  9.  p.  122.  4  Sax.  Chron.  161. 

5  Ibid.  163.  «  Astle's  MS.  Chart.  No.  2. 
7  Sax.  Chron.  164.     Heming.  Chart.  50. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  187 

to  keep  from  offences  ;  live  in  quiet,  and  have  right      CHAP- 
done  them  by  ascertained  usages  and  sound  judg-   < — ^ — » 
ment."  8    We  may  add,  that  annual  and  more  frequent 
meetings   are   often   mentioned,   but    never    annual 
elections. 

The  place  of  their  assembly  was  not  fixed.  After 
Egbert's  accession,  the  gemot  was  convened  at  London, 
at  Kingston,  at  Wilton,  Winton,  Cloveshoe,  Dor- 
chester, Cyrenceaster,  Calne,  Ambresbury,  Oxford, 
Gloucester,  Ethelwaraburh,  Kyrtlenegum,  and  other 
places.9  Perhaps  the  place  of  their  meeting  de- 
pended on  the  king's  residence  at  the  time,  and 
was  fixed  by  his  convenience. 

Our  monarchs  seem  to  have  maintained  their  influ- 
ence in  the  witena-gemots  by  their  munificence.  One 
account  of  their  meeting  in  the  time  of  Edgar  is 
thus  given :  "  All  England  rejoicing  in  the  placid 
leisure  of  tranquil  peace,  it  happened  that  on  a 
certain  paschal  solemnity  all  the  majores  of  all  the 
country,  as  well  clergy  as  laymen,  of  both  orders  and 
professions,  met  at  the  royal  court  called  by  him  to 
celebrate  the  festivity,  and  to  be  honoured  by  him 
with  royal  gifts.  Having  celebrated  the  divine  mys- 
teries with  all  alacrity  and  joy,  all  went  to  the  palace 
to  refresh  their  bodies.  Some  days  having  been 
passed  away,  the  king's  hall  resounded  with  acclama- 
tions. The  streets  murmured  with  the  busy  hum  of 
men.  None  felt  entirely  a  refusal  of  the  royal  mu- 
nificence ;  for  all  were  magnificently  rewarded  with 
presents  of  various  sort  and  value,  in  vessels,  vest- 
ments, or  the  best  horses.10 

The  king  presided  at  the  witena-gernots,  and  some- 
times, perhaps  always,  addressed  them.  In  993  we 

8  Mirror,  c.  i.  s.  2. 

9  Sax.   Chron.    142.  161.   168.  124.  128.  163.   146.     Heming.  93.     MS.  Cott. 
Aug.  2.  20.     Astle's  MS.  Chart.  No  8.  No.  12.     MS.  Cleop.  B.  13.     MS.  Claud 
c.  9.  121. 

10  3  Gale's  Script,  p.  395. 


188  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK  have  this  account  of  a  royal  speech.  The  king  says, 
.  in  a  charter  which  recites  what  had  passed  at  one  of 
their  meetings,  "  I  benignantly  addressed  to  them 
salutary  and  pacific  words.  I  admonished  all  —  that 
those  things  which  were  worthy  of  the  Creator,  and 
serviceable  to  the  health  of  my  soul,  or  to  my  royal 
dignity,  and  which  ought  to  prevail  as  proper  for  the 
English  people,  they  might,  with  the  Lord's  assistance, 
discuss  in  common."11  The  speech  of  Edgar,  in 
favour  of  the  monks,  is  stated  at  length  in  one  of  our 
old  Chroniclers.12 

It  has  been  already  mentioned,  that  one  of  their 
duties  was  to  elect  the  sovereign,  and  to  assist  at  his 
-coronation.  Another  was  to  co-operate  with  the  king 
in  making  laws.  Thus  Bede  says,  of  the  earliest  laws 
we  have,  that  Ethelbert  established  them  "with  the 
counsel  of  his  wise  men."13  The  introductory  pas- 
sages of  the  Anglo-Saxon  laws  which  exist,  usually 
express  that  they  were  made  with  the  concurrence  of 
the  witan. 

The  witena-gemot  appears  also  to  have  made  treaties 
jointly  with  the  king ;  for  the  treaty  with  Guthrun 
and  the  Danes  thus  begins  :  "  This  is  the  treaty  which 
^Elfred,  king,  and  Gythrun,  king,  and  all  the  witan 
of  England,  and  all  the  people  in  East  Anglia, 
(that  is,  the  Danes,)  have  made  and  fastened  with 
oath."14  In  1011,  it  is  said,  that  the  king  and  his 
witan  sent  to  the  Danes  and  desired  peace,  and 
promised  tribute  and  supply. 15  On  another  occasion, 
the  Saxon  Chronicle  states,  that  the  king  sent  to  the 
hostile  fleet  an  ealdorman,  who,  with  the  word  of  the 
king,  and  his  witan,  made  peace  with  them.16  In 
1016,  it  expresses  that  Eadric,  the  ealdorman,  and 
the  witan  who  were  there,  counselled,  that  the  kings 

"  MS.  Claud,  c.  9.  p.  122.  n  Eth.  Abb.  Ailr. 

13  Bede,  lib.  ii.  c.  5.  "  Wilk.  Leg.  Angl.  47. 

15  Sax.  Chron.  140.  le  Ibid.  132. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  181) 

(Edmund  and  Canute)  should  make  peace  between     CHAP. 
them.17     In  1002,  the  king  ordered,  arid  his  witan,  . 

the  money  to  be  paid  to  the  Danes,  and  peace  to  be 
made. 18  The  treaty  printed  in  Wilkin's  Leges  Anglo- 
Saxonicae,  p.  104  ,  is  said  to  have  been  made  by  the 
king  and  his  witan. 

They  are  also  mentioned  to  us  as  assisting  the  king 
in  directing  the  military  preparations  of  the  kingdom. 
Thus  in  992,  the  Saxon  Chronicle  says,  that  "  the 
king  ordered,  and  all  his  witan,  that  man  should 
gather  together  all  the  ships  that  were  to  go  to 
London."19  In  999,  the  king,  with  his  witan,  ordered 
that  both  the  ship  fyrde  and  the  land  fyrde  should  be 
led  against  the  Danes. 20  So,  in  1052,  the  king  decreed, 
and  his  witan,  that  man  should  proceed  with  the  ships 
to  Sandwich ;  and  they  set  Raulf,  eorl,  and  Oddan, 
eorl,  to  heafod-mannum  (to  be  the  head-men)  thereto.21 

Impeachments  of  great  men  were  made  before  the 
witena-gemot.  Some  instances  may  be  concisely 
narrated.  In  1048,  the  king,  conceiving  that  he  had 
cause  of  complaint  against  the  family  of  the  famous 
Godwin,  convened  the  witena-gemot.  The  family 
armed.  The  witan  ordered  that  both  sides  should 
desist  from  hostilities,  and  that  the  king  should  give 
God's  peace  and  his  full  friendship  to  both  sides. 
Then  the  king  and  his  witan  directed  another  witena- 
gemot  to  be  assembled  at  London  on  the  next  harvest 
equinox,  and  the  king  ordered  the  army  on  the  south 
and  north  of  the  Thames  to  be  bannan. 

At  this  gemot,  eorl  Swain,  one  of  Godwin's  sons, 
was  declared  an  utlah  (outlaw)  ;  and  Godwin  and 
his  other  son,  Harold,  were  cited  to  attend  the  gemot 
as  speedily  as  possible.  They  approached,  and  desired 
peace  and  hostages,  that  they  might  come  into  the 
gemot  and  quit  it  without  treachery.  They  were  again 

17  Sax.  Chron.  150.  18  Ibid.  132.  »  Ibid.  126. 

20  Ibid.  130.  21  Ibid.  165. 


190  HISTORY   OF   THE 

cited,  and  the}7  repeated  their  demand.  Hostages 
were  refused  them,  and  five  days  of  safety  only  were 
allowed  them  to  leave  the  country.  They  obeyed, 
and  went  exiles  into  Flanders.22 

We  have  another  instance  of  the  great  council  both 
banishing  and  pardoning.  A  great  gemot  in  1052, 
was  assembled  at  London,  which  "all  the  eorls  and 
the  best  men  in  the  country "  attended.  There 
Godwin  made  his  defence,  and  purged  himself  before 
his  lord  the  king  and  all  the  people,  that  he  was 
guiltless  of  the  crime  charged  on  him  and  his  sons. 
The  king  forgave  him  and  his  family,  and  restored 
them  their  possessions  and  the  earldom.  But  the 
archbishop  and  all  the  Frenchmen  were  banished.23 

The  same  power  was  exerted  in  1055.  A  witena- 
gemot  was  assembled  seven  days  before  Mid- Lent, 
arid  eorl  Elfgar  was  outlawed  for  high  treason,  or,  as 
it  is  expressed,  because  he  was  a  swica,  a  betrayer  of 
the  king  and  all  his  people.  His  earldom  was  given 
to  another.24 

So  all  the  optimates  meeting  at  Cyrenceaster,  in 
the  reign  of  Ethelred,  banished  Elfric  for  high  treason, 
and  confiscated  all  his  possessions  to  the  king.25 

At  a  great  council,  held  in  716,  one  of  their  main 
objects  is  expressed  to  have  been  to  examine  anxiously 
into  the  state  of  the  churches  and  monasteries  in  Kent, 
and  their  possessions.26 

At  these  councils,  grants  of  land  were  made  and 
confirmed.  The  instances  of  this  are  innumerable. 
Thus,  in  811,  Cenwulf,  at  a  very  great  council  con- 
vened in  London,  gave  some  lands  of  his  own  right, 
with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  said  council. 27  It 


22  Sax.  Chron.  164.  ™  Ibid.  168.  24  Ibid.  169. 

15  MS.  Claud,  c.  9.  123,  124.  »  Astle's  MS.  Chart.  No.  2. 

27  Ibid.  No.  8.  But  it  would  seem  that  even  the  kings  could  not  grant  lands 
•without  the  consent  of  the  witena-gemot,  for  a  gift  of  land  by  a  king  is  mentioned : 
"  Sed,  quia  non  fuit  de  consensu  magnatum  regni,  donum  id  non  potuit  valere." 
1  Dug.  Mon.  20. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  191 

would  be  tedious  to  enumerate  all  the  grants  which     CHAP. 
we  know  of,  where  the  consent  of  the  council  is  stated.  . 

Many  have  been  already  alluded  to. 

At  the  council  in  716,  they  forbad  any  layman 
taking  any  thing  from  the  monastery  therein  named ; 
and  they  freed  the  lands  belonging  to  it  from  various 
impositions  and  payments.28 

At  the  council  in  824,  they  inquired  into  the  ne- 
cessities of  the  secular  deputies,  as  well  as  into  the 
monastical  disciplines,  and  into  the  ecclesiastical 
morals.  Here  a  complaint  was  made  by  the  arch- 
bishop, that  he  had  been  unjustly  deprived  of  some 
land.  He  cited  those  who  withheld  it.  The  writings 
concerning  the  land  were  produced,  and  viva  voce 
evidence  heard.  The  writings  and  the  land  were 
ordered  by  the  council  to  be  given  to  the  archbishop.29 

At  a  council  in  903,  an  ealdorman  stated  that  his 
title-deeds  had  been  destroyed  by  fire.  He  applied 
to  the  council  for  leave  to  have  new  ones.  New  ones 
were  ordered  to  be  made  out  to  him,  as  nearly  similar 
to  the  former  as  memory  could  make  them.30 

What  was  done  at  one  council  was  sometimes 
confirmed  at  another.  Thus  what  was  done  in  the 
great  council  in  Baccanfield  was  confirmed  in  the 
same  year  at  another  held  in  July  at  Cloveshoe.  So 
a  gift  at  Easter  was  confirmed  at  Christmas.31 

That  the  witena-gernot  sometimes  resisted  the  royal 
acts,  appears  from  their  not  choosing  to  consider  valid 
a  gift  of  land  by  Baldred,  king  of  Kent,  because  he  did 
0not  please  them.32 

The  witena-gemot  frequently  appears  to  us,  in  the 
Saxon  remains,  as  the  high  court  of  judicature  of  the 
kingdom,  or  as  determining  disputed  questions  about 
land. 

28  Astle's  MS.  Chart.  No.  2,  *>  Ibid.  No.  12. 

30  Ibid.  No.  21.  31  Ibid.  No.  2. ;  and  MS.  Claud,  c.  9.  124. 

32  Spelm.  Cone.  p.  340. 


192  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK.  In  896,  .ZEthelred,  the  ealdorrnan  of  Mercia,  con- 
.  vened  all  the  witan  of  Mercia,  (which  had  not  yet 
been  reduced  into  a  province,)  the  bishops,  ealdor- 
men,  and  all  the  nobility,  at  Gloucester,  with  the 
leave  of  Alfred.  "  They  consulted  how  they  most 
justly  might  hold  their  theod-scipe,  both  for  God  and 
for  the  world,  and  right  many  men,  both  clergy  and 
laity,  concerning  the  lands  and  other  things,  that 
were  detained."  At  this  gemot,  the  bishop  of  Wor- 
cester made  his  complaint  of  the  wood-land  of  which 
he  was  deprived.  All  the  witan  declared  that  the 
church  should  have  its  rights  preserved,  as  well  as 
other  persons.  A  discussion  and  an  accommodation 
took  place.33 

In  another  case  of  disputed  lands,  the  bishop  states, 
that  he  could  obtain  no  right  before  ^Ethelred  was 
lord  of  Mercia.  He  assembled  the  witan  of  Mercia  at 
Saltwic,  about  manifold  needs,  both  ecclesiastical  and 
civil.  "  Then  (says  the  bishop)  I  spoke  of  the  monas- 
tery with  the  ejipe  je  pjute,  (conveyances  of  the  land,) 
and  desired  my  right.  Then  Eadnoth,  and  Alfred, 
and  JElfstan,  pledged  me  that  they  would  either  give 
it  to  me,  or  would,  among  their  kinsfolk,  find  a  man 
who  would  take  it  on  the  condition  of  being  obedient 
to  me."  No  man,  however,  would  take  the  land  on 
these  terms,  and  the  parties  came  to  an  accommoda- 
tion on  the  subject.34 

In  851,  the  monks  of  Croyland,  having  suffered 
much  from  some  violent  neighbours,  laid  their  com- 
plaint before  the  witena-gemot.  The  king  ordered 
the  sheriff  of  Lincoln,  and  his  other  officers  in  that 
district,  to  take  a  view  of  the  lands  of  the  monastery, 
and  to  make  their  report  to  him  and  his  council, 
wherever  they  should  be,  at  the  end  of  Easter.  This 
was  done,  and  the  grievances  were  removed.35 

33  Heming.  Chart  i.  p.  93.  M  Ibid.  p.  120. 

35  Ingulf,  p.  12.     See  other  instances,  Hem.  p.  17.  27.  50. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  1 93 

The  power  of  the  witena-gemot  over  the  public     CHAP. 
gelds  of  the  kingdom  we  cannot  detail.     The  lands  of  - 

the  Anglo-Saxons,  the  burghs,  and  the  people,  appear  Taxation. 
to  us,  in  all  the  documents  of  our  ancestors,  as  sub- 
jected to  certain  definite  payments  to  the  king  as  to 
their  lords ;  and  we  have  already  stated,  that  by  a 
custom,  whose  origin  is  lost  in  its  antiquity,  among 
the  Anglo-Saxons,  all  their  lands,  unless  specially 
exempted,  were  liable  to  three  great  burdens  ;  to  the 
building  and  reparation  of  bridges  ;  also  of  fortifica- 
tions, and  to  military  expeditions.  But  what  we 
now  call  taxation  seems  to  have  begun  in  the  time  of 
Ethelred,  and  to  have  arisen  from  the  evils  of  a 
foreign  invasion.  Henry  of  Huntingdon,  speaking  of 
the  payment  of  ten  thousand  pounds  to  the  Danes,  to 
buy  off  their  hostility,  says,  "  This  evil  has  lasted  to 
our  days,  and  long  will  continue,  unless  the  mercy  of 
God  interferes ;  for  we  now  (in  the  twelfth  century) 
pay  that  to  our  kings  from  custom  which  was  paid  to 
the  Danes  from  unspeakable  terror." 36  This  payment, 
and  those  which  followed,  are  stated  to  have  been 
ordered  by  the  king  and  the  witena-gemot.37 

Under  sovereigns  of  feeble  capacity,  the  witena- 
gemot  seems  to  have  been  the  scene  of  those  factions 
which  always  attend  both  aristocracies  and  democra- 
cies, when  no  commanding  talents  exist  to  predomi- 
nate in  the  discussions,  and  to  shape  the  council. 

The  reigns  of  Ethelred  the  Second,  and  of  the 
Confessor,  were  distinguished  by  the  turbulence,  and 
e^ven  treason,  of  the  nobles.  Of  the  former,  our 

86  Hen.  Hunt.  lib.  v.  p.  357.  Bromton  Cnron.  p.  879.  Ingulf  also  complains 
heavily  of  these  exactions,  p.  55. 

37  Sax.  Chron.  126.  132.  136.  140.  142.  Unless  we  refer  it  to  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  period,  I  do  not  see  when  the  principle  could  have  originated  which  is  re- 
cognised in  Magna  Charta  and  in  its  preparatory  articles,  and  is  so  concisely 
mentioned  by  Chaucer  in  these  two  lines,  — 

'«  The  king  taxeth  not  his  men 
But  by  assent  of  the  comminaltie." 

Eel.  fol.  p.  88. 

VOL.  III.  O 


194  HISTORY   OF    THE 

BOOK      Malmsbury  writes,  "Whenever  the  duces  met  in  the 

VTTT 

.  council,  some  chose  one  thing  and  some  another. 
They  seldom  agreed  in  any  good  opinion.  They  con- 
sulted more  on  domestic  treasons,  than  on  the  public 
necessities.38 

It  was  indeed  becoming  obvious  that  the  extreme 
independence  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  aristocracy,  during 
the  last  two  reigns,  was  destroying  the  monarchy 
and  injuring  the  nation.  And  if  the  Norman  Con- 
queror had  failed  in  his  invasion,  and  had  not,  by 
tightening  the  bonds  of  feudality,  homage,  wardship, 
and  law,  reduced  the  diverging  and  contradictory 
power  of  the  nobility  into  a  state  of  more  salutary 
subordination,  it  would  have  become  pernicious  to 
the  king  and  people,  and  even  to  itself;  and  have 
brought  the  land  to  that  state  of  faction  and  civil 
warfare  from  which  the  Saxons  had  rescued  it,  and 
of  which  Poland  and  Albania  have  given  us  modern 
examples. 

38  Malmsb.  p.  63. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  195 


CHAP.  VI. 

Some  General  Principles  of  the  ANGLO-SAXON  Constitution  and 

Laws. 

FROM  a  careful  perusal   of  the  laws,  charters,  and      CIIAP- 
documents  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  which  remain,  the  • 
following  may  be  selected  as  a  statement  of  some  of 
the  great  general  principles  of  their  constitution  and 
laws :  — 

At  the  head  of  the  state  was  THE  KING  ;  the  executive  authority 
of  the  nation,  and  an  essential  part  of  its  legislature  ;  the  receiver 
and  expender  of  all  taxations;  the  centre  and  source  of  all  juris- 
prudence ;  the  supreme  chief  of  its  armies  ;  the  head  of  its  landed 
property ;  the  lord  of  the  free,  and  of  all  burghs,  excepting  such 
as  he  had  consented  to  grant  to  others  ;  the  person  intrusted  to 
summon  the  witena-gemot,  and  presiding  at  it ;  possessed  of  the 
other  prerogatives  that  have  been  noticed  ;  but  elective,  and  liable 
to  be  controuled  by  the  witena-gemot. 

Co-existing  as  anciently  as  the  sovereign,  if  not  anterior,  and 
his  elector,  was  A  WITENA-GEMOT  or  parliament,  consisting  of  the 
nobles  holding  land,  including  the  superior  thanes,  and  containing 
also  milites,  or  those  who  were  afterwards  called  knights,  and 
likewise  others  without  any  designations,  who  were  probably 
citizens  and  burgesses. 

A  church-establishment  pervaded  the  country,  consisting  of 
archbishops,  bishops,  abbots,  and  priors,  who  were  dignitaries 
sitting  in  the  witena-gemot ;  comprising  also  inferior  degrees  of 
clergy,  as  deans,  canons,  archdeacons,  priests,  parochial  rectors,  &c. ; 
besides  the  monks  and  nuns  of  their  various  cloisters. 

The  highest  orders  of  nobility  were  open  to  the  lowest  classes 
of  life. 

A  nobility  existed  with  the  titles  of  ealdorman,  hold,  heretoch, 
eorl,  and  thegn.  These  titles  were  personal  and  not  inherited. 
That  of  thegn  was  probably  connected  with  their  lands.  Some 
part  of  the  nobility  were  distinguished  by  their  birth,  others  by 
their  office.  The  possessed  lands  of  all  were  to  be  transmissible 
to  their  heirs  as  they  pleased  by  their  wills  ;  but  no  system  of 
primogeniture. 

The  landed  property  of  the  nation  was  generally  bound  to  build 
castles  and  bridges,  and  to  serve  the  king  for  a  limited  time,  in 

o  2 


196  HISTORY    OF   THE 

BOOK       his  military  expeditions,  in  proportion  to  the  quantity  of  their  land. 
VIII.        To  certain  extents  of  it,  independent  legal  jurisdictions  were  at- 
1 « '    tached,  exempt  from  all  others. 

An  order  of  milites ;  made  by  the  investment  of  the  military 
belt,  who  were  the  privileged  classes  that  served  for  the  lands  of 
the  nobility  and  clergy  and  for  their  own,  and  who  could  not  serve 
in  the  army  in  this  rank  nor  command  others  until  it  had  been 
conferred.  These  were  the  superior  class  of  the  free. 

A  class  of  freemen ;  with  the  king  for  their  lord  and  defender, 
subject  to  no  other  master  but  whom  they  chose  to  serve. 

The  majority  of  the  population,  slaves  or  bondsmen  to  the  other 
classes  of  society,  with  many  shades  of  servility  or  of  employment; 
who  had  no  constitutional  or  political  right,  but  were  part  of  the 
property  of  their  master,  and  as  such,  bought,  sold,  and  trans- 
missible at  his  pleasure ;  but  for  whose  benefit  the  laws  were 
watchful,  and  made  from  time  to  time  various  kind  and  super- 
intending regulations,  to  promote  their  good  usage  and  emancipa- 
tion as  well  as  good  conduct. 

No  property  of  the  nobility,  clergy,  or  free,  was  taxed  without 
the  consent  of  these  orders,  given  in  the  witena-gemot.  . 

All  the  nobles  and  free  were  required  to  be  always  armed  with 
arms  appropriate  to  their  condition. 

All  the  free  were  required  to  place  themselves  in  some  ty thing; 
and  every  one  was  to  be  under  bail  for  his  general  good  behaviour, 
under  certain  regulations ;  and  the  bail  were  to  answer  for  his 
quiet  conduct. 

Bail  was  to  be  given  for  all  prosecutions,  and  for  all  defences. 

Offences  were  punished  by  fines  to  the  state,  as  well  as  by  com- 
pensation to  the  party. 

Every  class  had  a  pecuniary  value  fixed  on  it,  at  which  each 
individual  of  it  was  estimated,  called  his  were ;  and  also  another 
called  mund,  by  which  the  value  of  his  social  peace  was  guarded. 

A  high  regard  for  the  personal  liberty  of  the  free  subject,  while 
unoffending  against  the  laws  ;  and  repeated  provisions  made  to 
punish  those  who  imprisoned  or  bound  him  without  legal  justice. 

Their  principle  of  repelling  criminal  accusations  was  that  of  the 
accused  producing  a  certain  number  of  his  neighbours,  who  swore 
to  their  belief  of  his  innocence.  Of  this  custom  our  habit  of  pro- 
ducing witnesses  to  character  is  a  remnant.  This  imposed  on 
every  one  the  strongest  obligation  to  maintain  a  good  character  in 
his  neighbourhood. 

To  this  principle  was  attached  at  length  the  right  of  trial  by 
jury.     No  record  marks  the  date  of  its  commencement.     It  was 
therefore  either  one  of  their  immemorial  institutions,  or  was  in- 
troduced by  the  Danish  colonists,  among  whose  countrymen  it  pre-. 
vailed. 

From  the  extreme  independence  and  violence  of  the  great,  and 
from  the  warlike  spirit  and  habit  of  all  their  society,  every 
stranger  and  traveller  was  considered  as  a  suspected  person,  and 
jealously  watched  by  many  legal  restrictions. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  197 

From  the  same  cause,  all  purchases  above  a  very  small  sum 
were  required  to  be  public,  and  in  the  presence  of  witnesses,  in 
every  city  appointed  for  that  purpose. 

Although  the  right  of  property  was  a  fixed  principle  among 
them,  yet  it  was  subject  to  certain  rules,  both  of  tenure  and  trans- 
mission, and  to  certain  payments ;  but  none  of  these  seem  to  have 
been  arbitrary,  but  all  definite,  known,  and  customary. 

Public  fairs  at  certain  seasons,  and  markets  every  week,  were 
allowed  by  law,  and  usually  granted  by  charter.  Tolls  and  pay- 
ments to  those  entitled  to  receive  them  accompanied  their  sales ; 
and  tolls  also  were  levied  on  the  high  roads  on  those  who  passed 
with  traffic. 

Every  man  was  ordered  to  perform  to  others  the  right  that  he 
desired  to  have  himself. 

Judges  were  warned  that  every  act  should  be  carefully  distin- 
guished, and  the  judgment  be  always  given  righteously  according 
to  the  deed ;  and  be  moderated  according  to  the  degree  of  the 
offence. 

The  superior  orders  were  emphatically  enjoined  to  comfort  and 
feed  the  poor ;  to  gladden  and  not  distress  widows  and  orphans, 
and  not  to  harass  or  oppress  strangers  and  travellers. 

The  witena-gemot  declared  that  just  laws  should  be  established 
before  God  and  the  world,  and  that  all  that  was  unlawful  should 
be  carefully  abolished ;  and  that  every  man,  poor  or  rich,  should 
be  entitled  to  his  common  rights,  or,  as  they  termed  it,  be  worthy 
of  his  folk-right. 

The  principle  of  the  laws  was  that  of  continual  improvement, 
either  by  addition,  annulment,  or  qualification,  as  circumstances 
required,  and  without  any  principle  of  immutability.  The 
meetings  of  the  witena-gemot  gave  the  means  of  this  improvement, 
and  their  laws  for  the  conversion  of  slaves  into  free  men,  contrary 
to  the  interest  of  the  chieftains,  exhibited  striking  evidence  of  the 
impulse  of  the  improving  spirit. 

That  legal  redress  should  be  refused  to  no  one,  was  one  of  Ina's 
laws,  which  enacted  penalties  on  the  shire-men  or  judges  who  gave 
refusal : 

That  revenge  should  not  be  taken  personally  till  legal  justice 
had  been  sought  was  another. 

The  natural  liberty  of  every  individual  was  to  be  restricted  by 
definite  laws  so  far  as  social  good  required,  but  only  by  definite 
,and  previously  enacted  laws. 

Not  only  the  life  and  liberty  of  the  free  were  strictly  guarded 
by  law,  but  every  limb  of  the  body  had  its  protecting  penalty, 
which  was  to  be  paid  by  those  who  injured  it,  that  the  safety  of 
every  individual  might  be  reduced  to  as  great  a  certainty  as 
positive  law  and  punishment  could  make  it. 

To  discourage  fighting  and  personal  violence  was  a  continual 
object  of  the  witena-gemot ;  and  also  to  repress  those  habits  of 
reputable  robbery  and  rapine  which  the  powerful  and  warlike  in- 
dulged in. 

The  domestic  peace  of  every  individual  was  promoted  by.  strong 

o  3 


198  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK      laws  against  trespasses  in  his  house  or  lands ;  and  every  one  was 
VIII.        required  to  make  hedges  to  keep  his  cattle  from  injuring  another. 
'"     •  The  observance  of  Sunday  as  a  day  of  rest  from  all  worldly 

labour  was  strictly  enforced. 

To  abate  the  pride  and  violences  of  a  powerful  and  oppressive 
aristocracy,  the  Anglo-Saxon  clergy  taught  the  natural  equality 
of  man,  which  Alfred  also  enforced. 

But  the  gradation  of  ranks  was  a  principle  recognised  by  all  the 
laws ;  and  offences  were  differently  punished  according  to  the 
quality  of  both  the  offender  and  the  offended. 

Each  class  had  its  appropriate  rights  and  protecting  penalties, 
and  its  appointed  redress ;  each  was  kept  distinct,  but  each  was 
rescued  from  the  oppressions  of  the  other ;  and  the  law  and  go- 
vernment, as  far  as  they  could  operate,  watched  impartially  over 
all,  and  for  the  benefit  of  all. 

The  character  of  individuals  was  protected  as  well  as  their  right 
and  property  ;  and  slanderous  words  were  subjected  to  punishment. 

The  fair  sex  were  taken  by  the  law  under  its  protection,  and 
the  principle  of  respecting  and  exalting  it  appears  in  one  of  our 
earliest  laws,  which  placed  the  children,  on  the  father's  death, 
under  the  care  of  the  mother  ;  and  by  another  forbidding  concu- 
binage ;  and  by  others  protecting  them  from  violence  and  forced 
marriages. 

A  tenderness  even  for  animals  appears  in  the  provision  that 
lambs  should  not  be  sheared  before  Midsummer. 

We  will  close  this  enumeration  by  adding  the 
principles  which  appear  in  the  laws  of  king  Ca- 
nute :  — 

That  just  laws  shall  be  universally  established. 

We  forbid  that  any  Christian  man  should  be  consigned  to  death 
for  a  small  cause,  but  rather  that  a  peace-like  punishment  should 
be  established  for  the  public  benefit ;  that  man  may  not  destroy 
the  work  of  the  Divine  hands  for  a  little  cause,  who  was  redeemed 
by  so  dear  a  price. 

That  it  should  be  always  contemplated  in  every  way  how  the 
best  councils  may  be  adopted  for  the  benefit  of  the  public : 

That  every  one  twelve  winters  old  should  swear  that  he  will 
not  be  a  thief,  nor  the  adviser  of  a  thief: 

That  nothing  shall  be  bought  above  four  pennies'  worth,  living 
or  dead,  without  the  true  witness  of  four  men. 

No  one  shall  receive  another  into  his  house  for  more  than  three 
days,  unless  one  that  had  previously  served  him  as  a  follower. 

Every  master  shall  be  the  pledge  or  bail  for  his  own  family,  and 
answer  for  it,  if  accused. 

If  any  friendless  man  or  stranger  be  accused,  so  that  he  has  no 
bail,  he  must  be  put  into  the  pillory  till  he  doth  go  to  the  ordeal. 

A  man  convicted  of  perjury  shall  be  disqualified  for  giving 
evidence  afterwards. 

Every  man  might  hunt  in  his  own  woods  and  fields. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  199 


CHAP:  vii. 

Their  Official  and  other  Dignities. 
THE  EALDOEMAN  was  the  highest  officer  in  the  king-      CIIAP- 

VII. 

dom.  In  rank  he  was  inferior  to  an  etheling ;  for  «__,_ — - 
when  an  etheling's  were-geld  was  fifteen  thousand  Ealdorman- 
thrymsas,  an  ealdorman's  was  but  eight  thousand.1 
He  was  the  chief  of  a  shire,  and  he  lost  this  dignity  if 
he  connived  at  the  escape  of  a  robber,  unless  the  king 
pardoned  him.2  He  was  one  of  the  witan,  who  attended 
the  witena-gemot.3  He  presided  with  the  bishop  at 
the  scire-gemot,  which  he  was  ordered  to  attend4,  and 
the  folc-gemot.5  He  ranked  with  a  bishop6,  but  was 
superior  to  the  thegn.7  He  had  great  civil  powers  in 
administering  justice,  and  also  enjoyed  high  military 
authority  ;  he  is  mentioned  as  leading  the  shire  to 
battle  against  the  enemy.8  To  draw  weapons  before 
him,  incurred  a  penalty  of  one  hundred  shillings9; 
and  to  fight  before  him  in  a  gemot  incurred  a 
fine  to  him  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  shillings, 
besides  other  punishments.10  The  ealdorman  is  a 
title  which  occurs  perpetually  in  the  Saxon  Chronicle. 

The  EORL  is  a  dignity  recognised  in  our  earliest  Eori. 
laws.  It  appears  in  those  of  Ethelbert,  who  died  in 
G16,  where  offences  in  the  tune  and  against  thebirele 
*  of  an  eorl  are  expressly  punished.11  He  is  also 
mentioned  in  a  charter,  dated  680. 12  The  mund  of 
his  widow  is  highly  estimated.13  He  is  also  no- 

1  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  p.  71.  a  Ibid.  20.  *  Ibid.  14. 

4  Ibid.  78.  136.  s  Ibid.  42.  «  Ibid.  38. 

7  Ibid.  22.  71.  •  Sax.  Chron.  p.  78. 

9  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  p.  38.  w  Ibid.  42.  »  Ibid.  3. 

12  Spelman.  Concil.  p.  164.  13  Wilk.  Leg.  p.  7. 

o  4 


200  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK     ticed  in  the  laws  of  Alfred,  Edward,  Ethelstan,  and 

VIII.  T?  j  14 

, ,   Edgar.14 

An  eorl's  heriot  was  four  horses  saddled  and  four 
horses  not  saddled,  four  helms,  four  mails,  eight  spears 
and  shields,  four  swords,  and  two  hundred  mancusa, 
of  gold,  which  was  twice  a  thegn's  heriot.15  To  be  an 
eorl  was  a  dignity  to  which  a  thegn  might  arrive16,  and 
even  a  ceorl.17 

In  656,  Wulfer  in  his  charter  mentions  the  eorls : 
"  I,  Wulfer,  kyning,  with  the  king  and  with  eorls, 
and  with  herotogas,  and  with  thegnas,  the  witnesses 
of  this  gift."18  The  persons  who  sign  this,  with  the 
king  and  clergy,  call  themselves  ealdormen.  The 
title  of  eorl  occurs  again  in  a  grant  of  67 5 19,  and 
afterwards.20 

In  the  fragment  of  poetry  in  the  Saxon  Chronicle 
to  the  year  975,  Edward,  the  son  of  Edgar,  is  called  the 
eorla  ealder,  the  ruler  of  eorls.21 

In  966,  Oslac  is  stated  to  have  received  his  ealdor- 
dome.  In  975,  he  is  called  se  msere  eorl,  the  great  earl, 
and  is  stated  to  have  been  banished22;  he  is  also  called 
ealdorman.23  This  same  Oslac  is  mentioned  in  the  laws 
of  Edgar  as  an  earl :  "Then  let  Oslac  eorl  promote  it, 
and  all  the  army  that  in  this  ealdordome  remaineth."24 
These  passages  induce  a  belief  that  eorl  and  ealdorman 
were  but  different  denominations  of  the  same  official 
dignity.  Yet,  when  we  find  in  the  Chronicle  such 
.  distinctions,  in  the  same  paragraph,  as  "Ealfrice 
ealdorman,  and  Thorode  eorl25,"  we  are  led  to  ima- 
gine that  there  must  have  been  some  peculiar  traits 
by  which  they  were  discriminated.  But  it  is  obvious, 
from  the  Saxon  Chronicle,  that  eorldome26  expressed 

>4  Wilk.  35.  53.  70.  82.  Js  Ibid.  144.  '«  Ibid.  71. 

17  Ibid.  112.  la  Sax.  Chron.  p.  37.        19  Ibid.  42. 

20  Ibid.  62.  2I  Ibid.  123.  w  Ibid.  121.  123. 

28  Ibid.  122.  24  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  82. 

»  Sax.  Chron.  127.  M  Ibid.  168,  169. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  201 

the  same  thing  that  ealdordome  has  been  applied  to 
signify. 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  period,  the 
title  ealdorman  seems  to  have  been  superseded  by  that 
of  eorl.27  The  iarl  of  the  Northmen  was  the  same  title. 
We  cannot  now  ascertain  the  precise  distinction  of 
rank  and  power  that  prevailed  between  the  eorl  and 
the  ealdorman. 

The  term  HERETOCH  implies  the  leader  of  an  army ;  neretoch. 
and  HOLD  is  mentioned  as  a  dignity  in  JEthelstan's  HOW. 
laws,  whose  were  was  higher  than  that  of  a  thegn.28 
Many  persons  with  this  title  are  mentioned  in  the 
Saxon  Chronicle29,  in  the  years  905,  911. 

The  GEREFAS  were  officers  appointed  by  the  execu- 
tive power,  and  in  rank  inferior  to  the  eorl  or  ealdor- 
man. They  were  of  various  kinds.  The  heh-gerefa 
is  mentioned,  whose  were  was  four  thousand  thrym- 
sas.30  Also  the  wic- gerefa,  before  whom  purchases  of 
the  Kentishmen  in  London  were  to  be  made,  unless 
they  had  good  witnesses.31  And  the  porte-gerefa,  or 
the  gerefa  of  the  gate,  who  was  to  witness  all  purchases 
without  the  gate,  unless  other  unimpeachable  persons 
were  present.32 

The  gerefas  were  in  every  byrig.33      They  were  Gerefa,  or 
judicial  officers34,  and  were  ordered  to  judge  according  Reeve- 
to   right  judgment,   and   the   dom-boc,  or   book  of 
judgment.     They  delivered  over  offenders  to  punish- 
ment.35      They   were   present   at   the   folc-gemot36, 
where  they  were  to  do  justice.     They  were  ordered  to 
convene   a   gemot   every   four   weeks,    to   end   law- 
*  suits.37   They  took  bail  or  security  in  their  respective 
shires  for  every  one  to  keep  the  peace ;  and  if  they 
omitted  to  take  the  bail,  and  neglected  their  duty, 

27  Sax.  Chron.  164—173.  »  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  71. 

29  Sax.  Chron.  101.  103.  »  Wilk.  Leg.  71. 

81  Ibid.  9.  w  Ibid.  48. 

83  Ibid.  54,  55.  M  Ibid.  9.  12.  48,  49. 

35  Ibid.  12.  *  Ibid.  39.  41.  3J  Ibid.  50. 


202  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK  they  lost  their  office,  and  the  king's  friendship,  and 
.  forfeited  to  him  one  hundred  and  twenty  shillings.38 

In  cases  of  robbery,  application  was  to  be  made  to 
the  gerefa  in  whose  district  it  was  ;  and  he  was  to 
provide  as  many  men  as  were  sufficient  to  apprehend 
the  thief,  and  avenge  the  injury.39  If  any  one  became 
"  untrue "  to  every  one,  the  king's  gerefa  was  to  go 
and  bring  him  under  bail,  that  he  might  be  brought 
to  justice  to  answer  his  accuser.  If  the  offender 
could  find  no  bail,  he  was  to  be  killed.40  He  was  to 
supply  such  prisoners  with  food  who  had  no  relations 
that  could  support  them.41  He  was  to  defend  the 
abbots  in  their  necessities.42 

They  were  made  responsible  for  their  official  con- 
duct. If  they  neglected  their  duty,  it  was  ordered, 
in  the  laws  of  Ethelstan,  that  they  should  be  fined  for 
their  delinquency,  and  be  displaced,  and  the  bishop 
was  to  announce  it  to  the  gerefa  in  his  province. 
If  they  broke  the  law,  they  had  to  pay  five  pounds 
the  first  time,  the  price  of  their  were  the  second,  and 
for  the  third  offence  they  lost  all  their  property.43  If 
they  took  a  bribe  to  pervert  right,  they  were  punished 
as  severely.44 

The  thegns  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  were  in  rank 
below  the  eorls  and  ealdormen.  They  formed  a 
species  of  nobility  peculiar  to  those  ancient  times ; 


88  Wilk.  Leg.  69.  "  Ibid.  68.  40  Ibid.  103. 

41  Ibid.  34.  42  Ibid.  115.  «  Ibid.  61. 

44  Ibid.  62.  The  exposition  of  the  duties  of  an  eorl,  and  the  higher  dignities, 
•which  exists  in  Anglo-Saxon,  adds  something  to  our  notions  of  their  character : 
"Eorls  and  heretogas,  and  the  secular  judges,  and  also  the  gerefas,  must  necessarily 
love  justice  before  God  and  the  world,  and  must  never  by  unjust  judgment  lay 
aside  their  own  wisdom  for  either  enmity  or  friendship.  They  must  not  thus  turn 
wrong  into  right,  nor  decree  injustice  to  the  oppression  of  the  poor.  They  should, 
above  all  other  things,  honour  and  defend  the  church  ;  they  should  protect  widows 
and  orphans,  and  help  the  needy,  and  watch  to  guard  the  enslaved.  Thieves  and 
robbers  they  should  hate,  and  spoilers  and  plunderers  destroy,  unless  they  will 
amend  and  abstain  for  ever  from  their  violences.  For  this  is  true  which  I  say, 
believe  it  who  will,  '  Woe  to  those  that  inflict  injury,  unless  they  amend :  most 
surely  they  shall  suffer  in  the  dim  and  deep  caverns  of  the  infernal  punishments, 
apart  from  all  help,"'  &c.  Lib.  Const.  Wilk.  Leg.  149. 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 

and  though,  at  this  distant  period,  they  cannot  be  de- 
lineated accurately,  yet,  from  the  circumstances  which 
we  can  collect,  we  shall  find  them  a  very  curious  and 
interesting  order  of  men. 

It  has  been  already  mentioned,  that  it  was  a  rank 
attainable  by  all,  even  by  the  servile,  and  that  the  re- 
quisites which  constituted  the  dignity  are  stated  in 
the  laws  to  have  been  the  possession  of  five  hides  of  his 
own  land,  a  church,  a  kitchen,  a  bell-house,  a  judicial 
seat  at  the  burgh  gate,  and  a  distinct  office  or  station 
in  the  king's  hall.  It  is  not  clear  whether  this  means 
an  office  in  the  king's  house-hold,  or  a  seat  in  the 
witena-gemot.  The  latter  has  some  probabilities  in 
its  favour. 

But  it  was  essential  to  a  thegn,  that  he  should  be  a 
landed  proprietor ;  for  though  a  ceorl  had  a  helm, 
mail,  and  a  gold-handled  sword,  yet  if  he  had  no  land, 
the  laws  declare  that  he  must  still  remain  a  ceorl.45 

The  thegns  were  of  two  descriptions.  The  inferior 
sort  was  called  thegn,  and  the  superior  were  distin- 
guished as  king's  thegns.  The  laws  recognise  these 
two  descriptions.  A  king's  thegn  accused  of  homicide 
was  to  acquit  himself  of  guilt  by  twelve  king's  thegns ; 
a  thegn  of  lessa  maga,  with  eleven  of  his  equals.46 
The  here-geat,  or  heriot  of  the  king's  thegn  that  was 
nearest  to  him,  was  two  horses  saddled,  and  two  not 
saddled,  two  swords,  four  spears,  shields,  helms,  and 
mails,  and  fifty  mancusa  of  gold.  But  the  here-geat 
of  a  middling  thegn  was  but  one  horse,  and  his  trap- 
pings and  arms.47  By  comparing  these  heriots,  we 
may  see  how  greatly  superior  the  rank  of  the  king's 
thegn  was  esteemed. 

45  Wilk.  Leg.  70. 

M  Ibid.  47.  So  the  superior  thane  is  mentioned  in  the  laws  as  having  a  thane 
under  him,  serving  him  as  his  lord  in  the  king's  hall.  Ibid.  71. 

47  Ibid.  144.  The  officers  of  the  king's  ^household  were  also  called  thegns,  as 
his  disc-thegn,  hregel-thegn,  hors-thegn,  or  the  thanes  of  his  clislies,  his  wardrobe, 
and  his  horses. 


203 


BOOK          The  inferior  thegns  appear  to  have  been  numerous. 

•   In  every  borough,    says  a  law,    thirty-three   thanes 

were   chosen    to  witness.     In  small  burghs,  and  to 

every  hundred,  twelve  were  to  be  selected.48     Thegns 

had  halls. 

Thegns  are  twice  mentioned  in  the  laws  as  thegns 
born  so.49  Perhaps  the  title  was  attached  to  their 
landed  property,  and  descended  with  it.  In  the 
Domesday  Survey,  many  lands  are  mentioned  in  se- 
veral counties,  which  are  called  "  Terra  tainorum ; " 
the  land  of  the  thegns  ;  and  they  are  mentioned  also 
with  their  milites.  Thegn-lands  seem  to  have  had 
some  analogy  with  the  baronies  of  the  Norman  times. 

If  a  thegn  had  a  church  in  his  boclande,  with  a 
place  of  burial,  he  was  to  give  to  the  church  one 
third  of  his  own  tenths  ;  if  he  had  not  a  burial-place, 
he  was  to  give  what  he  chose  out  of  the  nine  parts. 50 

What  Alfred  calls  the  king's  thegn  is  in  Bede  the 
king's  minister.51  No  one  was  to  have  any  socne  or 
jurisdiction  over  him  but  the  king.52 

We  learn  from  Domesday-book,  that  for  the  tenure 
of  five  hides  of  land  the  owner  was  liable  to  the  fyrd, 
or  Saxon  militia.  We  have  also  found,  that  the 
tenure  of  five  hides  of  land  was  essential  to  the  dig- 
nity of  thegn.  The  king's  thegn  is  mentioned  in  the 
laws  as  attending  in  his  expeditions,  and  as  having  a 
thegn  under  him.53 

The  thegn  was  also  a  magistrate,  and  might  lose  his 
dignity.  The  laws  declared,  that  if  a  judge  decided 
unjustly,  he  should  pay  to  the  king  one  hundred  and 
twenty  shillings,  unless  he  could  swear  that  he  knew 

48  Wilk.  Leg.  80.     Their  halls  are  often  mentioned  in  Domesday- book. 

«  Ibid.  125.  127.  »  Ibid.  130.  144. 

61  Bede.  lib.  ii.  c.  9.  and  lib.  iv.  c.  22.     Alfred,  p.  511.  and  591. 

53  Wilk.  Leg.  118.  The  thegn  is  not  merely  termed  a  liberalis  homo,  or  free 
man,  as  in  Tex.  Roff,  but  his  rank  is  mentioned  in  the  higher  degree  of  the  com- 
parative mood,  as  one  of  the  liberalioribus,  one  of  the  more  free. 

63  Wilk.  Leg.  71. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  205 

no  better  ;  and  he  was  to  lose  his  thegn-scipe,  unless     CHAP. 
he  could  afterwards  buy  it  of  the  king.54  . — <— > 

They  are  thus  mentioned  by  Edgar  :  "  In  every 
byrig,  and  in  every  scire,  I  will  have  my  kingly  rights, 
as  my  father  had ;  and  my  thegns  shall  have  their 
thegn-ship  in  my  time,  as  they  had  in  my  father's."55 

His  were  was  two  thousand  thrymsa.56  It  is  else- 
where stated  as  equal  to  that  of  six  ceorls,  or  twelve 
hundred  shillings.57  If  a  thief  took  refuge  with  a 
thegn,  he  was  allowed  three  days'  asylum.58 

The  judicial  magistracy  of  the  thegns  appears  from 
their  assisting  at  the  shire-gemots.  The  Northmen 
had  also  a  dignity  of  this  sort,  for  thegns  are  men- 
tioned in  Snorre. 

I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  the  superior  thanes 
were  those  who  were  afterwards  called  barons,  for  the 
laws  of  Henry  the  First  put  the  titles  as  synonymous59 ; 
and  that  the  next  degree  of  thegns  were  those  who 
were  after  the  Conqueror's  time  termed  knights, 
because  five  hydes  of  land  were  the  feudum  of  a 
knight60,  and  the  thegn  of  five  hydes  of  land  is  men- 

54  Wilk.  Leg.  78.  135.  M  Ibid.  80.  M  Ibid.  71. 

87  Ibid.  64.  72.  He  is  mentioned  as  synonymous  with  twelfhynde  man.  Leg. 
Hem. ;  Wilk.  265.  ;  and  Du  Cange  voc.  Liberalet.  In  another  passage  of 
the  laws  of  Henry  I.  the  twelfhynde  is  mentioned  as  a  man  plene  nobilis,  and  a 
thane,  p.  269.  Such  a  man  was  to  swear  as  for  sixty  hydes  of  land.  Wilk.  18. 
AVe  may,  therefore,  consider  this  as  the  quantity  of  land  of  the  higher  thane.  The 
comparative  dignities  of  the  land,  in  the  time  of  Ethelstan,  will  appear  from  their 
different  weres : 

The  king's  was         ....  30,000  thrymsa. 

Etheling's,  or  king's  sons,  -         -  15,000 

Bishop     -----  8000 

Ealdorman       ...         -  8000 

Holdes  and  high-gerefa       -         -  4000 

Mass  thegn      -  2000 

World's  thegn  -  20OO 

Ceorl 266 

58  Wilk.  Leg.  63. 

59  Thaini  vel  baronis.     Wilk.   Leg.   p.   250.  and  276.     They   are  frequently 
classed  with   barons,   as  272.     The  same   Is  implied  in   the  Hist  Rames.,  who 
uses  the  term  baronis  where  the  Saxon  word  would  have  been  thegn,  p.  395.     So 
Hist,  El.  475. 

60  Quinque   hidae   (faciunt)   foedum   militis.     Chr.    T.    Red.   ap.  Blamt.    voc. 
Virgata. 


206  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK      tioned  as  that  rank  of  thegn  which  served  the  more 


VIII. 


dignified  thegns. 61  These  inferior  thanes  were  called 
middling  thanes.62  A  general  idea  of  an  Anglo- 
Saxon  nobleman  may  be  formed  from  the  note  below.63 

w  Wilk.  Leg.  p.  71.  The  Epistle  of  the  prior  and  convent  of  Canterbury  to 
Henry  IL  states,  that  before  the  Conqueror's  time  there  were  no  knights  in  England 
but  threnges,  and  that  this  king  converted  them  into  knights.  Wilk.  429.  This 
authority  tends  to  show  that  Drengc  was  the  Anglo-Saxon  word  at  first  applied  to 
express  their  milites.  It  occurs  frequently  in  their  poems  on  martial  subjects. 
The  term  cniht  at  last  superseded  it.  Drenches  occur  in  Domesday. 

82  In  Saxon  medeme,  and  in  Latin  mediocris.  The  comparative  ranks  in  Henry 
the  First's  time  appear  thus  in  their  revelationes ;  the  comes,  eight  horses,  four 
helmets,  four  coats  of  mail,  eight  lances  and  shields,  four  swords,  and  one  hundred 
mancae  of  gold  ;  the  king's  thegn,  "  who  is  next,"  four  horses,  two  swords,  four 
lances  and  shields,  one  helm  and  mail,  and  fifty  mancae ;  the  middling  thane,  one 
horse,  with  his  trappings  and  arms,  and  his  half-hang.  Leg.  Hen.  Wilk.  245. 
We  may  look  on  these  as  corresponding  with  the  ranks  of  earls,  barons,  and 
knights. 

63  The  Monk  of  Ramsay  has  left  a  full  picture  of  what  was  then  deemed  an  ac- 
complished nobleman,  in  the  following  traits  of  the  character  of  one  of  Edgar's 
favourites,  and  in  Oswald's  conversation  with  his  brother :  — 

"  His  innate  prudence,  his  noble  birth,  and  approved  vigour  of  body  in  warlike 
affairs,  had  obtained  from  the  king  much  dignity  and  favour.  He  was  distinguished 
for  religion  at  home,  and  for  the  exercise  of  his  strength  and  use  of  military 
discipline  abroad.  He  adorned  the  nobility  which  he  derived  from  his  birth  by 
the  beauty  of  his  manners.  Cheerful  and  pleasing  in  his  countenance  ;  venerable 
in  his  mien  ;  courteous  in  his  fluent  conversation  ;  mild  and  sincere  in  his  words ; 
in  duty  impartial ;  in  his  affections  cautious  ;  with  a  heart  resembling  his  face  ; 
constant  in  good  faith  ;  steady  and  devout.  In  counsel  persuading  what  was  right ; 
ending  disputes  by  the  equity  of  his  judgments;  revering  the  divine  love  in  others, 
and  persuading  them  to  cultivate  it." 

Oswald  says  of  him  :  "  Throughout  the  king's  palace  he  was  famed  and  esteemed ; 
his  nod  seemed  to  govern  the  royal  mind ;  clothed  in  silk  and  purple,  he  shared 
the  royal  banquets  with  us  in  the  court,"  &c.  His  brother,  also  a  favourite  with 
the  king,  tells  the  bishop :  "  I  am  a  man  under  the  power  of  another,  exercising 
also  authority  myself.  Nobility  of  birth,  abundance  of  wealth,  the  wisdom  of  the 
world,  the  grace  of  the  lip,  and  the  public  favour,  as  well  of  the  rich  as  of  the  poor, 
have  alike  exalted  me  ;  yet  I  cannot  apply  to  the  good  studies  which  I  desire. 
Often  the  king's  difficulties,  or  warlike  exercises,  or  the  distributions  of  presents  to 
the  knights,  or  the  judgment  of  causes,  or  the  exercise  of  punishment  on  the  guilty, 
or  some  other  forensic  business,  which  I  can  hardly  if  ever  decline  without  offence, 
occupy  and  fatigue  me."  Hist.  Ram.  3  Gale,  395,  396. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  207 


CHAP.  VIII. 

Some  Features  of  the  Political  State  of  the  ANGLO-SAXONS. 

OUR  Saxon  ancestors  appear  to  us  at  first  in  that  CHAP. 
state  in  which  a  great  nation  is  preparing  to  be  formed  .__  w~- 
on  new  principles,  unattained  by  human  experience 
before.  The  process  was  that  of  leading  their  popu- 
lation to  such  a  practical  system  as  would  combine 
the  liberty  of  the  people  with  the  independence  and 
elevated  qualities  of  a  high-spirited  nobility,  and  with 
the  effective  authority  of  a  presiding  king,  and  of 
such  wise  and  improving  laws  as  the  collected  wisdom 
of  the  nation  should  establish  from  the  deliberations 
of  its  witeria-gemot,  not  legislating  only  for  the 
powerful. 

The  first  stage  in  this  political  formation  was  the 
diffusion  and  independence  of  a  great  and  powerful 
nobility.  After  these  were  radically  fixed  in  the 
land,  the  influence  and  prerogatives  of  the  king  were 
enlarged,  and  the  numbers  of  the  free  were  increased. 
A  new  bulwark  was  also  raised  for  the  benefit  of  all 
the  three  classes,  in  a  richly  endowed  church,  who, 
besides  their  political  utility  in  supporting,  as  cir- 
cumstances pressed,  each  order  of  the  state  from  the 
oppressions  of  the  rest,  introduced  into  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  mind  all  the  literature  it  possessed.  The 
course  of  events  led  all  these  great  bodies  into  occa- 
sional collisions  with  each  other,  and  with  foreign 
invaders,  till  the  actual  practice  of  life  had  abated 
their  mutual  excesses  and  injurious  powers.  The 
nobility  and  great  landed  proprietors,  however,  still 
too  much  preponderated  in  their  exclusive  privileges, 


208  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK  when  the  Norman  Conquest  occurred  to  fix  them  in  a 
•  greater  subordination  to  the  crown  and  to  the  law 
than  the  Anglo-Saxon  constitution  permitted.  From 
the  time  of  the  Conquest  the  English  aristocracy  de- 
clined into  an  inferior,  but  permanent  state  of  power, 
more  compatible  with  the  freedom  and  prosperity  of 
the  nation,  and  the  liberties  of  the  people,  while  the 
number  of  the  free  were  proportionably  multiplied. 

That  a  great  landed  and  independent  aristocracy 
should  have  been  first  formed  in  the  nation  was  the 
natural  result  of  their  mode  of  invading  the  Britons. 
Small  fleets  of  Anglo-Saxon  warriors  successively 
landed,  and  forced  from  the  Britons  certain  districts 
of  the  island,  which  their  future  warfare  enlarged. 
Being  comparatively  few  in  number,  the  division  of 
the  conquered  territory  threw  large  tracts  of  land  into 
the  hands  of  the  first  chieftains  and  their  followers, 
and  the  conquered  natives  were  made  their  slaves. 
Their  king  being  then  but  one  of  themselves, 
elected  as  their  war-king,  had  no  pretensions  to  more 
power  or  prerogatives  than  they  chose  to  concede  ; 
and  hence  a  martial  aristocracy,  headed  by  a  king, 
became  the  prevailing  character  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
body  politic.  Their  feuds  with  each  other  led  the 
weaker  party  at  all  times  to  seek  aid  from  the  king, 
and  the  people  had  no  other  asylum  than  his  power 
from  the  violence  of  their  superiors.  Hence  the 
royal  authority  was  perpetually  invited  into  greater 
power  and  activity  for  the  general  benefit ;  and  the 
Christian  clergy  made  it  venerable  to  the  nation  by 
the  religious  considerations  which  they  attached  to  it. 
Thus  the  first  state  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  nation  was 
that  of  a  great  landed  body,  in  proud  independence, 
of  fierce  spirit,  and  attached  to  military  habits.  The 
rest  of  the  nation  were  chiefly  enslaved  peasantry  and 
domestics,  and  free  burghs,  with  poor  artisans,  and 
tradesmen  of  small  consideration  and  no  greater 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  209 

property;    with  a  clergy  that,    in   their  tithes    and      CHAP. 
church   payments,  and  in  the  endowments  of  their  . 
monasteries,  were  sharing  with  the  nobles  the  land 
and  property  of  the  country. 

But  the  same  evil  existed  among  the  Anglo-Saxons 
that  attends  every  country  in  which  the  laws  of  pro- 
perty have  become  established,  and  to  which  extensive 
commerce  has  not  opened  its  channels  ;  that  of  con- 
tinually having  an  unprovided  population,  which  had 
their  subsistence  to  seek,  and  their  love  of  consequence 
to  gratify.  The  monasteries  took  off  some  portion  of 
this  disquieting  body,  which  was  the  more  formidable 
to  the  peaceful,  from  the  warlike  habits  of  the 
country  ;  but  the  larger  part  sought  their  provision 
perpetually  by  the  sword.  Hence  robbery  and  rapine 
became  one  of  the  main  internal  features  of  the 
country ;  and  more  of  the  laws  of  every  Anglo-Saxon 
king  were  directed  against  such  plunderers  than  to 
any  other  single  subject.  Hence  the  severity  against 
those  who  had  no  lords  or  no  friends  to  bail  them. 
It  was  this  habit  that  compelled  the  law  to  enjoin 
that  every  body  should  be  armed,  and  have  their 
appointed  weapons  ready,  that  the  burghs  and  towns 
might  be  more  secure,  and  the  marauders  repressed 
or  pursued.  The  same  cause  urged  Alfred  and  the 
witena-gemots  to  put  every  man  into  a  state  of  bail 
for  good  behaviour,  and  to  shackle  what  little  trade 
there  was,  by  making  it  illegal,  unless  transacted 
before  deputed  officers  and  witnesses,  and  by  treating 
every  traveller  as  a  suspicious  wanderer.  Hence  all 
*who  could  aiford  it  had  knights  and  retainers  in  their 
pay,  to  protect  their  property  and  persons  from 
violence.  Hence  the  laws  against  binding  free  men, 
and  selling  them  and  Christians  for  slaves ;,  for  by 
seizing  those  who  had  property,  the  violent  extorted 
a  ransom,  or  by  disposing  of  them  as  slaves,  extracted 
a  profit  from  their  misery.  Hence  we  find,  amid  the 

VOL.  in.  p 


210  HISTOKY   OF   THE 

BOOK  chronicles  of  the  clergy,  repeated  instances  of  land 
L  ,  '  -  torn  by  force  and  rapine  even  from  them.  And  we 
may  form  some  notion  of  the  amount  and  danger  of 
these  depredations,  by  observing  that,  in  the  laws  of 
In  a,  they  are  described  as  of  three  classes.  While 
they  did  not  exceed  seven  men  together  they  were 
called  thieves  (theofas)  ;  but  from  that  number  to 
thirty-five  they  were  called  a  hloth  or  band ;  when 
they  were  more  than  thirty -five  they  were  termed  an 
army.  Each  of  these  offences  were  differently  pun- 
ished.1 In  the  subsequent  reigns  we  find  ealdorrnen, 
thegns,  and  others,  possessing  themselves  of  lands  by 
force  from  weaker  proprietors.2 

Much  individual  prosperity  could  not  be  expected 
from  such  habits  ;  but  the  bounty  of  nature  every 
year  pours  such  riches  from  the  earth,  that,  notwith- 
standing these  habits  of  depredation,  the  property  of 
the  country  could  not  fail  to  increase.  Timber  grows, 
grass  diffuses  itself,  fruit-trees  blossom,  and  animals 
multiply,  and  minerals  enlarge,  whether  man  labours, 
idles,  or  combats.  But  there  were  plenty  of  slaves  to 
pursue  the  husbandry  that  was  needed,  and  therefore 
all  the  natural  riches  of  animal,  vegetable,  and  mineral 
production  were  perpetually  accumulating  in  the 
country.  These  are  the  foundations  of  wealth  in  all ; 
and  though  the  Anglo-Saxons  had  at  first  but  little 
external  or  internal  traffic,  and  imperfect  roads, 
except  those  left  by  the  Romans,  yet  the  permanent 
property  of  the  country  was  increasing  in  the  multi- 
plied permanent  comforts  of  each  individual.  Every 
additional  article  of  furniture  or  convenience  from 
the  forest  or  the  mine  ;  from  the  horns,  hairs,  hides, 
or  bones  of  his  animals  ;  every  barn  of  corn  and  stock 
of  salted  provision,  or  pile  of  turf,  wood,  or  peat, 
beyond  his  immediate  consumption,  was,  as  well  as 

1  Leg.  Ina.  Wilk.  17. 

2  The  instances  of  these  are  numerous.     See  of  one  single  monastery,  Hist.  El. 
p.  466,  467.  469.  482,  483,  484,  485,  &c.  &c. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  211 

the  stones  he  dug  from  the  quarry,  or  the  articles  he     CHAP. 
manufactured  from  his  flax  or  metals,  an  accumula-    •  • 

tion  of  actual  property  to  himself,  and  an  augmenta- 
tion of  the  general  wealth  of  the  nation.  All  these 
articles  were  every  year  accumulating  in  the  country, 
and  many  were  by  degrees  exchanged  for  the  gold 
and  silver,  and  natural  produce  of  other  countries,  as 
slowly  increasing  trade  gradually  brought  them  from 
abroad.  Hence  every  reign  discovers  to  us  some 
indication  of  an  increasing  affluence,  as  well  as  an 
increasing  population,  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  nation. 

The  progress  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  to  wealth  was 
accelerated  by  the  previous  civilisation  of  Britain. 
The  Romans  had  retired  from  it  but  a  few  years 
before  their  invasion,  and  had  raised  many  temples 
and  buildings  in  the  island,  and  filled  them  with 
appropriate  furniture,  of  which  much  remained  to 
assist  the  ingenuity  and  excite  the  taste  of  the  new 
conquerors.  That  gold  and  silver  had  abounded  in 
the  island,  while  it  was  possessed  by  the  Romans  and 
Britons,  the  coins  that  have  been  found  at  every 
period  since,  almost  every  year,  sufficiently  testify  ; 
and  it  was  the  frequency  of  these  emerging  to  view 
which  made  treasure-trove  an  important  part  of  our 
ancient  laws,  and  which  is  mentioned  by  Alfred  as  one 
of  the  means  of  becoming  wealthy.  In  the  earliest 
Anglo-Saxon  laws,  almost  all  the  penalties  are  pecu- 
niary, in  silver  coin.  That  bullion  was  not  deficient 
in  the  country,  but  was  continually  increasing,  appears 
£rom  the  numerous  instances  of  purchase  monies 
given  in  gold  and  silver,  either  coined  or  by  weight, 
for  lands,  of  which  the  charters  still  remain.  By  the 
quantities  of  money  given  to  buy  land  for  a  monas- 
tery, by  one  bishop  and  by  its  first  abbot3,  it  would 

*   Thus  for  the  Ely  monastery  they  paid  to  various  persons  the  following  sums :  —? 

100  pounds  and  a  golden     100  aurei,  20  aurei, 

cross,  60  pounds  of  silver,  40  shillings, 

p  2 


212  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK      appear  that  the  church  and  monasteries  had  abun- 
•  dance   of   it ;  and   indeed   the   pecuniary   payments 

appointed  for  them,  besides  their  tithes  and  presents, 
gave  them  great  facilities  of  acquiring  it4,  as  the  fines 
and  gafols  poured  still  more  into  the  royal  exchequer. 
The  great  quantity  of  payments  recorded  in  Domes- 
day-book, as  due  to  the  king,  in  pounds,  shillings,  and 
pence,  from  the  various  subdivisions  of  lands  in  every 
county,  show  both  the  diffusion  and  the  abundance 
of  bullion  among  the  Anglo-Saxons.5 

But  our  ancestors  by  their  conquests  among  the 
Britons  obtained  immediately  abundance  of  cattle, 
corn,  slaves,  agricultural  instruments,  and  cultivated 
lands.  They  found  in  the  island,  as  Guildas  and 
Bede  state,  twenty-eight  noble  cities,  and  innumerable 
castles  with  their  walls,  towers,  and  gates.  Produc- 
tive veins  of  copper,  iron,  lead,  and  even  silver  had 
been  opened.  A  great  supply  of  shell-fish,  yielding  a 
beautiful  scarlet  dye  ;  and  muscles  with  pearls,  mostly 


1 5  pounds,  200  aurei,  4  pounds,  1 8  pence, 

100  shillings,  6  pounds,  100  shillings, 

7  pounds,  8  pounds,  15  pounds, 
4  pounds,  12  pounds,  100  shillings, 

15  pounds,  80  shillings,  50  aurei, 

20  shillings,  7  pounds,  20  pounds,  10  aurei, 

30  aurei,  90  aurei,  15  pounds, 

200  aurei,  112memmi,  100  aurei, 

30  aurei,  100  shillings,  10  pounds, 

1 1  pounds,  20  shillings,  40  aurei, 

20  pounds,  30  pounds,  20  pounds, 

50  aurei,  40  shillings,  1 1  pounds, 

8  pounds,  40  pounds,  4  pounds. 

80  aurei,  Hist.  Eliens.  465—488. 

4  Thus  a  plough-alms,  fifteen  days  before  Easter ;  St.  Peter's  penny  on  his  an- 
niversary ;  the  church  sceat  on  St.  Martin's ;  the  light-money  thrice  a  year ;  and 
the  soul  sceat  at  every  grave.  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  121.     The  church  sceat  vr  as  en  forced 
by  Ina,  under  a  penalty  of  forty  shillings,  and  twelve  times  the  money  withheld. 
Ib.  p.  15.     Besides  these  certainties,  a  quantity  of  money  was  always  coming  to 
them  from  wills,  as  already  noticed.     Other  occasions  also  produced  it.      Thus  a 
thegn,   to  have  his  parish  church  dedicated,  brought  a  silver  scutella  of  forty 
shillings.     Hist,  El.  467. 

5  That  the  clergy  and  monasteries  advanced  money  to  the  landed  proprietors, 
we  have  an  instance  in  Ely  monastery.     Oslac  had  to  pay   the  king  Edgar  one 
hundred  aurei ;  he  had  not  so  much,  and  borrowed  of  the  bishop  forty  aurei,  for 
which  he  gave  him  forty  acres.     Hist.  El.  476. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  213 

white,  but  some  of  other  colours,  abounded  on  their     CHAP* 
shores.     The  marine  animals,  whales,  seals,  and  dol-   « .    ,  '  » 
phins,  frequented  the  coasts ;  salmons  and  other  fish 
their  rivers ;    and  eels  and  water-fowl   their   pools 
and  marshes.     Vines  in  some  places,  and  forests  in 
all,    increased   their    general    resources   of   natural 
wealth.6 

Settling  in  a  country  thus  abundantly  supplied  with 
the  means  of  affluence,  it  is  not  surprising  that  the 
Anglo-Saxons  became  a  prosperous  people,  notwith- 
standing the  retarding  effects  of  their  military  and 
predatory  habits.  After  the  reign  of  Alfred  they 
became  gradually  more  commercial.  The  invasions 
of  the  Danes  had  the  effect  of  connecting  them 
with  the  countries  in  the  north  of  Europe,  and  of 
leading  them  to  distant  voyages  of  intercourse  and 
traffic.  Their  progress  was  such,  that  by  the  time 
of  the  Norman  invasion  they  had  become  both  popu- 
lous and  rich.  Some  evidence  of  their  extending 
intercourse  is  given  by  the  fact,  that  some  Moors 
or  Africans,  as  well  as  Spaniards,  were  then  in  the 
country.7 

From  the  views  that  have  been  presented  of  the 
Anglo-Saxon  classes  of  society,  it  is  obvious  that  their 
unprovided  poor  must  have  been  chiefly  of  the  free. 
The  vassal  peasantry  of  the  great  and  the  clergy  had 
their  masters  to  depend  upon  or  to  relieve  them. 
But  when  the  freemen  were  destitute,  their  situ- 
ation must  have  been  deplorable.  Jealously  sus- 
pected and  pursued  by  the  laws,  if  they  wandered 
to  seek  or  solicit  subsistence  ;  they  had  no  resource,  if 
they  could  not  join  armies,  or  become  minstrels  and 
jugglers,  or  be  enlisted  as  retainers  in  the  service 

8  See  Gildas,  and  Bede's  Hist. 

7  Domesday-book  mentions  Matthseus  de  Mauritanie;  and  also  a  Servus,  who 
was  an  Afrus,  in  the  county  of  Gloucester;  also  Alured  as  Hispanus.  P.  165. 
170.  162.'  86. 


214  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK     of  the  great,  but  to  engage  as  servants  to  burghers 
.-  vm'  .   and  others,  or  to  become  robbers,  outlaws,  and  fo- 
resters.    Poor  freemen  are  noticed  in  Domesday.8 

It  is  perhaps  in  no  age  from  the  insufficient  pro- 
ductions of  nature  that  any  would  perish  from  want. 
The  existing  food  on  the  earth  always  exceeds  the 
wants  of  its  actual  inhabitants ;  but  it  cannot  be  dis- 
tributed by  any  laws  or  polity  just  as  individual  neces- 
sities require.  It  can  only  flow  to  all  through  the 
regular  channels  of  civilised  society,  on  the  system  of 
equivalent  exchange ;  and  the  means  of  acquiring  this 
frequently  fail.  It  is  from  the  temporary  want  of  an 
equivalent  to  exchange  for  the  food  they  need,  and  not 
from  the  non-existence  of  that  food,  that  so  much 
misery  usually  pervades  society,  and  at  times  rises  to 
an  afflicting  height.  Yet  the  evil  cannot  be  remedied 
by  a  legislature  without  invading  those  sacred  rights 
of  property  which  are  the  cement  of  the  social  fabric. 
Benevolence  must  effect  on  this  point  what  no  law  can 
command.  The  poor  can  only  put  themselves  in  pos- 
session of  equivalents  to  exchange  for  food  by  their 
personal  industry.  Where  the  demand  for  their  labour 
declines,  a  wise  and  discriminating  charity  must  be 
active  to  contrive  employments  for  the  distressed,  that 
they  may  acquire  the  means  of  obtaining  subsistence 
from  those  who  have  it  to  dispose  of,  or  must  in  her 
kindness  distribute  that  subsistence  without  the 
equivalent,  until  increasing  occupation  can  enable  the 
distressed  again  to  provide  it. 

These  principles  were  not  understood  by  our  ances- 
tors ;  yet  the  benevolent  feelings  of  the  clergy  were 
always  labouring  to  impress  on  the  affluent  the  duty 
of  succouring  the  needy.  The  church  gave  them  the 
emphatic  name  of  "the  poor  of  God ;"  and  they  are 
frequently  so  mentioned  in  the  laws  ;  thus  presenting 

8  As  in  Suffolk,  fifty -four  freemen  satis  inopes. 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 

them  in  the  most  interesting  of  all  relations,  as  those 
which  the  Deity  himself  presents  to  human  benevolence 
as  his  peculiar  class,  and  for  whom  he  solicits  our 
favourable  attentions. 

But  the  supplies  from  individual  liberality  are 
always  precarious,  and  usually  temporary,  and  not  so 
salutary  to  the  necessitous  as  those  which,  with  a  con- 
scious exertion  of  power,  independence,  and  self-merit, 
they  can  obtain  by  their  own  industry.  It  was  there- 
fore a  great  blessing  to  the  Anglo-Saxon  society,  that, 
as  their  population  increased,  an  augmented  traffic 
arose,  and  employments  became  more  numerous.  The 
property  of  the  landholders  gradually  multiplied  in 
permanent  articles  raised  from  their  animals,  quarries, 
mines,  and  woods;  in  their  buildings,  their  furniture, 
their  warlike  stores,  their  leather  apparatus,  glass,  pig- 
ments, vessels,  and  costly  dresses.  An  enlarged  taste 
for  finery  and  novelty  spread  as  their  comforts  multi- 
plied. Foreign  wares  were  valued  and  sought  for ; 
and  what  Anglo-Saxon  toil  or  labour  could  produce,  to 
supply  the  wants  or  gratify  the  fancies  of  foreigners, 
was  taken  out  to  barter.  All  these  things  gave  so 
many  channels  of  nutrition  to  those  who  had  no  lands, 
by  presenting  them  with  opportunities  for  obtaining 
the  equivalents  on  which  their  subsistence  depended. 
As  the  bullion  of  the  country  increased,  it  became, 
either  coined  or  uncoined,  the  general  and  permanent 
equivalent.  As  it  could  be  laid  up  without  deteriora- 
tion, and  was  always  operative  when  it  once  became 
tin  use,  the  abundance  of  society  increased,  because  no 
one  hesitated  to  exchange  his  property  for  it.  Until 
coin  became  the  medium  of  barter,  most  would  hesitate 
to  part  with  the  productions  they  had  reared,  and  all 
classes  suffered  from  the  desire  of  hoarding.  Coin  or 
bullion  released  the  commodities  that  all  society 
wanted,  from  individual  fear,  prudence,  or  covetous- 
ness,  that  would  for  its  own  uses  have  withheld 

p  4 


215 


216  HISTORY   OF   THB 

BOOK  them,  and  sent  them  floating  through  society  in 
VIIL  ten  thousand  channels.  The  Anglo-Saxons  were  in 
this  happy  state.  Bullion,  as  we  have  remarked, 
sufficiently  abounded  in  the  country 9,  and  was  in  full 
use  in  exchange  for  all  things.  In  every  reign  after 
Athelstan  the  trade  and  employment  of  the  country 
increased.  Pride  and  the  love  of  pleasure  favoured 
their  growth,  and  still  more  the  fair  taste  for  greater 
conveniences  in  every  class  of  society.  Population 
multiplied,  and  found  more  occupation  for  the  num- 
bers of  its  free  classes,  until  it  reached  that  amount  at 
the  time  of  the  Conquest,  which  we  shall  proceed  to 
enumerate. 

9  Many  facts  are  mentioned  in  the  Chronicles,  implying  the  quantity  of  the 
valuable  metals  in  the  monasteries,  &c.  Thus  Hereward  in  his  romantic  attack 
of  Peterborough,  took  from  the  crucifix  there  the  crown  of  pure  gold,  and  its  foot- 
stool of  red  gold ;  the  cope,  all  of  gold  and  silver,  hidden  in  the  steeple ;  also  twc- 
gilt  shrines,  and  nine  of  silver  ;  fifteen  great  crosses  of  gold  and  silver  ;  and  "  so 
much  gold  and  silver,  and  so  much  treasure  in  money,  robes,  and  books,  that  no 
man  can  compute  the  amount."  Gurney's  Sax.  Chron.  p.  215. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  217 


CHAP.  IX. 

Sketch  of  the  ANGLO-SAXON  Population. 

IN  Domesday -book,  we  have  a  record  of  the  numbers      CHAP. 
and  condition  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  population,  which,    .    Ix' 
though  not  complete,  yet  affords  us  sufficient  infor- 
mation to  satisfy  our  general  curiosity.      The  follow- 
ing   summary  has    been  taken  from   its    statement. 
For  the  convenience  of  the  reader  the  counties  there 
noticed  will  be  enumerated  alphabetically  here.1 

1  The  summary  in  the  text  was  drawn  up  by  Mr.  Turner  for  the  earlier  editions 
of  this  History.  Since  the  publication  of  these,  the  able  and  elaborate  work  of  Sir 
Henry  Ellis  has  appeared,  in  which  the  contents  of  the  Domesday  Book  are  more 
minutely  and  accurately  analysed,  and  a  variety  of  important  and  curious  informa- 
tion on  the  social  state  and  position  of  the  different  classes  of  population  spoken 
of  is  furnished.  The  numbers  of  these  various  classes  as  given  by  Sir  H.  Ellis 
differ  in  a  great  many  instances  from  those  of  Mr.  Turner's  earlier  and  less  perfect 
summary,  chiefly,  however,  from  the  different  classification  adopted.  In  reprint- 
ing these  volumes  it  has  been  thought  best  to  leave  the  Author's  enumerations 
unaltered,  classifying  only  the  different  orders  of  men,  &c.,  so  as  to  show  their 
relative  amounts.  It  will  be  seen  that  the  final  total  given  by  Sir  H.  Ellis,  after 
allowing  for  the  repeated  occurrence  of  the  same  proprietors  in  different  districts, 
is  less  than  the  amount  at  which  Mr.  Turner  had  arrived.  The  following  memo- 
randa as  to  the  meaning  of  the  names  under  which  the  population  is  classed  are 
taken  from  Sir.  H.  Ellis's  work. 

The  chief  proprietors  (among  which  Sir.  H.  Ellis  includes  the  king,  whom,  as 
treating  of  the  subject  population  only,  Mr.  Turner  omits)  were  the  great  lords, 
&c.  who  held  their  lands  directly  from  the  crown. 

The  "  Taini,"  (or  "  Thanes"),  "  Liberi  Homines,"  and  generally  those  classed  as 
"  Tenentes,"  were  the  inferior  landholders,  who  held  by  various  forms  of  tenure 
from  the  king  or  other  chief  proprietor.  Among  these  are  to  be  reckoned  : 

The  "  Allodarii,"  or  tenants  possessing  an  estate  in  Allodium,  i.  e.  subject  to 
*f'hidage,"  or  land-tax ;  and  in  Kent  to  mulcts  to  the  king  for  certain  offences. 

The  "  Ministri,"  or  "  Servientes,"  or  "  Praefecti  Regis,"  who  held  offices  more  or 
less  servile  for  the  king. 

The  "  Homines,"  or  feudatory  tenants  privileged  to  be  tried  in  their  lords'  courts 
only. 

The  "  Censorii,"  "  Censarii,"  or  "Censores,"  and  "  Gablatores,"  who  held  lands 
paying  censum  or  gablum  (tribute  to  the  king),  and  a  large  portion  of  the  class 
called  "  Milites,"  some  of  whom,  however,  appear  to  have  been  in  the  strict  sense  of 
the  word  soldiers.  The  "Drenches,"  or  "Drenghs,"  (or  "Dinges,")  also  were 
tenants  of  this  description  in  the  southern  district  of  Lancashire,  which  in  Domes- 
day Book  is  classed  as  a  part  of  Cheshire  ;  the  northern  portion  being  reckoned 
as  part  of  Yorkshire. 


218 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


BOOK 
VIII. 


BEDFORDSHIRE  (Bedefordscire).     [3772.] 


Chief  proprietors 
Prefecti  regis  and 

others 
Tenentes 
Sochmanni 

Molendini     86 


55  Bordarii  1113 

Villani  1766 

21  Servi  454 

102  Milites  5 

88  Burgenses  of  Bedford          9 

Silvatici     72  Piscatores     1 


Chief  proprietors 
Other  persons 
Bordarii 
Cotarii 

Molini     166 


BERKSHIRE.     [6737.] 


63 
13 

1802 
732 


Villani 

Servi 

Hagas  noticed 

Others 


2424 
772 
459 
169 


Piscatores     70 


Silvatici     67 


BUCKINGHAMSHIRE  (Bockingamscire).     [5563.] 


Chief  proprietors 
Taini  Regis 
Sochmanni 
Bordarii 

Piscatores     19 


56 

12 

19 

1320 

Molini     129 


Moldarii     1 


Villani  2885 

Servi  828 

Burgenses  of  Buckingham     52 


Silvatici     122 


Others     110 


Among  the  inferior  landholders,  having  some  a  more,  some  a  less,  privileged  con- 
dition, we  must  reckon  also  the  "  Sochmanni,"  "  Radmanni,"  and  "  Radchenistri," 
who  held  lands  in  the  soc,  or  franchise,  of  some  great  baron,  on  fixed  terms  of  ser- 
vice, and  were,  in  fact,  freeholders. 

The  "  Presbyteri,"  or  clergy,  met  with  in  the  Domesday  Summary,  form  but  a 
small  portion  of  their  class,  and  are  probably  such  only  as  held  lands,  and  were 
thus  subject  to  assessment. 

The  "  Prsepositus  Manerii "  was  the  "  Reeve,"  or  steward  of  the  manor,  the 
"  Bedellus  "  the  under-steward. 

Below  these  classes  came  the  "  Coliberti "  and  "  Buri,"  who  appear  to  have  been  a 
middle  class  of  tenants,  between  the  freeman  and  the  serf,  holding  their  farms,  &c. 
on  condition  of  certain  work  and  service  to  their  lords. 

The  "  Villani  "  were  the  higher  class  of  serfs  usually  attached  to  the  land,  and 
thence  called  Villeins  "regardant."  The  lower  order  of  serfs,  or  servi,  were 
attached  to  their  lord's  person,  and  could  be  transferred  from  one  owner  to 
another  :  they  appear  to  have  been  the  class  called  Villeins  "  in  gross"  To  this 
class  belong  the  "Ancillse,"  or  female  serfs.  The  "Bordarii"  are  supposed  to  have 
been  cottagers  (from  the  Saxon  "  bord,"  a  cottage),  usually  occupying  a  small 
portion  of  land.  They  appear  to  be  the  same  as  those  termed  Cotarii,  Coteri, 
Cotmanni,  and  in  other  places  Coscez,  or  Coscets. 

With  reference,  to  the  occupations  enumerated,  the  most  important  are  the 
salinac,  or  saltworks,  the  piscaria,  or  fisheries,  the  molina  or  molendina,  or  mills. 
The  "Porcarii"  were  usually  swine-owners,  who  rented  portions  of  the  woodlands 
as  pasture-land  for  their  pigs.  The  "  Bovarii "  were  neat  herds,  the  "  Fabri," 
smiths  or  carpenters. 

Haga  is  the  same  as  domus,  and  usually  as  mansura,  a  house  or  messuage. 

The  land  is  usually  divided  under  four  heads  :  Terra,  or  arable  land  ;  Sylva, 
or  woodland  ;  Pastura,  or  meadow  land ;  and  Pratum,  the  pasture  reserved  for  the 
oxen  employed  on  the  Terra. 

Walenses  are  Welshmen,  Francigenae  all  other  persons  not  of  English  birth. 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


219 


CAMBRIDGESHIRE  (Grentebrscire).     [5506.] 


Chief  pro- 
prietors 
Tenentes 
Sochmanni 


42 
53 
245 

Piscatores     34 
Moldarii          2 


Bordarii 
Cotarii 
Villani 
Servi 


1438 
742 

1898 
563 


Molini      121 
Silvatici     26 


Milites 
Burgenses 
of  Cam- 
bridge 
Porcarii     7 
Others       6 


34 


295 


CHAP. 
IX. 


Tenentes 
Radmanni 
Drenches 
Bordarii 


CHESHIRE  (Cestrescire*).     [2873.] 


72 
134 

54 
633 


Villani  768         Milites  12 

Servi  223         Burgenses  of 

Francigenae         39  Chester          559 


Bovarii     184  Silvatici     127  Piscatores     29 

Salinae     10  Others     29 


Chief  pro- 
prietors 
Tenentes 
Molini     4 


CORNWALL  (Cornvalgie).     [5606.] 


Coliberti 
6         Bordarii 
23 
Pasture     109 


49 

2441 


Villani 
Servi 


1738 
1148 


Silvae     38         Cerevisarii     40 


DERBYSHIRE  (Derbyscire).     [3140.] 


Chief  pro- 
prietors 
Taini 

15 
22 

Censorii 
Sochraanni 
Bordarii 

41 
127 
731 

Tenentes 

167 

Molendini 

68             Silvaj 

71 

Villani  1825 

Servi  16 

Presby  teri  5 1 

Others     6 


DEVONSHIRE  (Devonscire).     [18,245.] 


Chief  proprietors 
Taini 

Servientes  regis 
Tenentes 
Coliberti 
•  Bordarii 
Cotarii 
Cosces 

Porcarii     296 
Molendini     79 


50  Villani 

18  Servi 

8  Burgenses  of  Exeter 
118  Barn  staple 

32  Lideford 

4814  Totness 

19  Ochemanton 
32                                  Others 


8246 

3210 

476 

83 

69 

110 

4 

41 


Piscatores     17 
Pasture     249 


Salinse     117 
Silvse     157 


DORSET  (Dorseti).     [8879.] 


Chief  proprietors 
Taini 


56 
127 


Taini  (proprietors)          24 
Liberi  homines  10 


HISTORY    OF   THE 


BOOK        Censarii 

9 

Cotarii 

185         Servi 

1165 

VIII.        Coliberti 
»       '     Bordarii 

33 

2827 

Coscez 
Villani 

146         Burgenses 
2663         Molendini 

655 
269 

Salinarii 

100 

Silvas 

239             Pasture     334 

Other  persons     37 

ESSEX  (Excessa) 

.     [14,549.] 

Chief  proprietors 
Sochmanni 
Liberi  homines 
Censarii 

79 
343 
306 
36 

Servi 
Presbyters 
Burg,  of  Maiden 
Orsett 

2041 
44 
180 
100 

Bordarii 
Villani 

6329 
4014 

Sudbury 
Colchester 

5 
400 

Molendini 

129 

Salinas 

28             Piscatores     48 

Silvse     437 

Others     30 

GLOUCESTERSHIRE  ( Glowecesterscire).     [8365.] 

Chief  pro-                        Radchenistri      119  Villani             3071 

prietors            66         Coliberti             105  Servi                2423 

Taini                    16         Bordarii           1901  Burgenses,  &c.  144 

Molendini     254             Salinas     7  Piscatores     90 

Silvaj     45             Others  124 


General  amount 


HAMPSHIRE.     [10,631.] 
9807  Isle  of  Wight 

HEREFORDSHIRE.     [5510.] 


824 


Chief  pro- 
prietors           37 
Radchenistri       41 

Buri                      18 
Bordarii           1381 
Cotarii                 19 

Presbyters 
Clerici 
Milites 

26 
19 
34 

Radmanni            38 

Villani             2052 

Walenses 

41 

Liberi                   15 
Homines            204 
Subtenentes        78 

Servi                 966 
Prepositi               33 
Bedelli                 21 

Hereford  burg. 
Clifford  burg. 
Another 

70 
16 
9 

Coliberti              16 
Molendini     95 

Francigenae         23 
Salinas     8 

Piscatores     12 

Sylvse     45 
Fabri 

Porcarii     14             Bovarii     130 
23              Other  persons     26 

HERTFORDSHIRE  (Herfordscire).     [4924.] 


Chief  proprietors 

Taini  regis 

Tenentes 

Sochmanni 

Bordarii 

Cotarii 

Villani 

Molendini     95 


Servi 

Burgenses  of 
Escewille 
St.  Alban's 
Bercham  steed 
Stanestede 


575 

14 

46 

52 

6 


Silvatici     87 


Moldarii     9 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


221 


HUNTINGDONSHIRE  (Huntedunscire).     [2511.] 

Chief  pro-  Sochraanni          23         Presbyters  and 

prietors 


Taini 
Tenentes 


27 

7 

42 


Homines 


8 


Molinarii     33 


Chief  pro- 
prietors 
Bordarii 
Cotarii 
Villani 


305 
3367 

308 
6676 


Molinarii     212 


Bordarii  383 

Villani  1886 

Piscatores     1 2 

KENT  (ChentK).  [14,866.] 

Servi  1 142 
Burghers  of 

Dover  42 

Canterbury  1600 

Molendini     107 

Piscatores  158 


eccl. 
Milites 

Silvatici     28 


46 
16 


Sandwich  415 

Rochester.  7 

Romeney  166 

Hide  231 


Salinae     130 


LEICESTERSHIRE  (Ledecestre).     [6613.] 


Chief  pro- 
prietors 
Tenentes 


52 
101 
Sochmanni       1716 

Molinarii     105 


Bordarii  1285 

Villani  2446 

Servi  374 

Francigenae  37 

Silvse  56 


Milites 

Presbyter! 

Burgenses 

Others     9 


Taini 
Tenentes 
Sochmanni 
Censorii 
Bordarii 
Molindini 


LINCOLNSHIRE. 

27 
68 

11,322 
20 
3737 
414  Moldarii 


[25,817.] 

Villani 
Burgenses 
Lincoln  mansurae 

Stamford      „ 
Terchesey     „ 

76  Silvae 


27 

34 

371 


7168 
274 
982 
317 
102 
252 


Ecclesiae      226 


Salinae      361 
Other  persons     260 

MIDDLESEX.     [2289.] 


Chief  pro- 
prietors 
Tenentes 


Bordarii 
23         Cotarii 
106         Villani 
Molini     34 


367 

442 
1124 
Silvaa  35 


Piscarii     211 


Servi  112 

Stanes  burg.        46 


NORFOLK  (Nordfolc).     [28,365.] 


Chief  proprietors 

Sochmanni 

Liberi  homines 

Bordarii 

Villani 

Servi 

Molini    403 


Silvae 


62 

5521 
4981 
8679 
4528 
1066 
180 


Burg.  Norwich 
Others  there 
Bordarii  there 
Burg.  Yarmouth 
Thetford 


883 
68 

480 
70 

725 


Ecclesiae    159        Piscatores    72 


Salinae  240     Vara,  or  Custodes  apium  187     Other  persons  61 


222 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


BOOK 
VIII. 


NORTHAMPTONSHIRE  ( Northantscire).     [8665.] 


Chief  pro- 
prietors 
Tenentes 

62 
125 

Bordarii 
Villani 
Servi 

2011 
3901 
879 

Burg.  North 
Presbyters 
Milites 

295 
55 
50 

Sochmanni 

915 

Molini 

249 

Silvae     112 

Other  persons     1  1 

NOTTINGHAMSHIRE  (  Snotinghamscire} 

.     [6490.] 

Chief  pro- 
prietors 
Taini 
Tenentes 

28 
26 
201 

Sochmanni 
Bordarii 
Villani 
Servi 

1565 
1099 
2555 
26 

Burgh.  Not- 
tingham 
Derby 
Others 

363 
243 
56 

Censorii 

2 

Presbyters 

63 

Molini     118  Silvje     69  Piscatores     32 

Other  persons     44 


OXFORDSHIRE.  [7461.] 

Chief  pro-  Villani  3525 

prietors  77         Servi  938 

Bordarii  1838 

Piscatores     38  Molini  170 

Pasturaa     32  Salina 


Houses  in  Ox- 
ford, 721 
Other  persons     80 

Silvas     41 
1 


RUTLANDSHIRE.     [833.] 
Sochmanni  2          Bordarii  109         Villani  722 

SHROPSHIRE  (Sciropescire).     [5344.] 


Chief  pro- 

Coliberti              13 

Servi 

991 

prietors              9 

Bordarii           1118 

Presbyters 

54 

Tenentes             98 

Cotarii                 24 

Burgenses 

191 

Radmanni          173 

Cosces                    5 

Walenses 

64 

Radchenistri         3 

Villani             1726 

Bovarii 

388 

Molini     88 

Silvse    69 

Piscatores     31 

Salinse 

6             Other  persons     193 

SOMERSETSHIRE  (Summersete). 

[12,819.] 

Chief  pro- 

Coliberti            156 

Burg.  Tautone 

64 

prietors            46 

Cotarii                299 

Lanperth 

39 

King's  thanes      17 

Bordarii           4377 

Alsebruge 

32 

Other  pro- 

Cosces                43 

Givelcestre 

108 

prietors            1  1 

Villani             4947 

Meleburn 

61 

Subordinate 

Servi                1565 

Bremet 

17 

Tenents         205 

Burgenses 

Bristow 

10 

Gablatores            7 

Bath,  Bade      30 

Mansurae 

22 

Piscarii     21 

Porcarii     57 

Molini     323 

Pasturse     156 


Silvse     206 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  223 

STAFFORDSHIRE  (Statfordscire).     [3498.]  CHAP. 

IX 

Chief  proprietors                16  Villani  1758    •       T       • 

King's  thanes                       18  Servi  230 

Liberi  homines                   20  Presbyters  22 

Subordinate  Tenents         84  Milites  5 

Bordarii  897  Burgenses  217 

Molini     62             Silvae  143  Piscarii     2 

Other  persons     24 

SUFFOLK  (Sudfulc).     [22,093.] 

Chief  proprietors                72  Villani                               3024 

Sochraanni                       1014  Servi                                   947 

Liberi  homines               8012  Burgenses                        1924 
Bordarii                            6292 

Silvae     152             Molendini  220             Ecclesiae     358 

Piscatores     60  Salinae     18 

SURREY  (Sudrie).     [4547.] 

Chief  proprietors  40  Villani                             2327 

Sochmanni  9  Servi                                   469 

Lib.  homines  4  Milites                                   6 

Bordarii  921  Burg,  Gildeford                175 

Cotarii  288 

Molini     121  Ecclesiae     62  Silvse     86 

Piscarii  16  Porcarii  and  others     23 

SUSSEX  (  Sudsexe),     [11,718.] 

Tenentes  753  Propositus  manerii                1 

Bordarii  2510  Berquatii                               10 

Cotarii  738  Presbyteri                               3 

Villani  5866  Oppidani  and 

Servi  415  burgenses                      830 

Hagse  26             Salinas     285  Molini     148 

Piscariae     30  Ecclesiae     103 

WARWICKSHIRE  (Warwicscire).     [6941.] 

Chief  proprietors  Francigenas  15 

and  thanes  43  Milites                                 24 

Liberi  homines  20  Presbyters                           59 

Tenentes  109  Burgenses  of 

Bordarii  1705  Warwick                       398 

Villani  3537  Tamewerd                       10 

Servi  726 

Silvse     110  Molini  121             Salinas     3 
Other  persons     61 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


BOOK 
VIII. 


WILTSHIRE  (Wiltescire).     [10,749.] 


Chief  proprietors 

Coliberti 

Bordarii 

Cosces 

Molini     404 
Silvaj       143 


66  Cotarii  284 

252  Villani  3290 

2713  Servi  1475 

1385  Burgenses  371 

Porcarii  87  Pasturae  206 

Ecclesiae  29  Other  persons  44 


WORCESTERSHIRE  (  Wirecestrescire).     [4916.] 


Chief  proprietors 

Radchenistri 

Radmanni 

Coliberti 

Bordarii 

Cotarii 

Bovarii 
Salinas     50 


27- 
2 

52 

9 

1725 

39 


Cotmanni 

Villani 

Servi 

Francigenae 

Presbyters 

Burgenses 


19 
1524 

813 
23 
21 

242 


65 


Molini      107 
Piscarii      18 


Silvse     87 
Other  persons     93 


YORKSHIRE  (Euruicscire).     [9968.] 


Chief  proprietors 
Tenentes,  about 
Censores 
Sochmanni 
Bordarii 

Molini     103 


Norfolk 

Lincolnshire 

Suffolk 


65 

200 

36 

438 

1842 

Silvaa     122 
Other  persons     68 


Coteri 
Villani 
Presbyters 
Burg,  of  York 
Other  burghers 


16 

5061 
130 

1716 
110 


Piscarii     61 


General  total  300,785. 


DANISH  COUNTIES. 


28.365 
25,819 
22,093 


Essex 
Yorkshire 


14,549 
9,968 

100,794 


OTHER  COUNTIES  PLACED  ACCORDING  TO  THE  NUMBER. 


Devonshire 

18,205 

Berkshire 

6,737 

Kent 

14,866 

Leicestershire 

6,613 

Somerset 

12,819 

Nottinghamshire 

6,490 

Sussex 

11,718 

Cornwall 

5,606 

Wilts 

10,749 

Buckinghamshire 

5,563 

Hampshire 

10,631 

Herefordshire 

5,510 

Dorset 

8,879 

Cambridgeshire 

5,506 

Northamptonshire 

8,665 

Shropshire 

5,344 

Gloucestershire 

8,365 

Herts 

4,924 

Oxfordshire 

7,461 

Worcestershire 

4,916 

Warwickshire 

6,941 

Surrey 

4,547 

ANGLO-SAXONS. 


225 


Bedfordshire 
Staffordshire 
Derbyshire 
Cheshire 


Danish  counties 
The  others    - 


3,772 
3,498 
3,140 
2,873 


Huntingdon 

Middlesex 

Rutland 


2,511       CHAP. 
2,289         IX. 

833    ' • — 


TOTAL. 


Persons  mentioned  in  Domesday-book1 


199,991 


100,794 
199,991 

300,785 


These  may  be  considered  as  so  many  families,  and 
if  we  take  five  as  the  general  average  of  a  family  for 
all  the  counties,  it  would  make  the  Anglo-Saxon 
population  actually  alluded  to,  at  the  time  of  the 
Conquest,  1,504,925,  or  a  million  and  a  half:  but  this 
enumeration  was  made  after  the  destructive  wars 
between  William  and  the  English2,  and  after  his 
dreadful  devastation  of  Yorkshire,  which  left  one 
hundred  miles  of  the  country,  north  of  the  Humber, 
a  mere  desert3;  hence  the  number  of  that  county  is 
so  small.  Four  counties  are  also  entirely  omitted  ; 
as  Cumberland,  Durham,  Lancaster,  and  Northum- 
berland.4 But  London,  a  century  afterwards,  is  stated 
to  have  furnished  sixty  thousand  fighting  men5; 
therefore  its  population  cannot  have  then  been  less 
than  three  hundred  thousand  persons.  In  Domesday- 
book  it  •  is  also  obvious  that  all  the  burghers,  or 

1  I  have  taken  the  numbers  for  Hampshire  and  Sussex  from  Mr.  Rickman's 
enumeration  ;  and  have,  in  all  the  rest,  assumed,  as  he  has  done  in  these,  a  man 
for  every  silva,  molinum,  pastura,  domus,  &c.  that  is  mentioned. 
»*  The  effects  of  these  wars  appear  frequently  in  Domesday.  Thus  in  the  county 
of  Dorset,  it  is  said  that  in  Dorchester  were,  in  the  time  of  the  Confessor,  172 
houses,  but  that  100  had  been  entirely  destroyed ;  so  in  Wareham  143,  of  which 
73  were  "penitus  destructae;"  so  in  Shaftesbury  38  out  of  104,  p.  75.  So  in 
Oxford,  though  243  houses  paid  gold,  yet  478  had  become  so  "  vastae"  as  to  yield 
none.  In  Ipswich  328  were  "  vastatse."  In  York  540  are  noticed  as  "  vacuae." 
Many  such  occur  in  other  counties. 

3  See  Turner's  Hist.  Eng.  Middle  Ages,  vol.  i.  chap.  iv.  p.  102. 

4  These  were  the  border  counties,  the  seat  of  almost  continual  warfare  ;  and 
part  of  them  were  then  in  the  power  of  Malcolm,  the  king  of  Scotland,  especially 
Cumberland  and  Durham. 

5  See  Stephanides's  Life  of  Becket. 


VOL.  III. 


Q 


HISTORY    OF   THE 

BOOK  actual  inhabitants  of  the  cities  and  burghs,  are  not 
YIIL  .  mentioned.  When  Canterbury  was  burnt  by  the  Danes 
in  1006,  it  contained  eight  thousand  men,  of  whom 
only  eighty-four  survived  the  ruin.  Only  one  thou- 
sand six  hundred  are  mentioned  in  Domesday-book 
eighty  years  afterwards,  though  a  city  so  venerated 
and  celebrated  must  have  recovered  its  prosperity. 
But  in  other  cities  and  towns  it  is  manifest  that  almost 
all  the  residents  are  omitted  ;  as  in  Bristol,  where  only 
ten  are  noticed,  though  this  was  at  that  time  a  great 
trading  city ;  only  seventy  at  Yarmouth ;  fifty-two 
only  at  Buckingham ;  nine  only  at  Bedford ;  five  at 
Sudbury;  seventy  at  Hereford;  forty-two  at  Dover; 
and  but  forty-six  at  St.  Alban's,  though  a  place 
peculiarly  frequented  and  respected.  Winchester, 
though  then  a  large  town,  is  not  mentioned. 

All  the  monks,  and  nearly  all  the  parochial  clergy, 
are  omitted.6  So  in  the  different  counties,  it  will  be 
found  that,  excepting  in  the  Danish  counties,  and  in 
Leicestershire  and  Nottinghamshire,  which  they  also 
pervaded,  very  few  of  the  actual  freemen  are  enume- 
rated. It  would  seem  as  if  those  persons  were  chiefly, 
if  not  only,  recorded  whose  lands  and  tenements  ren- 
dered some  payments  or  services  to  the  crown  or  state, 
or  had  been  supposed  to  do  so.  Hence  there  is  a 
careful  enumeration  of  the  extent  of  the  lands  and 
of  the  cultivators  which  had  to  defend  themselves  ; 
that  is,  to  contribute  to  the  military  force  of  the  coun- 
try in  the  proportions  alluded  to,  but  little  more  than 
this  is  attended  to ;  and  though  this  contribution  was 
a  very  general  obligation  on  the  landed  property  of  the 
country,  yet  the  charters  show  us  that  some  parts 
were  exempt  from  it.  If  we  take  all  these  things 
into  consideration,  we  shall  perceive  that  the  Anglo- 


•  We  may  infer  the  extent  of  the  omission  as  to  the  parochial  clergy  from  re- 
collecting that  the  parish  churches  in  England,  in  the  middle  ages,  were  stated  to 
be  46,822. 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


227 


Saxon  population,  in  the  period  just  before  the  Norman 
conquest,  must  have  exceeded  TWO  MILLIONS. 

This  enumeration  intimates  to  us  the  political 
benefits  which  resulted  from  the  invasions  of  the 
Northmen.  They  appear  to  have  planted  in  the 
colonies  they  occupied  a  numerous  race  of  freemen  ; 
and  their  counties  seem  to  have  been  well  peopled. 
Thus, 


CHAP. 

IX. 


In  Essex 

Leicestershire 
Lincolnshire 
Nottinghamshire 
Norfolk 

Suffolk 
York 


343  sochraanni. 

306  liberi  homines. 
1716  sochmanni. 
11,322  sochmanni. 
1565  sochmanni. 
5521  sochmanni. 
4981  lib.  horn. 
8012  lib.  horn. 
1014  sochmanni. 

438  sochmanni. 


This  enumeration  of  the  population  shows  how 
large  a  proportion  of  Englishmen  were  then  in  the 
servile  state ;  for  that  villani  were  in  a  state  of 
bondage  is  manifest  from  the  manner  in  which  they 
are  mentioned  in  our  ancient  Glanville7,  Bracton,  and 
Fleta8,  who  say  that  even  holding  a  freehold  does  not 
give  liberty  to  a  villanus;  a  remark  not  observed  by 
those  who  have  deemed  villani  free  peasants,  because 
they  were  found  to  have  lands.  The  bordarii,  servi, 
cotarii,  cosces,  &c.  were  similarly  circumstanced.  In 
Domesday-book,  burghers  are  mentioned  as  having 
bordarii  under  them.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that 
nearly  three-fourths  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  population 
were  in  a  state  of  slavery ;  and  nothing  could  have 
broken  the  powerful  chains  of  law  and  force  by  which 
the  landed  aristocracy  held  their  people  in  bondage, 
but  such  events  as  the  Norman  conquest,  and  the 
civil  wars  which  it  excited  and  fostered,  and  in  which 
such  numbers  of  the  nobility  perished  ;  and  also  that 
wise  and  humane  law  which  directed  that  if  a  slave 


7  p.  74. 


8  P.  1.  and  3. 


Q  2 


228  HISTORY    OF   THE 

BOOK     was  not  claimed  by  his  lord  within  a  limited  period, 
.  .  he  should  be  presumed  to  be  free.     It  was  perhaps  as 

much  by  the  destruction  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  great 
proprietors  as  by  Northman  colonists  near  the  Baltic, 
that  the  number  of  the  free  were  so  numerous  in  the 
districts  where  the  Danes  had  predominated.9 


9  Since  I  made  the  preceding  enumeration,  I  have  observed  that  Sir  William 
Petty  says  "  there  were  about  two  millions  at  the  Norman  Conquest,  of  which 
consult  the  Domesday-book."  Essays  on  Polit.  Arith.  p.  15.  ed.  1755.  So  that 
our  computations,  both  made  independent  of  each  other,  remarkably  coincide. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  229 


BOOK  IX, 

Their  POETRY,  LITERATURE,  ARTS,  and  SCIENCES. 
CHAP.  I. 

Their  Native  or  Vernacular  Poetry. 

As  poetry  has  been  always  classed  among  the  most 
interesting  productions  of  the  human  mind,  few  topics 
of  human  research  are  more  curious  than  the  history 
of  this  elegant  art,  from  its  rude  beginning  to  that 
degree  of  excellence  to  which  it  has  long  been  raised  by 
our  ingenious  countrymen.  In  every  nation  it  is  the 
child  of  feeling ;  but  different  emotions  of  an  intellec- 
tual sensibility  prevail  in  different  ages  and  states  of 
society.  Where  the  adoration  of  the  Creator  predomi- 
nates, as  in  Judea,  the  poetical  composition  takes  the 
form  of  the  loftiest  sentiments  of  religion.  Where 
war  and  battle  chiefly  agitate,  as  among  the  Northmen 
and  the  ancient  Britons,  the  Scalld  and  Bard  chiefly 
sing  of  conflict  and  slaughter,  and  the  triumph  of 
victory.  Where  the  fair  sex  have  become  objects  of 
love,  competition,  and  respect,  the  tender  affections 
impel  and  dictate  the  imploring,  the  praising,  or 
the  consolatory  lay1;  while  elder  and  chastened  ex- 

1  How  early  this  feeling  begins,  even  among  rude  tribes,  the  following  instance 
of  a  New  Zealander's  song  will  indicate. 

The  New  Zealanders  are  at  present  (1827)  in  a  state  very  like  that  of  the 
'Anglo-Saxons  when  they  visited  England,  and  display  much  of  the  same  mixture 
of  active  mind,  high  spirit,  fearless  boldness,  unfeeling  cruelty,  and  barbaric  ignorance 
which  distinguished  our  ancestors.  Some  of  them  even  appear  to  have  been  can- 
nibals, and  yet  one  of  their  milder  spirits  can  thus  express  himself :  — 

"  The  boisterous  north  wind  so  deeply  pierced  my  life  for  thee,  O  Taiwa  !  that 
I  ascended  the  mountain,  even  to  the  very  top,  to  witness  thy  departure.  The 
rolling  billows  extend  nearly  as  far  as  Taiwa  went.  Thou  art  driven  to  the  east- 
ward far  away  :  But  thou  hast  given  me  a  garment  to  wear  for  thy  sake,  and  happy 

Q  3 


230  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK  perience,  even  in  barbaric  times  and  nations,  pour  out 
.  I^l  _^  the  treasures  of  their  moral  judgment  and  admonitory 
wisdom  in  the  useful  effusions  of  their  didactic  muse. 
The  Anglo-Saxon  remains  exhibit  specimens  of  at 
least  three  of  these  four  classes  of  the  Heliconian  in- 
spiration ;  but  it  must  be  confessed,  that  if  they 
revered  or  loved  their  fairer  companions,  they  have 
rarely  alluded  to  them  in  their  metrical  recollections ; 
they  incidentally  speak  of  them  with  strong  epithets 
of  admiration,  but  have  not  devoted  to  them  any 
specific  tribute  of  an  affectionate  heart. 

In  no  country  can  the  progress  of  the  poetical 
genius  and  taste  be  more  satisfactorily  traced  than  in 
our  own.  During  that  period  which  this  work  attempts 
to  commemorate,  we  find  it  in  its  earliest  state.  It 
could,  indeed,  have  been  scarcely  more  rude  to  have 
been  at  all  discernible.  But  though  its  dress  was 

O 

homely,  and  its  features  coarse,  yet  it  was  preparing 
to  assume  the  style,  the  measures,  and  the  subjects, 
which  in  subsequent  ages  were  so  happily  displayed 
as  to  deserve  the  notice  of  the  latest  posterity. 

The  poetry  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  was  written  in 
two  languages,  and  therefore  was  of  two  genera  ;  the 
poems  which  they  composed  in  their  own  tongue,  and 
the  poems  which  they  wrote  in  Latin.  These  two 
kinds  of  poetry  were  completely  distinct  from  each 
other;  —  distinct  in  origin;  distinct  in  style. 

shall  I  be  in  the  remembrance  of  thee  when  I  bind  it  on  my  shoulders.  When 
thou  art  arrived  at  thy  intended  port,  my  affections  will  be  there." 

That  the  reader  may  compare  their  mode  of  versification  with  the  Anglo-Saxon, 
•we  add  the  original,  which  displays  the  great  superiority  of  the  New  Zealand  lan- 
guage in  its  verbal  euphony,  from  the  greater  abundance  of  its  vowel  sounds. 

E  taka  to  e  au  ki  te  tiu  marangai, 
I  wiua  mai  ai  e  koinga  du  anga, 
Tai  rawa  nei  ki  te  puke  ki  ere  atu, 
E  tata  te  wiunga  te  tai  ki  a  Taiwa. 
Ki  a  koe  e  taua,  ka  wiua,  ki  te  tonga 
Nau  i  6  mai  e  kahu,  e  tiouki, 
E  takowe  e  6  mo  toku  nei  rangi, 
Ka  tai  ki  reira,  aku  rangi  auraki." 

New  Zeal.  Gram.  107. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  231 

The   Anglo-Saxon   native   poetry  may  be   distin-     CHAP. 
guished  into  its  mind  and  its  style.  . 

In  the  mind  of  poetry  we  look  for  its  imagination,  'fheir  na~ 
its  feeling,  and  its  force  of  thought ;  but  these  in  all 
ages  obey  and  display  the  tastes,  sentiment,  and 
habits  of  the  passing  day.  In  the  Anglo-Saxon  times, 
though  women  were  highly  respected  and  valued,  yet 
that  cultivated  feeling  which  we  call  love,  in  its  in- 
tellectual tenderness  and  finer  sympathies,  was  neither 
predominant  nor  probably  known.  The  stern  and 
active  passions  were  the  rulers  of  society,  and  all  the 
amusements  were  gross  or  severe.  Women  were  re- 
verenced, but  not  loved ;  and  hence,  except  in  the 
little  effusions  which  have  been  noticed  of  our  self- 
cultivated  Alfred,  there  is  no  affectionate  allusion  to 
the  fair  sex  in  any  Anglo-Saxon  poem. 

War  and  religion  were  the  absorbing  subjects  of 
this  period,  and  all  the  imagination,  and  feeling,  and 
thought  which  exist  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  poetry  are 
connected  with  one  or  both  of  these  topics.  There 
can  be  no  poetry  without  imagination  and  feeling ; 
but  these  endeared  qualities  appear  in  different  nations, 
and  in  different  states  of  society,  in  very  dissimilar 
forms. 

In  the  Anglo-Saxon  poetry  they  took  the  peculiar 
shape  of  the  metaphor  and  the  periphrasis.  The 
imagination  exerted  itself  in  framing  those  abrupt 
and  imperfect  hints  or  fragments  of  similes  which 
we  call  metaphors :  and  the  feeling  expressed  its 
emotions  by  that  redundant  repetition  of  phrases, 
which,  though  it  added  little  to  the  meaning  of  the 
poet's  lay,  was  yet  the  emphatic  effusion  of  his  heart, 
and  excited  consenting  sympathies  in  those  to  whom 
it  was  addressed.  This  habit  of  paraphrasing  the 
sentiment  is  the  great  peculiarity  of  the  mind  of  the 
Anglo-Saxon  poetry ;  the  metaphor  may  be  frequently 
observed,  but  the  periphrasis  is  never  long  absent. 

a  4 


232  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK  The  style  of  their  poetry  was  as  peculiar.  It  has 
.  IX'  .  been  much  disputed  by  what  rules  or  laws  the  Saxons 
arranged  their  poetical  phrases.  I  have  observed  a 
passage  in  the  general  works  of  Bede  which  may  end 
the  controversy,  by  showing  that  they  used  no  rules 
at  all,  but  adopted  the  simpler  principle  of  consulting 
only  the  natural  love  of  melody,  of  which  the  human 
organs  of  hearing  have  been  made  susceptible ;  and 
of  using  that  easy  allocation  of  syllables  which  pleased 
the  musical  ear.  In  defining  rhythmus,  Bede  says  : 

"It  is  a  modulated  composition  of  words,  not  according  to  the 
laws  of  metre,  but  adapted  in  the  number  of  its  syllables  to  the 
judgment  of  the  ear,  as  are  the  verses  of  our  vulgar  (or  native) 
poets.  Rhythm  may  exist  without  metre,  but  there  cannot  be 
metre  without  rhythm,  which  is  thus  more  clearly  defined. 

"Metre  is  an  artificial  rule  with  modulation;  rhythmus  is  the 
modulation  without  the  rule.  Yet,  for  the  most  part,  you  may 
find,  by  a  sort  of  chance,  some  rule  in  rhythm  :  but  this  is  not  from 
an  artificial  government  of  the  syllables.  It  arises  because  the 
sound  and  the  modulation  lead  to  it.  The  vulgar  poets  effect 
this  rustically ;  the  skilful  attain  it  by  their  skill.  Thus  that 
celebrated  hymn  is  very  beautifully  made  like  iambic  metre : 

Rex  eterne  !  Domine  ! 
Rerum  Creator  omnium ! 
Qui  eras  ante  secula  ! 

"  Such  are  other  Ambrosian  poems,  and  those  not  a  few.  So 
they  sing  the  hymn  on  the  day  of  judgment,  made  alphabetically, 
in  the  form  of  the  trochaic  metre. 

Apparebit  repentina  dies 

Magna  Domini,  fur  obscura 

Velut  nocte,  improvises  occupans."2 

From  this  passage  it  is  obvious  that  Bede's  poetical 
countrymen  wrote  their  vernacular  verses  without 
any  other  rule  than  that  of  pleasing  the  ear.  To  such 
a  selection  and  arrangement  of  words  as  produced 
this  effect,  they  added  the  habit  of  frequently  omitting 
the  usual  particles,  and  of  conveying  their  meaning  in 
short  and  contracted  phrases.  The  only  artifices  they 
used  were  those  of  inversion  and  transition. 

2  Bedse  Op.  vol.  i.  p.  57.  Ed.  1563.  Bede's  hymn  De  Ratione  Temporum  is 
all  in  rhyme  in  twenty-nine  couplets,  or  fifty-eight  lines.  Ibid.  p.  475. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  233 

The   most    ancient   piece  of  Anglo-Saxon   poetry     CHAP. 
which  we  possess,  is  that  fragment  of  the  song  of  the  • 

ancient   Casdmon  which   Alfred  has  inserted  in  his  Their  pen- 
translation    of  Bede.     Caedmon    was    a   monk,    who 
accustomed  himself  to  religious  poetry,  which  he  began 
late  in  life.     He  died  in  680. 

The  fragment,  which  has  descended  to  us,  he  made 
on  waking  in  a  stall  of  oxen  which  he  was  appointed 
to  guard  during  the  night.3  The  original  shows  the 
rhythm  to  which  Bede  alludes  : 

Now  we  should  praise  Nu  pe  j-ceolan  hepijean 

The  Guardian  of  the  heavenly  peapon  picep  peapb ; 

kingdom  ; 

The  mighty  Creator,  GOetobep  mihte, 

And  the  thoughts  of  his  mind,  Hnb  hir  mob  jechanc, 

Glorious  Father  of  his  works!  UJeopc  pulbop  paebep  ! 

As  he,  of  every  glory  Spa  he  pulbper  jehptep 

Eternal  Lord  !  Gee  bpihten  ! 

Established  the  beginning  ;  Opb  onrtealbe  ; 

So  he  first  shaped  pe  sepepc  jepcop 
The  earth  for  the  children  of  men,    Gopchan  beapnum, 

And  the  heav'ns  for  its  canopy.  peopon  to  pope. 

Holy  Creator !  Pahj  rcyppenb  ! 

The  middle  region,  Tha  mibban  jeapb, 

The  Guardian  of  Mankind,  GDon  cynnep  peapb, 

The  eternal  Lord,  Gee  bpihtne, 

Afterwards  made  yEptep  ceobe 

The  ground  for  men.  Fipum  polban  ; 

Almighty  Ruler  I  Fpea  almicij  ! 

Alfred's  Bede,  597. 

In  these  eighteen  lines  the  verbal  rhythm  and  peri- 
phrasis of  the  style  are  evident.  Eight  lines  are  oc- 
cupied by  so  many  phrases  to  express  the  Deity. 
These  repetitions  are  very  abruptly  introduced  ;  some- 
times they  come  in  like  so  many  interjections : 

The  Guardian  of  the  heavenly  kingdom  ; 

The  mighty  Creator  — 

Glorious  Father  of  his  works ;  — - 

Eternal  Lord !  — 

Holy  Creator  ! 

The  Guardian  of  Mankind, 

The  Eternal  Lord  — 

Almighty  Ruler! 

3  Bede,  iv.  24.     Alfred  has  preserved  the  Saxon. 


234  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK          Three  more  of  the  lines  are  used  for  the  periphrasis 
.   of  the  first  making  the  world  : 

He  established  the  beginning  ; 
He  first  shaped  — 
He  afterwards  made. 

Three  more  lines  are  employed  to  express  the  earth 
as  often  by  a  periphrasis  : 

The  earth  for  the  children  of  men  — 
The  middle  region  — 
The  ground  for  men. 

So  that  of  eighteen  lines,  the  periphrasis  occupies 
fourteen,  and  in  so  many  lines  only  conveys  three 
ideas  ;  and  all  that  the  eighteen  lines  express  is  simply 
the  first  verse  of  the  book  of  Genesis,  "  In  the  begin- 
ing  God  created  the  heavens  and  the  earth." 

No  Saxon  poem  can  be  inspected  without  the  peri- 
phrasis being  found  to  be  the  leading  characteristic. 
The  elegant  Menology  in  the  Cotton  Library  displays 
it  in  its  very  beginning.  The  rhythm  in  the  placing 
of  the  syllables  is  also  apparent  : 

Cpirt  paej-  acennyb  Christ  was  born 

Cymnja  pulbop  the  King  of  Glory 

On  mibne  pinrep  :  in  mid-winter  : 

GDaepe  theoben  I  Illustrious  King ! 

Gee  selmibtij  !  Eternal !  almighty  ! 

On  thy  eahteothan  baej  On  the  eighth  day 

haelenb  jehaten  he  was  called  the  Saviour, 

peofon  picef  peapb.  Ruler  of  heaven's  kingdom. 

As  all  the  specimens  of  their  native  poetry  which 
will  be  adduced  in  this  chapter  will  be  found  to 
abound  with  periphrastical  amplifications,  it  will  be 
unnecessary  to  introduce  more  instances  here. 

Their  meta-       Their  periphrasis  is  always  mingled  with  metaphors  ; 

phors.  an(j  ag  these  will  be  seen  very  frequently  in  the  subse- 
quent citations,  they  need  riot  be  particularised.  One 
striking  instance  willsuffice,  which  we  will  take  from 
Caedmon's  periphrasis  and  metaphors  to  express  the 
ark ;  he  calls  it  successively,  the  ship,  the  sea-house, 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  235 

the  greatest  of  watery  chambers,  the  ark,  the  great     CHAP. 
sea-house,  the  high  mansion,  the  holy  wood,  the  house,         *'     . 
the  great  sea-chest,  the  greatest  of  treasure-houses, 
the  vehicle,  the  mansion,  the  house  of  the  deep,  the 
palace  of  the  ocean,  the  cave,  the  wooden  fortress,  the 
floor  of  the  waves,  the  receptacle  of  Noah,  the  moving 
roof,  the  feasting-house,  the  bosom  of  the  vessel,  the 
nailed  building,  the  ark  of  Noah,  the  vehicle  of  the 
ark,  the  happiest  mansion,  the  building  of  the  waves, 
the  foaming  ship,  the  happy  receptacle.4 

Another  prevailing  feature  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Their  omis- 
poetry  was  the  omission  of  the  little  particles  of  speech,  a^£{  par" 
those  abbreviations  of  language  which  are  the  inven- 
tion of  man  in  the  more  cultivated  ages  of  society, 
and  which  contribute  to  express  our  meaning  more 
discriminatingly,  and  to  make  it  more  clearly  under- 
stood. The  prose  and  poetry  of  Alfred's  translation 
of  Boethius  will  enable  us  to  illustrate  this  remark. 
Where  the  prose  says,  Du  the  on  tham  ecan  retle 
nicrart,  "  Thou  who  on  the  eternal  seat  reignest,  "  the 
poetry  of  the  same  passage,  Du  on  heahretle  ecan  nicj-artr, 
"  Thou  on  high  seat  eternal  reignest, "  omitting  the 
explaining  and  connecting  particles,  the  and  that.  So, 
"  Thou  that  on  the  seat,"  is  again  in  the  poetry, 
"  Thou  on  seat."  The  Saxon  of  the  little  fragment  of 
Casdmon  is  without  particles. 

Whoever  looks  into  Anglo-Saxon  poetry,  after 
being  familiar  with  their  prose,  will  perceive  how  uni- 
formly barren  their  poems  are  of  the  discriminating 
and  explanatory  particles.  He  will  likewise  feel, 
in  the  difficulties  which  attend  his  construction  of 
it,  how  much  obscurity  is  created  by  their  absence. 

4  The  scallds  or  bards  of  the  Baltic  were  fond  of  these  creations  of  their  poetical 
talent,  as  the  following  specimens  from  their  odes  will  show.  Waves,  the  daughters 
of  the  sea;  spider,  the  king  of  weavers;  dust,  the  smoke  of  horses.  V.  153,  4. 
Ships,  the  winged  horses ;  the  asses  of  the  ocean  ;  horses,  the  ships  of  the  earth. 
R.  L.  58.  97.  J77.  A  ship,  the  horse  of  the  sea  daubed  with  pitch;  a  cup,  a 
ship  of  ale  ;  head,  the  seat  of  the  sounding  teeth ;  women,  the  fair  swans  of  Bel- 
lona.  G.  S.  137.  147.  151.  160.  Hail,  the  stones  of  the  clouds;  women,  a  fine 
country  adorned  with  linen  of  gold.  B.  254.  Some  are  still  more  violent. 


236 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


BOOK          In  prose,  and  in  cultivated  poetry,  every  conception 
.  of  the  author  is  clearly  expressed  and  fully  made  out. 

Their  short   jn  barbaric  poetry,  and  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  poetry,  we 

phrases.  ""  .  <•          »  •  •  i 

have  most  commonly  abrupt,  imperiect  hints,  instead 
of  regular  description  or  narration.  The  poetical 
citations  which  follow,  will  abundantly  show  this. 
But  that  their  poetry  seeks  to  express  the  same  idea 
in  fewer  words  than  prose,  may  be  made  apparent  by 
one  instance.  Thus,  the  phrase  in  Alfred's  prose, 
"  So  doth  the  moon  with  his  pale  light,  that  the  bright 
stars  he  obscures  in  the  heavens,"  is  put  by  him  in 
his  poetry  thus : 

With  pale  light 
Bright  stars 
Moon  lesseneth. 

Even  when  the  same  idea  is  multiplied  by  the  peri- 
phrasis, the  rest  of  the  sentence  is  not  extended  either 
in  meaning  or  expression.  One  word  or  epithet  is 
played  upon  by  a  repetition  of  synonymous  expres- 
sions, but  the  meaning  of  the  sentence  is  not  thereby 
increased. 

Of  their  artificial  inversion  of  their  words  and 
phrases  in  their  poems,  every  specimen  adduced  will 
give  evidence.  It  is  quite  different  in  their  prose. 
The  words  follow  there  most  commonly  in  an  easy 
and  natural  order.  The  poem  on  Beowulf  will  give 
repeated  instances  of  their  abrupt  and  unconnected 
transitions.  Their  metre  will  be  the  subject  of  a 
separate  chapter. 

The  poetry  which  pleases  a  refined  age,  has  no 
more  similarity  to  such  poetry  as  we  find  to  have  been 
popular  among  the  Anglo-Saxons,  than  the  sonatas  of 
Haydn,  Mozart,  or  Beethoven,  can  be  supposed  to 
have  to  the  boisterous  music  of  our  ancestors.  Poetry, 
like  painting  and  architecture,  has  attained  to  its 
perfection  by  slow  degrees.  The  leaves  of  its  laurel 
seem  to  have  been  the  gradual  contributions  of  genius 


Their  in- 
versions 
and  tran- 
sitions. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  237 

and  labour  during  many  centuries.  But  at  the  period 
in  which  it  is  the  province  of  this  history  to  contem- 
plate it,  little  else  seems  to  have  been  done  than  the 
formation  of  a  style  of  composition  different  from 
prose.  If  we  call  this  style  poetry,  it  is  rather  by 
complaisance  than  truth — rather  with  a  knowlege  of 
the  excellences  afterwards  introduced  into  it,  than  of 
those  which  it  then  possessed. 

The  barren  and  peculiar  state  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
poetry  leads  us  to  infer,  that  it  was  the  product  of 
art  more  than  of  nature.  Its  origin  seems  to  have 
been  as  homely  as  its  genius. 

The  origin  of  the  periphrasis  is  easily  accounted 
for ;  a  favourite  chief  or  hero  conquers,  and  is  re- 
ceived on  his  return  by  the  clamorous  rejoicings  of 
his  people.  One  calls  him  brave ;  another,  fierce ; 
another,  irresistible.  He  is  pleased  with  the  praises ; 
and  some  one  at  his  feast,  full  of  the  popular  feeling, 
repeats  the  various  epithets  with  which  he  had  been 
greeted  : 

Edmund, 
the  brave  chief, 
fierce  in  war ! 
irresistible  in  battle ! 
slaughtered  his  enemies 
at . 

This  is  in  substance  an  Anglo-Saxon  poem. 

But  when  these  addresses  were  found  to  interest 
the  vanity  of  the  chiefs,  and  to  excite  their  liberality, 
more  labour  would  be  bestowed  in  the  construction 
of  the  periphrasis  ;  the  compliment  would  be  some- 
times higher  seasoned,  and  then  the  periphrasis  would 
be  raised  into  occasional  metaphors :  the  hero  would 
be  called,  the  eagle  of  battle,  the  lord  of  shields,  the 
giver  of  the  bracelet,  the  helmet  of  his  people;  and  the 
lady  would  be  saluted  as  a  beautiful  elf. 

The  style  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  poetry  seems  to  have 


238  HISTOEY    OF    THE 

BOOK  been  originally  the  common,  imperfect  language  of 
• — ^__-  the  people,  in  its  half-formed  and  barbarous  state. 
When  an  infant  first  begins  to  talk,  it  uses  only  the 
nouns  and  pronouns  of  its  language.  By  degrees  it 
learns  the  use  of  a  few  verbs,  which  for  some  time  it 
uses  in  their  simplest  forms,  without  any  of  their  con- 
jugations. The  meaning  of  these  is  supplied  by  its 
actions,  or  is  left  to  be  guessed  by  its  parent.  The 
knowlege  of  the  abbreviations,  or  the  particles  of 
language,  is  gradually  attained.  With  our  careful  edu- 
cation, children  acquire  from  us  the  habit  of  using 
them  with  fluency  and  correctness  in  a  few  years.  But 
wild  nations  must  have  been  some  centuries  without 
them. 

All  nations,  who  have  formed  their  languages,  have 
gone  through  the  same  process,  in  doing  so,  that  our 
children  are  always  exhibiting.  The  nouns,  or  the 
names  of  things,  are  at  first  their  only  language. 
Some  of  these,  which  signify  visible  action  or  motion, 
come  at  last  to  be  used  to  express  motion  or  action 
generally,  or  are  added  to  other  nouns,  to  express  them 
in  a  state  of  action.  These  are  what  we  now  call 
verbs.  Hence  nouns,  nouns  used  as  verbs,  or  thus  con- 
verted into  verbs,  and  others  made  pronouns,  compose 
the  whole  of  the  language  in  the  ruder  ages  of  every 
uncivilised  nation. 

As  the  progress  of  society  goes  on,  the  abbreviations 
of  language  begin  to  be  formed ;  words  multiply,  and 
the  forms  of  using  them  to  distinguish  the  various 
ideas  of  the  human  mind  from  each  other,  and  to  give 
determination  and  precision  to  its  meaning,  begin  also 
to  multiply.  The  conjugations  of  the  verbs,  and  the 
declensions  of  nouns,  are  then  invented,  new  sets  of 
nouns  receive  being,  and  new  meanings  are  given  to 
the  primitive  nouns,  as  will  be  shown  in  our  chapter 
on  language,  till  at  length  every  language  receives 
that  multiplicity  of  terms  and  particles  which  form 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 

the  copious  and  clear  stream  of  expressive  and  culti- 
vated prose.  If  a  people  narrate  a  tale  in  the  full  and 
copious  period  of  their  language,  they  will  do  it  natu- 
rally in  that  easy  and  loquacious  prose  which  forms 
the  style  of  Herodotus,  the  oldest  prose  writer  of 
Greece  that  has  survived  to  us.  But  if  the  same  tale 
was  told  by  the  ancestors  of  this  people  in  their  ruder 
state,  when  language  had  not  acquired  its  abbrevi- 
ations, nor  the  verbs  their  conjugations,  nor  the  nouns 
their  secondary  meanings  and  derivative  applications ; 
and  if  that  tale,  so  rudely  told,  were  handed  down 
faithfully  by  tradition  in  its  rude  state  to  the  culti- 
vated age,  it  would  probably  exhibit  all  the  features 
of  the  Anglo-Saxon  poetry; — it  would  be  without 
particles,  without  conjugations  or  declensions,  with 
great  contraction  of  phrase,  with  abrupt  transitions,, 
with  violent  metaphor  arid  frequent  periphrasis.  The 
contraction  of  phrase,  would  arise  from  the  penury  of 
their  associations.  The  same  poverty  of  mind  and 
knowlege  would  make  the  periphrasis,  or  the  retracing 
the  same  idea  again  and  again,  their  easiest  source 
of  eloquence ;  and  the  violence  of  metaphor  naturally 
arises  from  not  having  immediately  new  terms  to 
express  the  new,  or  more  intellectual  ideas,  that 
would  every  year  be  rising  among  an  improving 
people  ;  and,  therefore,  till  new  words  are  devised,  the 
old  names  of  real  things  are  necessarily,  though  vio- 
lently applied. 

The  metre  of  the  Saxon  poetry  is  the  simplest  that 
can  be  conceived,  and  is,  indeed,  often  little  else  than 
*a  series  of  short  exclamations.  Its  inversions  are 
more  artificial.  But  when  music  was  applied  to 
poetry,  and  men  found  it  beneficial  to  sing  or  recite  a 
chieftain's  praise,  we  may  conceive,  that,  to  secure  to 
themselves  the  profits  of  the  profession,  some  little  in- 
genuity was  exerted  to  make  difficulties  which  would 
raise  their  style  above  the  vulgar  phrase.  Its  in- 


240  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK      version  was  one  of  the  easiest  modes  of  making  a 

.  :  IX-    ,   peculiar  style  of  composition  ;  and  as  society  advanced 

in  its  attainments,  the  transition,  the  alliteration,  and 

other  ornaments,  may  have  been  added,  either  as  new 

beauties  or  as  new  difficulties. 

When  the  style  of  the  nation  had  been  improved 
into  an  easy  and  accurate  prose,  the  ancient  style  may 
have  been  kept  on  foot  by  the  bards  of  the  chiefs  from 
design,  and  by  the  people  from  habit  and  veneration. 
The  old  style  would  be  long  remembered  by  a  nation, 
from  respect  to  its  ancestors,  from  that  venerable  air 
which  it  lias  from  its  antiquity,  like  the  dialect  and 
stanza  of  .Spenser  to  us,  which  is  always  pleasing,  and 
often  imitated ;  and  from  the  fact,  that  the  ancient 
compositions  which  had  become  "popular  were  in  the 
ancient  style. 

Hence,  independent  of  the  interest  which  the  bards 
would  have  to  use  the  ancient  style,  because,  by 
becoming  more  unlike  the  improving  language  of  the 
improving  people,  it  would  remain  more  securely 
appropriated  to  them,  and  therefore  more  beneficial ; 
the  people,  from  habit  and  association,  would  also 
prefer  it. 

Thus  humbly,  it  is  conceived,  the  Anglo-Saxon 
poetry  arose  :  at  first  the  rude  exclamations  of  a  rude 
people,  with  a  rude  language,  greeting  their  chieftains ; 
soon  repeated  or  imitated  by  some  men,  from  the 
profit  derived  from  it.  When,  from  the  improve- 
ment of  the  manners  and  state  of  the  people,  a  more 
cultivated  style,  or  that  we  call  prose,  became  general, 
because  better  fitted  to  the  uses  of  life,  then  the  old 
rude  style  dropped  out  of  common  use.  The  bards, 
however,  retained,  and  appropriated  this,  because 
more  instrumental  to  their  professional  advantages. 
To  enjoy  these  more  exclusively,  to  secure  their 
monopoly  of  credit  and  gifts,  they  added  more  diffi- 
culties to  the  style  they  adopted,  to  make  it  more 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  241 

remote  from   the  vulgar   attainment ;  till  at  length     CHAP. 
their  poetical  style  became  for  ever  separated  from         '     . 
prose. 

In  thus  considering  our  ancient  poetry  as  an  arti- 
ficial and  mechanical  thing,  cultivated  by  men  chiefly 
as  a  trade,  we  must  not  be  considered  as  confounding 
it  with  those  delightful  beauties  which  we  now  call 
poetry.  These  have  arisen  from  a  different  source, 
and  are  of  a  much  later  chronology.  They  are  the 
creations  of  subsequent  genius ;  but  they  have  sprung 
up,  not  in  its  dark  and  ancient  days,  but  in  a  succes- 
sion of  better  times,  during  the  many  ages  which 
followed,  in  which  the  general  intellect  of  society 
being  continually  improving,  taste  and  imagination  im- 
proved also.  The  English  far,cy  was  cultivated  with 
assiduous  labour  for  many  centuries  before  Chaucer 
arose,  or  could  have  arisen.  True  poetry  is  the  off- 
spring of  cultivated  mind.  Art  cannot  produce  it 
without  nature,  but  neither  can  nature  make  it  where 
art  is  wholly  unknown.  Hence,  all  that  we  owe  to 
our  Anglo-Saxon  ancestors  in  poetry  is,  that,  by  ac- 
cident or  design,  they  perpetuated  a  style  of  compo- 
sition different  from  the  common  language  of  the 
country,  which  gradually  became  appropriated  to 
fancy  and  music.  In  happier  times,  genius,  using  it 
as  the  vehicle  of  its  effusions,  improved  it  by  slow  de- 
grees, and  enriched  it  with  ever-succeeding  beauties, 
till  that  rich  stock  of  poetry  has  been  created,  which 
is  the  price  of  our  literature  and  country. 

The  Anglo-Saxon  poetry,  as  it  is  earlier,  so  it  is 
inferior  to  the  Northern  in  depth  of  feeling,  in 
vigour  of  genius,  and  in  culture  of  imagination.  It 
occupies  a  middle  space  between  the  ancient  British 
poetry  and  the  Northern.  It  has  not  the  story,  nor 
the  strong  imagination  of  the  Northern. 

It  exhibits  chiefly  feeling,  but  it  is  vague  feeling, 
or  feeling  vaguely  expressed,  not  made  out,  not  com- 

VOL.  III.  B 


242  HISTORY    OF   THE 

BOOK      municated  by  expressions  or  images  adapted  to  excite 

,    Ix'    .   it  in  others.     It  is  strong  heroic  feeling  in  the  mind 

of  the  writer,  but  more  expressed  by  violent  words 

than  by  the  real  effusion  or  detail  of  the  genuine 

emotion. 

But,  in  truth,  society  had  then  not  acquired  a  phrase 
of  eloquent  passion  for  its  own  use.  It  felt  often 
strongly ;  but,  like  the  uncultivated  mind  of  all  ages, 
did  not  know  how  to  express  itself.  Hence  the  use, 
and  the  cause  of  the  use,  of  oaths  and  imprecations, 
violent  gesticulations  and  abuse.  The  strong  feeling 
is  expressed  by  them  because  the  utterers  have  not 
yet  attained  the  art  or  the  habit  of  using  any  other 
form  of  diction  to  express  their  feelings  by,  and  know 
no  other  way  of  giving  them  utterance. 

Alfred,  by  translating  the  poetry  of  Boethius,  did 
more  to  improve  Saxon  poetry  than  any  other  thing ; 
but  this  kind  was  too  intellectual  to  be  then  imitated 
by  his  uneducated  contemporaries.  He  would  have 
done  them  more  service  if  he  had  translated  Virgil  or 
Homer,  or  any  other  epic  poem  into  Saxon.  The 
story  would  have  caught  their  attention,  and  the 
descriptions  and  dialogues  have  been  more  level  to 
their  comprehension.  The  warlike  story  of  Homer 
would  have  suited  them  ;  but  Homer  was  out  of  the 
reach  of  Alfred,  and  perhaps  Virgil's  Eneid  might 
have  been  too  refined  and  sentimental. 

The  history  of  the  Saxon  poetry,  and,  indeed,  of 
all  modern  European  poetry,  in  its  ruder  state,  may 
be  divided  into  three  heads  :  songs,  or  ballads ;  the 
lengthened  narrative  poems,  or  romances  ;  and  that 
miscellaneous  kind  which,  if  we  term  it  lyric,  it  is 
more  for  the  convenience  of  using  a  short  generic 
word,  than  for  the  exact  appropriation  of  its  meaning. 
Under  these  three  divisions  shall  be  arranged  all  that 
can  be  collected  on  the  Saxon  poetry. 

That  our  ancestors  had  popular  songs  on  the  actions 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  243 

of  their  great  or  favourite  characters,  or  on  such  other      CHAP. 
subjects  as  interested  the  vulgar  mind,  is  proved  by  . 
many  instances  which  may  be  traced  in  the  ancient  The  SaxoQ 

•j.  *  i  11      i  -r        «  MI  i  •        ^      Ballads. 

writers.  Aldhelm,  whose  Latin  poetry  will  be  noticed, 
applied  himself  to  compose  songs,  or  ballads,  in  the 
Anglo-Saxon  language,  to  instruct,  as  well  as  to 
amuse,  his  countrymen.  Alfred  inserted  it  as  a 
remark  in  his  Manual,  that  no  one  had  ever  appeared 
before  Aldhelm  so  competent  in  English  poetry  ;  none 
had  been  able  to  compose  so  much,  or  to  sing  and 
recite  it  so  appositely.  The  king  mentions  a  popular 
ballad  of  Aldhelm's,  which  was  in  his  time  (that  is, 
nearly  two  centuries  afterwards)  sung  in  the  streets. 
Malmsbury  adds,  that  Aldhelm,  anxious  to  instruct 
his  countrymen,  then  semi-barbarous,  and  inattentive 
to  their  religious  duties,  took  his  station  on  the  public 
bridge,  as  if  a  singer  by  profession,  and,  by  mixing 
sacred  with  lighter  topics,  won  their  attention,  and 
meliorated  their  minds. 

None  of  Aldhelm's  vernacular  poetry  has  survived  ; 
but  the  circumstance  above  mentioned,  that  he  com- 
posed and  sang  these  ballads  as  if  "  he  professed  the 
art  of  singing5,"  show  that  the  harpers  of  the  day 
were  accustomed  to  recite  them.  That  such  things 
were  then  in  general  circulation  is  also  implied  by 
Bede,  when  he  mentions,  that  in  a  festive  company 
the  harp  was  sent  round,  that  those  might  sing  who 
could.6 

It  was  a  book  of  Saxon  poems  which  first  allured 
Alfred  to  learn  to  read7 ;  and  the  fact,  that  he  had 
*his  children  taught  to  read  Saxon  poems8,  and  that 
he  himself  visited  the  Danish  camp  as  a  harper9, 
which,  in  the  reign  of  his  grandson,  Anlaf  imitated10, 
prove  the  existence  of  popular  songs,  which  interested 
both  the  child  and  the  rude  warrior. 

5  Malmsb.  3  Gale,  339.  «  Bede,  lib.  iv.  c.  24. 

'  Asser.  a  Ibid- 

9  Malmsb.  43.  10  Ibid.  48. 

B  2 


44  HISTORY    OF   THE 

BOOK  These  songs,  or  ballads,  are  also  mentioned  on  other 
.  occasions.  When  Malmsbury,  after  narrating  .the 
reign  of  Athelstan,  proceeds  to  describe  his  origin 
from  Edward's  amour  with,  a  shepherd's  daughter, 
he  says,  "  The  following  facts  I  have  taken  rather 
from  the  songs  (cantilenis)  worn  out  by  the  course  of 
time,  than  from  books  composed  for  the  instruction  of 
posterity."  u 

When  Malmsbury  has  to  mention  the  adulteries  of 
Edgar,  he  endeavours  to  lessen  their  historical 
authority  by  saying,  "  The  other  infamies  which  I 
shall  mention  have  been  rather  diffused  by  songs" 
(cantilena).12 

These  popular  songs  occur  to  us  again  in  the 
ancient  life  of  Dunstan.  He  is  there  said  to  have 
learnt  '*  the  vain  songs  of  his  nation."  13  He  was  also 
at  that  time  a  player  upon  the  harp. 

A  fragment  of  a  ballad  composed  by  Canute  the 
Great  has  survived  to  us14,  which  gives  us  a  specimen 
of  the  measure  which  this  kind  of  poetry  had  attained 
in  his  time.  As  he  was  sailing  by  the  abbey  in  the 
Isle  of  Ely,  he  heard  the  monks  chanting  their  psalms 
and  anthems,  and  was  so  struck  with  the  interesting 
melody,  that  he  composed  a  little  Saxon  ballad  on 
the  occasion,  which  began  thus  : 

GCepie  j-unjen  Se  munechej-  binnen  €ly, 
Tha  Tjnuc  chmj  peuSep  by; 
Rope8,  Uiniter,  noep  Se  lanb, 
Snb  hepe  pe  tiej'  munecher 


Merry  sang  the  monks  in  Ely, 
When  Canute  the  king  was  sailing  by  ; 
"  Row,  ye  Knights,  near  the  land, 
"  And  let  us  hear  these  monks'  song." 

The  historical  ballads  of  the  Saxons  on  the  actions 
of  their  popular  favourites  are  also  intimated  by 
Ingulf,  the  Conqueror's  secretary.  In  his  account  of 

11  Malmsb.  52.  12  Ibid.  56. 

13  MS   Cleop.  B.  13.  H  Hist.  Elien  —  3  Gale,  505. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  245 

the  chivalric  hero,  Hereward,  who  flourished  in  the 
time  of  Edward  the  Confessor  and  afterwards,  he 
says,  "  His  brave  actions  were  sung  in  England."15 
In  another  passage,  the  monk  informs  us  that  Here- 
ward  died  at  last  in  peace,  and  was  buried  in  their 
monastery,  "  after  great  battles,  and  a  thousand  dan- 
gers, frequently  dared  against  the  king,  earls,  barons, 
and  magistrates,  and  bravely  achieved,  as  is  yet  sung 
in  the  streets."16  We  may  close  our  authorities  by 
stating,  that  William  of  Malmsbury  mentions  that 
the  song  (cantilena)  of  Roland  was  begun  to  be 
sung  before  the  battle  of  Hastings  to  excite  a  martial 
spirit  in  the  combatants.17 

Two  of  the  historical  songs  of  our  ancestors,  and 
some  fragments  of  others,  have  been  preserved  in  the 
Saxon  Chronicle,  in  which  they  have  been  inserted  as 
part  of  the  Chronicle.  As  one  of  the  songs  on  Edgar's 
death  has  not  been  hitherto  brought  before  the  Eng- 
glish  public,  and  the  other,  on  Ethelstan's  victory,  has 
been  given  with  incorrect  translations,  I  will  add  a 
version  of  both.18 

The  Song  on  Ethehtari's  Victory  at  Brunanburh. 

Here  Athelstan  king,  with  the  rest  of  the  family, 

of  earls  the  lord,  the  children  of  Edward, 

the    giver   of  the   bracelets   of  As  to  them  it  was  natural 

the  nobles,  from  their  ancestry, 

and  his  brother  also,  that  they  in  the  field  often 

Edmund  the  setheling,  against  every  enemy 

the  Elder  a  lasting  glory  their  land  should  defend, 

won  by  slaughter  in  battle  their  treasures  and  homes, 
with  the  edges  of  swords  Pursuing,  they  destroyed 

at  Brunan  burh.  the  Scottish  people 

*The  wall  of  shields  they  cleaved,  and  the  ship-fleet, 

they  hewed  the  noble  banners  :  Dying  they  fell ! 

15  Ingulf,  p.  67.  I6  Ibid.  p.  68.  17  Malmsb.  p.  101. 

18  Various  MSS.  give  different  readings  of  some  passages  of  this  poem,  and 
several  parts  are  obscure  enough  to  prevent  any  one  from  giving  now  an  (indispu- 
table translation  of  them.  Mr.  Price  has  added  a  new  one  with  some  ingenuity, 
but  with  only  partial  success,  and  with  some  doubtful  conceptions.  I  have  con- 
sidered his  version,  Mr.  Ingrain's,  Gibson's,  and  others,  and  have  revised  my  own 
translation  and  made  it  what  most  satisfies  my  own  judgment,  but  I  feel  that  full 
certainty  in  every  part  is  not  now  attainable. 

B  3 


246 


HISTORY    OF   THE 


BOOK       the  field  was  coloured 
IX-         with  the  warriors'  blood ! 
"  After  that  the  sun  on  high 

in  the  morning  hour, 
the  greatest  star ! 
glided  over  the  earth, 
God's  candle  bright ! 
the  eternal  Lord's ! 
till  the  noble  creature 
hastened  to  her  setting. 

There  lay  soldiers  many 
with  darts  struck  down, 
Northern  men, 
over  their  shields  shot. 
So  were  the  Scotch  ; 
weary  of  ruddy  battle. 

The  West  Saxons  then 
throughout  the  day, 
with  a  chosen  band, 
to  the  last  pressed 
on  the  loathed  people. 
They  hewed  the  fugitives  of  the 

army, 

the  behind  ones,  fiercely 
with   swords  sharpened  at   the 
mill. 

The  Mercians  did  not  refuse 
the  hard  hand -play 
with  any  of  those  men 
that,  with  Anlaf, 
over  the  turbid  sea, 
in  the  bosom  of  the  ship, 
sought  the  land 
for  deadly  fight. 

Five  lay 

in  that  battle  place, 
young  kings, 
by  swords  quieted : 
so  also  seven, 
the  earls  of  Anlaf, 
and  innumerable  of  the  army 
of  the  fleet  —  and  the  Scots. 

There  was  chased  away 
the  lord  of  the  Northmen, 
driven  by  necessity 
to  the  stem  of  the  ship, 
with  a  small  host. 
The  crew  floated  the  ship ; 
the  king  departed  out 
on  the  yellow  flood ; 


his  life  preserved. 

So  there  also  the  routed  one, 
a  fugitive,  came 
to  his  northern  country  ; 
Constantinus : 
the  hoary  soldier  of  Hilda. 
He  needed  not  to  triumph 
in  the  commerce  of  swords : 
he  was  the  fragment  of  his  re- 
lations ; 

of  his  friends  felled  in  the  folk- 
place, 

slain  in  the  battle  : 
And  his  son  he  left 
on  the  place  of  slaughter 
with  wounds  beaten  down  ; 
young  in  the  conflict. 
He  could  not  glory 
in  the  lad  with  flaxen  hair, 
from  the  biting  of  the  bill ; 
old  and  deceitful. 

Not  more  than  Anlaf, 
with  the  residue  of  their  armies 
had  need  to  exult, 
that  they  for  works  of  battle 
were  better 

in  the  place  of  combat, 
in  the  prostration  of  the  banners, 
in  the  meeting  of  the  arrows, 
in  the  assembly  of  men, 
in  the  exchange  of  weapons, 
when  they  on  the  field  of  slaugh- 
ter 

against  Edward's 
descendants  played. 

Departed  from  them,  then 
the  Northmen, 
in  nailed  ships, 
the  dreary  relics  of  the  darts, 
on  the  stormy  sea, 
over  the  deep  water, 
to  seek  Dublin, 
and  Ireland  again, 
disgraced  in  mind. 

So  the  brothers 
both  together, 
the  king  and  the  OBtheling, 
their  country  sought, 
the  West- Saxon  land. 

The  screamers  of  war 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


247 


of  people  destroyed, 

before  this 

by  the  edges  of  swords, 

(This  is  what  the  books  tell  us 

of  the  old  wise  men) 

since  from  the  East  hither 

the  Angles  and  the  Saxons 

came  up 

over  the  broad  waves, 

and  sought  the  Britons. 

The  illustrious  smiths  of  war ! 

the  Welsh  overcame ; 

the  earls  excelling  in  honor  ! 

and  obtained  the  country.19 


they  left  behind ; 

the  raven  to  enjoy, 

the  dismal  kite, 

and  the  black  raven 

with  horned  beak  ; 

and  the  hoarse  toad ; 

the  eagle,  afterwards 

to  feast  on  the  white  flesh ; 

the  greedy  battle-hawk, 

and  the  grey  beast, 

the  wolf  in  the  wood. 

Nor  had  there  been  a  greater 

slaughter 
in  this  island 
ever  yet 

In  this  song  we  may  observe  this  artless  order :  in 
the  two  first  paragraphs,  the  actions  of  Athelstan  and 
his  brother  are  recited.  The  West  Saxons  and  the 
Mercians  are  then  separately  praised.  The  fate  of 
their  enemies  follows.  The  deaths  of  the  five  kings 
and  seven  earls  are  commemorated.  Anlaf's  flight 
and  escape  are  sung,  and  Constantine's,  whose  son 
fell  in  the  conflict.  The  poet  then  exults  in  the 
superior  prowess  of  his  countrymen.  He  conducts 
the  remains  of  the  defeated  army  to  Dublin,  and  the 
victorious  princes  into  West  Saxony.  He  closes  his 
song  with  two  poetical  common-places ;  one  on  the 
birds  of  prey,  who  crowd  the  field  of  battle,  and 
the  other  on  the  superiority  of  this  victory  to  all 
former  ones. 

The  song  on  Edgar's  death  is  much  shorter: 


Here  ended 
his  earthly  joys  — 
•Edgar,  England's  king : 
he   chose   for   himself    another 

light, 

beautiful  and  pleasant ; 
and  left  this  feeble  life, 
which   the  children  of  the  na- 
tions, 
the  men  on  earth, 


call  so  transitory. 

On    that    month   which 

where 

in  this  country's  soil 
they,  that  were  before 
in  the  art  of  numbers 
rightly  instructed, 
call  July ; 

in  his  youth  departed 
on  the  eighteenth  day, 


every 


w  Sax.  Chron.  Gib.  112.     Ingr.  141. 
R  4 


248 


BOOK       Edgar  from  life  — 
IX.         the  giver  of  the  bracelets  of  the 

* '  nobles  : 

and  his  son  took 
afterwards  to  the  kingdom  ; 
a  child  not  full  grown ; 
the  ruler  of  earls  : 
Edward  was  his  name, 
an  excelling  hero. 

Ten  nights  before 
from  Britain  departed 
the  bishop  so  good 
in  native  mind, 
Cyneward  was  his  name. 
Then  was  in  Mercia, 
to  my  knowlege, 
wide  and  every  where 
the  praise  of  the  Supreme  Go- 
vernor 

destroyed  on  the  earth. 
Many  were  disturbed 
of  God's  skilful  servants. 
Then  was  much  groaning 
to  those  that  in  their  breasts 
carried  the  burning  love 
of  their  Creator  in  their  mind. 
Then  was  the  source  of  miracles 
so  much  despised, 
the  Governor  of  victory ; 
the  Lawgiver  of  the  sky  ; 


when  man  broke  his  rights. 

And  then  was  also  driven 
the  beloved  man, 
Oslac,  from  the  earth, 
over  the  rolling  of  the  waves, 
over  the  bath  of  the  sea-fowl, 
the  long-haired  hero, 
wise,  and  in  words  discreet, 
over  the  roaring  of  the  waters, 
over  the  country  of  the  whales  ; 
of  an  home  deprived. 

And  then  was  shown 
up  in  the  sky 
a  star  in  the  firmament. 
This  the  firm  of  spirit, 
the  men  of  skilful  mind, 
call  extensively 
a  comet  by  name, 
men  skilled  in  art, 
wise  truth-tellers. 

There  was  over  the  nation 
the  vengeance  of  the  Supreme. 
TV7idely  spread 
hunger  over  the  mountains. 
That  again  Heaven's 
Ruler  removed ; 
the  Lord  of  angels  ! 
He  again  gave  bliss 
to  every  inhabitant 
by  the  earth's  fertility.20 


These  historical  songs  have  none  of  the  story,  nor 
the  striking  traits  of  description  which  interest  us 
in  the  ballads  of  a  subsequent  age.  In  the  Saxon  songs 
we  see  poetry  in  its  rudest  form,  before  the  art  of 
narration  was  understood.  The  simplicity  of  the 
ballad  deceives  us  into  a  belief  that  is  the  easy  and 
natural  performance  of  the  less  cultivated  ages  of  so- 
ciety. But  the  truth  seems  to  be,  that  the  excellence 
of  the  ballad  is  as  difficult  of  attainment  as  any  other 
species  of  approved  poetry,  and  is  the  result  not 
merely  of  genius,  but  also  of  great  cultivation.  In  the 
ruder  ages  of  nations,  the  ballad  is  the  sort  of  poetry 
the  most  frequently  composed  and  the  most  generally 


20  Sax.  Ch.  Gib.  122.     Ing.  160. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  249 

recited.     The  incessant  cultivation  of  this  particular     CHAP. 
species  creates  at  least  an  excel, ence  in  it  which  sub-   . 
sequent  ages  do  not  attain,  because  other  departments 
of  the  Parnassian  art  are  then  attended  to,  and  the 
ballad  becomes  less  used. 

The  song  of  Canute  on  Ely  was  the  composition  of 
the  eleventh  century  ;  and  being  much  later  written 
than  that  on  Athelstan,  and  therefore  of  a  more  cul- 
tivated kind,  seems  to  have  approached  nearer  that 
lively  and  dramatic  form  which  interests  us  so  much 
in  the  ballads  of  the  following  ages.  This  little  frag- 
ment is,  indeed,  the  oldest  specimen  of  the  dramatic 
or  genuine  ballad  which  we  have  in  the  Anglo-Saxon 
language. 

The  genuine  ballad  seems  to  have  originated  when 
the  old  Saxon  poetry  began  to  decline.  The  laboured 
metaphor,  the  endless  periphrasis,  the  violent  inversion, 
and  the  abrupt  transition,  being  the  great  features  of 
the  Saxon  poetry,  these  constituted  that  pompousness 
which  William  of  Malmsbury  truly  states  to  have  been 
its  great  characteristic.  But  it  was  impossible  that 
while  these  continued  prevalent  and  popular,  the  ge- 
nuine ballad  could  have  appeared.  The  ballad,  there- 
fore, probably  arose  from  more  vulgar  and  homely 
poets — from  men  who  could  not  bend  language  into 
that  difficult  and  artificial  strain  which  the  genius  of 
the  Anglo-Saxon  bard  was  educated  to  use.  The  am- 
bulatory glee-men,  who  strove  to  please  the  public  by 
their  merry-andrew  antics,  were  most  probably  the 
first  inventors  of  the  genuine  ballad.  While  at  one 
time  they  tumbled  and  danced,  showed  their  bears,  and 
frolicked  before  the  people  in  the  dresses  of  various 
animals,  at  others  they  may  have  told  little  tales  to  in- 
terest the  mob,  from  whose  liberality  they  drew  their 
maintenance. 

Incidents  narrated  in  verse  were  more  intelligible 
than  the  pompous  songs  of  the  regular  poets,  and  far 


250  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK  more  interesting  to  the  people.  In  time  they  gained 
.  IX'  .  admission  to  the  hall  and  the  palace;  and,  by  the  style 
of  Canute's  ballad,  this  revolution  must  have  been 
achieved  by  the  beginning  of  the  eleventh  century. 
Then  the  harsh  and  obscure  style  of  the  old  Saxon 
poetry  began  to  be  unpopular ;  and  being  still  more 
discredited  after  the  Norman  conquest,  it  was  at  length 
completely  superseded  by  the  ballad  and  the  metrical 
romance. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  251 


CHAP.  II. 

ANGLO-SAXON  Narrative  Poems,  or  Romances.  —  The  Poem  on 

BEOWULF. 

THE  origin  of  the  metrical  romance  has  been  lately     CHAP. 
an  interesting  subject  of  literary  research  ;  and  as  it  .     IL 
has  not   been   yet   completely   elucidated,    it   seems 
proper  to  enquire  whether  any  light  can  be  thrown 
upon  it  from  the  ancient  Saxon  poetry. 

It  was  asserted  by  Mr.  Ritson,  in  conformity  with 
the  prevailing  opinion  of  antiquaries,  that  the  Anglo- 
Saxons  had  no  poetical  romance  in  their  native  tongue. 
But  he  grounds  this  opinion  on  the  fact,  that  no 
romance  had  been  at  that  time  discovered  in  Saxon 
but  a  prose  translation  from  the  Latin  of  the  legend 
of  Apollonius  of  Tyre.  The  Anglo-Saxon  poem  on 
Beowulf,  which,  after  having  been  for  ages  neglected 
by  our  antiquaries,  was  particularly  pointed  out  to 
the  notice  of  the  public  in  the  first  edition  of  this 
history  in  the  year  1805,  proves  that  this  opinion  was 
erroneous. 

This  work  is  a  poem  on  the  actions  of  its  hero 
Beowulf.  If  it  describes  those  deeds  only  which  he 
actually  performed,  it  would  claim  the  title  of  an  his- 
torical poem ;  but  if,  as  few  can  doubt,  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  poet  has  amused  himself  with  pourtraying 
the  warrior,  and  the  incidents  of  his  fancy,  then  it  is 
a,  specimen  of  an  Anglo-Saxon  poetical  romance,  true 
in  costume  and  manners,  but  with  an  invented  story. 
It  is  the  most  interesting  relic  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
poetry  which  time  has  spared  to  us  ;  and,  as  a  picture 


252  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK      of  the  manners,  and  as  an  exhibition  of  the  feelings 

IX 

i—^. — -  and  notions  of  those  days,  it  is  as  valuable  as  it  is 
ancient.  There  is  only  one  MS.  of  it  now  existing, 
which  is  in  the  Cotton  Library,  Vitellius,  A.  15. ;  and 
our  antiquarian  patriotism  may  be  blamed  that,  when 
so  much  labour  and  money  have  been  applied  to  print, 
at  the  public  expence,  so  many  ancient  remains,  and 
some  of  such  little  utility1,  we  should  have  left  this 
curious  relic  of  our  ancestors  to  have  been  first  printed 
by  a  foreigner,  and  in  a  foreign  country.2 

The  MS.  of  this  poem  was  injured  by  the  fire  in 
the  British  Museum  in  1731.  Tt  seems  to  have  been 
written  in  the  tenth  century.3  Its  author,  in  several 
places,  speaks  as  if  he  had  been  a  contemporary  of 
the  events  he  describes  ;  but  this  may  be  considered 
as  a  poetical  licence,  especially  if  it  be  historically  true 
that  Beowulf  fell  in  Jutland  in  the  year  340. 4  The 
following  analysis  of  the  poem  will  give  the  reader  of 
this  history  a  general  notion  of  its  contents,  and  the 
extracts  will  be  selected  with  a  view  to  show  the 
manners  it  describes. 

It  opens  with  an  exclamatory  introduction  of  his 
hero,  but  without  immediately  naming  him  :  — 


1  Under  the  commission  for  printing  the  public  records  of  the  kingdom  much 
has  been  printed  which  deserves  the  thanks  of  the  community ;   but  L  should  have 
rejoiced  to  have  seen  the  Anglo-Saxon  remains  substituted  for  some  of  the  volumes 
which  have  perhaps  never  been  twice  opened  since  their  publication,  and  will  never 
be  molested  even  by  antiquaries  again.     Would  not  a  more  enlarged  principle  of 
selection  have  been  more  advantageous  to  our  most  valuable  MSS  ? 

2  Ten  years  after  the  first  edition  of  this  part  of  the  AnglorSaxon  history,  Dr. 
G.  J.  Thorkelin,  in  the  year  1815,  printed  this  work  at  Copenhagen,  which  he 
addressed  to  the  Lord  John  de  Bulow,  as  his  Maecenas  optime  !  by  whose  private 
munificence,  he  says,  he  had  been  enabled  to  bring  into  his  country  a  monument 
of  literature  which  was  above  a  thousand  years  old.     But  he  is  not  entitled  to  claim 
it  as  a  Danish  poem  ;  it  is  pure  Anglo-Saxon ;  and  though  I  grant  that  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  language  is  very  like  that  of  the  old  Icelandic  poetry  which  has  survived, 
yet  it  is  a  similarity  with  great  idiomatical  and  verbal  differences.     It  is  by  no 
means  identity. 

3  So  the  late  Mr.  Astle  thought,  and  the  writing  has  all  the  appearance  of  being 
of  that  age. 

4  Dr.  Thorkelin  mentions  this  on  the  authority  of  Suhn,  in  bfc  Geschichte  der 
Danen.     I  can  neither  deny  nor  confirm  the  chronology. 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


253 


How   have  we   of  the  Gar- 
Danes  5 

in  former  days, 
of  the  Theod-kings6, 
the  glory  heard  ? 
How  the  ethelings 
excelled  in  strength  ! 
Oft  the  scyld-scefing 
from  hosts  of  enemies, 
from  many  tribes, 
the  mead-seats  withdrew. 


The  earl  was  dreaded  — 
he  grew  up  under  the  heavens 
he  flourished  in  honours 
till  that  each 
of  those  sitting  about 
the  path  of  the  whole 
should  obey  him  ; 
should  pay  him  tribute.7 


His  birth  and  encomium  follow  : 


There  was  a  good  king  : 
to  him  offspring 
was  afterwards  born, 
a  youth  in  the  world  : 
this  one  God  sent 
the  people  to  comfort 
because  he  understood  their  need, 


which  the  Supreme  knew 
that  they  had  before 
a  long  while  suffered. 
To  him  the  Lord  of  life, 
the  Ruler  of  glory, 
the  world's  honours  grave.8 


He  proceeds  to  name  his  hero,  and  to  represent  him 
as  announcing  and  preparing  for  a  warlike  or  preda- 
tory adventure: — 


BEOWULF  was  illustrious. 
Wide  sprang  the  rumour 
that  the  offspring  of  the  scyld 
would  rush  upon  some  lands. 
So  would  he  be  able 
good  vessels  to  obtain, 
with  abundant  money-gifts, 
in  seasonable  time. 


Then  with  him,  as  formerly, 
again  associated 
his  voluntary  companions. 
When  the  battle  was  coming 
the  people  followed  him. 
With  deeds  of  praise 
every  where  among  the  tribes 
this  man  shall  flourish.9 


CHAP. 
II. 


5  Thorkelin  calls  these  the  northern  Danes,  inhabiting  Zealand  and  the  other 
isles,  p.  261.     His  derivation  of  Gar  from   Aur,  a  peninsula  in  Iceland,  is    un- 
satisfactory.    As    a    Saxon    word,   Gar-dena  means   the  ancient  Danes ;  as  eald 
Saxons  means  the  old  Saxons. 

6  Of  these  see  Vol.  I.  of  this  History,  p.  382. 

7  Thorkelin's  first  translation  of  this  poem  was  burnt  in  our  bombardment  of 
Copenhagen.     At  the  request  of  his  patron,  Bulow,  he  made   another  translation 
in  Latin,  which  he  has  published.     As  I  very  often  differ  with   him  in  the  con- 
struction of  the  original,  I  have  attempted  to  convey  the  ideas  of  the  poet  in   a 
version  oif  my  own,  in  the  passages  inserted  in  this  work.     Yet,  as  a  first  translation 
of  a  very  difficult  composition,   I  ascribe  great  merit  to  Dr.  Thorkelin   for  that 
which  he  has  published ;  and  cordially  thank  him  for  the  courage  and  ingenuity 
of  his  undertaking. 

8  Thorkelin's  Beowulf,  p.  4. 

9  Ibid.  pp.  4,  5.     On  collating  the  Doctor's  printed  text  with  the  MS.  I  have 
commonly  found  an  inaccuracy  of  copying  in  every  page ;  but  for  a  first  publisher 
he  has  been,  on  the  whole,  unusually  correct. 


254 


HISTORY    OF   THE 


BOOK 
IX. 


The    description    of    their    embarkation    is    then 


given  :  — 

With  them  the  scyld  departed 

to  the  ship, 

while  many  were  eager 

to  proceed  with  their  lord. 

They  conducted  him  forth 

to  the  journey  of  the  ocean, 

his  dear  companions 

as  he  commanded, 

when  with  words  he  governed 

the  friendly  scyldingi, 

the  loved  land-chieftain 

had  long  possessed  them. 


There  at  the  port  he  stood : 
the  voice  rung  on  the  ice 
and  out,  ready 
was  the  etheling's  expedition. 

They  led  then 
the  dear  king, 
the  lord  of  bracelets, 
the  illustrious  one, 
into  the  bosom  of  the  ship. 
By  the  mast  there  was 
of  many  vessels 
from  distant  waves 
the  ornaments  collected.10 


The  poet  then  indulges  himself  in  describing  the 
war-ship  and  its  contents  :  — 


I  have  never  heard 
that  a  more  king-like  ship 
has  been  prepared. 
With  the  weapons  of  Hilda, 
and  noble  garments, 
and  bills  and  mails. 
In  its  bosom  lay 
many  vessels, 

that  with   them  should  far  de- 
part 
on  the  territory  of  the  flood. 

Nor  did  they  place  in  it 
few  presents  from  the  people's 

wealth ; 
this  they  did 
who  at  its  first  formation 
sent  it  forth, 


alone  over  the  waves, 
a  spacious  vessel. 

Then  they  fixed  in  it 
the  flowing  banner 
high  over  their  heads. 
They  let  the  waters  bear  it, 
the  tide,  into  the  ocean. 

To  him   would   be  a  soul  of 

sorrow  ; 

a  mourning  mind  : 
men  would  not  be  able 
to  say,  in  truth, 
that  any  warrior  under  heaven 
would  have  a  happy  state 
who  from  them  would  take  its 

lading.11 


The  poet  then  introduces  to  us  a  character  who 
makes  also  a  principal  figure  in  his  work  :  this  is 
Hrothgar,  one  of  the  sons  of  Halfden,  a  Danish  king, 
to  whose  dignity  Hrothgar  succeeded:  — 


Then  was  to  Hrothgar 
the  army-treasure  given, 
the  worship  of  battle. 
Then  him,  his  dear  relations 


diligently  obeyed, 

while  the  youth  grew  up 

the  great  lord  of  his  kinsmen.12 


'•  Beowulf,  p.  5.  »  Ibid.  p.  6. 


12  Ibid.  p.  7. 


i 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  255 

The  author  now  advances  to  the  incident  on  which     CIJfp' 
the  main  part  of  the  poem  turns,  but  which  is  narrated    < — . — ' 
with  considerable  obscurity.     The  first  incident   is, 
that  Hrothgar  summons  his  warriors  to  one  of  those 
great  meetings  which  it  was  customary  with  all  the 
Teutonic  kings  to  hold,  which  with  the  Anglo-Saxons 
was  the  time  when  their  witena-gemot  met,  and  when 
the  sovereigns  distributed  their  presents,  as  we  have 
already  mentioned.13 

It  occurred  to  his  mind  And  within  that  place 

that  to  the  hall  of  his  palace  he  purposed  to  share  every 
he  would  summon  his  heroes.  thing 

Men  hastened  with  young  and  old, 

much  mead  to  prepare.  except  his  territory 

This  the  chiefs  of  men  and  the  lives  of  his  men.14 
always  enquired  for. 

The  meeting  was  proclaimed,  and  the  assembly  col- 
lected. The  name  given  to  the  royal  mansion,  or 
town,  was  HEORT  :  — 

When  it  was  all  ready  he  laid  out  the  bracelets ; 

the  great  hall-chamber,  he  divided  the  treasure  ;  , 

the  poet  called  it  Heort,  at  the  feast  the  lofty  hall 

he  that  of  his  words  resounded  with  shouts, 

had  extensive  power.  and  with  the  crooked  horn.15 

The  king  was  not  menacing  ; 

An  enemy  is  now  abruptly  noticed  as  watching  this 
festivity  with  dark  and  secret  purposes  of  malig- 
nity :  — 

He  that  abode  in  darkness,          heard  their  joy 
while  he  every  day  loud  in  the  hall.16 

The  author  continues  his  description  of  their  fes- 
tivity, and  introduces  the  curious  circumstance  of 
a  scop  or  poet  singing  a  poem  on  the  origin  of 
things,  like  lopas,  at  Carthage,  before  Dido  and 
jEneas :  — 

"  See  before,  pp.  174.  187.  M  Beowulf,  p.  8. 

u  Ibid,  pp.  8,  9.  »  Ibid.  p.  9. 


256 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


BOOK 
IX. 


There  was  on  the  harp 
the  sweet  sound  sung, 
the  poet's  narration  ; 
he  that  knew 
the  origin  of  men, 
though  remote  to  describe.17 

He  sang,  that  the  ALMIGHTY 
created  the  earth  ; 
its  bright,  beauteous  plains. 
So  the  water-beds 
he  bendeth. 


He  established  the  path 

of  the  fierce  sun, 

and  the  moon's  light, 

to  illuminate 

the  inhabitants  of  the  earth. 

He  has  also  adorned 

the  regions  of  the  world 

with  leaves  and  splendor. 

He  has  also  made  life 

for  every  species 

of  those  that  move  alive.18 


The  poet  of  the  feast  is  represented  as  continuing 
his  song  to  notice  the  evil  beings  that  disturb  both 
heaven  and  earth ;  and  the  murder  of  Abel,  an  idea 
of  some  ingenuity  in  the  author,  as  it  leads  on  to  a 
scene  of  blood,  which  occasions  the  principal  events 
of  his  work,  and  which  he  ascribes  to  a  malignant 
being  whom  he  now  and  afterward  calls  Grendel :  — 


Thus    the  Lord   made   man- 
kind, 

and  they  lived  happily  in  joy, 
till  that  one  began 
to  perpetrate  crimes, 
the  enemy  in  hell. 

There  was  a  more  grim  spirit 

called  GRENDEL. 
Great    was    the    mark    of    his 

steps, 

he,  that  ruled  the  moors, 
the  fen  and  the  fastness 
of  the  Fifel  race. 

Unhappy  on  the  earth, 
man  resided  awhile, 
after  the  Creator  had  cast  him 

off. 
On  Cain's  offspring, 


the  Eternal  Lord 

avenged  his  murder. 

His,  who  slew  Abel. 

He  had  no  joy  from  that  homi- 
cide ; 

but  him  afar 

the  Creator  punished 

for  this  crime  to  mankind. 
From  thence  sprang 

all  the  pernicious  ones. 

The  Eotenas,  and  the  Ylfe, 

and  the  Orcneas  ; 

such  giants 

as  fought  against  God 

for  a  long  time, 

till  he  retaliated  on  them   his 
retribution.19 


The  author  now  represents  the  festive  assembly  as 
retiring  to  their  rest  ;  and  while  they  were  all  sleep- 
ing secure  and  unsuspicious,  this  malignant  enemy, 


17  At  this  part  of  the  latter  MS.  is  a  leaf  inserted  out  of  its  place,  which  com- 
pletely confuses  all  just  comprehension  of  the  poem.     Dr.  Thorkelin  remarked  the 
interpolation,  and  has  restored  it  to  its  proper  place  in  his  publication. 

18  Beowulf,  pp.  9,  10.  l9  Ibid.  pp.  10,  11. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  257 

or   evil   spirit,    surprises   them,    and    kills,   in  their     CHAP. 
repose,  thirty  thegns :  —  .     "•    . 

He  departed  to  observe,  this  creature  unhealthful, 

after  night  had  come  on,  grim  and  greedy, 

how  in  the  lofty  mansion,  soon  was  ready, 

the  warlike  Danes  were  resid-  reeking  and  fierce, 

ing>  and  he  took  away  in  their  rest 
after  the  quaffing  of  the  beer,  thirty  thegns. 

He  found  there  within  Then  again  he  departed, 

the  assembly  of  the  ethelings  satisfied  with  plunder, 

sleeping  after  the  feast,  to  return  home, 

knowing  no  sorrow.  from  that  slaughter.20 
This  won-sceaft  of  men, 

This  unexpected  disaster  became  known  in  the  morn- 
ing, and  excited  both  grief  and  indignation.  The 
king,  Hrothgar,  was  reproached  for  it,  either  from 
suspicion,  or  because  he  had  not  prevented  it,  or  was 
unable  to  avenge  it.  For  twelve  winters  the  dis- 
satisfaction of  his  people  and  his  own  vexation  con- 
tinued, and  the  fcehthe  or  homicide  was  still  unpun- 
ished. It  was  in  this  state  of  things  that  Beowulf, 
hearing  of  "  the  deeds  of  the  Grendel,"  undertook  his 
expedition  for  the  purpose  of  aiding21  Hrothgar, 
finding  out  Grendel,  and  inflicting  vengeance  for  his 
midnight  murders. 

Beowulf  is  described  sometimes  as  a  princely  chief, 
and    sometimes    as    the    thegn,    the    heorth  -  geneat, 

20  Beowulf,  p.  12. 

21  I  observe  that  Mr.  W.  D.  Conybeare,  in  his  publication  of  his  brother's  "  Il- 
lustrations of  Anglo-Saxon  Poetry,"  in  1826,  has  remarked  that  I  had  represented 
Beowulf  as  the  enemy  of  Hrothgar  instead  of  assisting  him,  p.  31.     But  his  friendly 
censure  arises  from  his  having  only  consulted  my  early  quarto  edition.     The  truth 
is,  that  the  poem  had  remained  untouched  and  unnoticed  both  here  and   abroad 
until  I  observed  its  curious  contents,  and  in  1805  announced  it  to  the  public.      I 

•could  then  give  it  only  a  hasty  perusal,  and  from  the  MS.  having  a  leaf  interposed 
near  its  commencement,  which  belonged  to  a  subsequent  part,  and  from  the  peculiar 
obscurity  which  sometimes  attends  the  Saxon  poetry,  I  did  not  at  that  time  suffi- 
ciently comprehend  it,  and  had  not.  leisure  to  apply  a  closer  attention.  But  in  the 
year  1818  I  took  it  up  again,  as  I  was  preparing  my  third  edition,  and  then  made 
that  more  correct  analysis  which  was  inserted  in  that  and  the  subsequent  edition, 
and  which  is  also  exhibited  in  the  present.  If  Mr.  W.  Conybeare  had  seen  the 
later  editions,  he  would  have  found  that  there  was  no  difference  between  us  ;  but 
that  the  view  of  the  poem  which  these  present  is  that  which  his  brother  afterwards 
adopted,  and  which  he  has  expressed  in  his  interesting  publication,  —  a  truly 
fraternal  memorial  to  the  merits  of  an  ardent  and  elegant  scholar. 

VOL.  III.  S 


258 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


IX. 


BOOK  ari(l  the  beod-geneat  of  a  king  named  Higelac.  He 
is  also  styled  lord  of  the  scyldingi.  His  father  was 
Ecgtheow,  and  his  people  are  called  Geata  or  Jutes.22 
He  is  thus  represented  as  resolving  on  his  enter- 
prise :  — 


He  said,  "  The  battle-king 
over  the  road  of  the  swans 
will  seek  the  great  sovereign, 
as  he  has  need  of  men. 

His  companions  assembled 

Sought  the  wood  of  the  sea, 
the  warrior  directed 
the  sea-skilled  men 
to  the  boundary  of  the  shore. 
The   vessel   was    under   the 

rock, 

the  heroes  ready, 
at  his  voice  went  down  ; 
they  waded  thro'  the  streams 


This  expedition,  for  him, 
prudent  Ceorles  shall  soon  pro- 
vide."23 


at  his  request,  and 

of  the  sea  :  on  the  sands 
the  warriors  bore 
into  the  empty  bosom 
the  bright  ornaments, 
the  instruments  of  battle, 
of  the  Jute-like  men. 
The  adventurers  drew  out, 
for  their  voluntary  journey, 
the  well-bound  timber.24 


Their  sailing  is  de- 


Their  voyage  is  then   stated. 

scribed  to  be  like  the  fanning  of  the  neck  of  a  fowl, 

till 


the  steep  wide  promontories 
there  their  voyage  ended. 


They  saw  land  ; 
the  cliffs  of  the  ocean  ; 
the  shining  hills ; 

Their  debarkation  follows  : 

The  people  of  the  storm 
ascended  on  the  plain. 
They  fastened  the  wood  of  the 

sea  ; 
they  shook  their  syrcas  ; 

The  poet  then  exhibits  the  alarm,  vigilance,  and  en- 
quiries of  those  who  had  been  appointed  to  watch  tire 
coast : 


the  garments  of  battle  ; 
they  thanked  God, 
that  to  them  the  wave-journey 
had  been  so  easy.25 


Then  from  the  wall, 
he  that  the  sea-cliff 
should  maintain, 
beheld   the  chief  of  the    scyl- 
dingi 

22  Beowulf,  p.  17.  22.  28,  29,  30. 
24  Ibid.  p.  19. 


carrying  over  the  rock 

the  bright  shield 

and  battle  weapons. 

Hastily  he  broke  the  fire-vessel, 

anxiously  weighing  in  his  mind 

23  Ibid.  p.  18. 
25  Ibid. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  259 

who  these  men  could  be.  such  a  mailed  host  CHAP. 

The  thegn  of  Hrothgar  then  of  weaponed  men,  n. 

turn'd  that  thus  the  bright  keel  ' « ' 

to  the  shore  of  battle  to  ride.  over  the  sea-street  have  led  ? 

Among  his  bands  he  shook  Come  ye  hither  over  the  waves 

the   wood   of    strength   in    his  to  molest  the  inhabitants  ? 

hands  ;  I  keep  guard  here, 

he  enquired  their  intentions  by  that  on  the  land  of  the  Danes 

his  words.  no  hostile  ones 

"  What  are  ye,  with  a  ship-army  injure  them."-6 

Beowulf  advances  to  answer  him ;  states  his  country 
and  descent,  and  assures  him  that  he  has  come  on  a 
friendly  errand  to  Hrothgar,  and  to  assist  him  to  pro- 
cure vengeance  on  his  dreaded  enemy. 

The  Danish  warder  answers  civilly,  and  sends  the 
tidings  of  their  arrival  to  his  sovereign27,  while 
Beowulf  s  warriors  prepared  to  advance. 

The    street    was    of    varied  The  shining  iron  rings 

stone,  sung  against  their  weapons, 

the  path  was  observed  when  they  to  the  palace, 

by  the  men  together.  in  their  formidable  apparel, 

Their  battle-mail  shone  were  delighted  to  go.28 
by  hard  hands  well  locked. 

But  as  they  were  arranging  their  shields,  and  dis- 
playing their  arrows  and  their  ashen  shafts,  with 
the  grey  iron  heads,  they  were  interrupted  by  an 
opposing  band :  — 

A  powerful  champion  asked  I  am  Hrothgar's  messenger  and 

them,  envoy ; 

"  Why  do  you  here  carry  I  have  never  seen  of  foreigners 

your  lusty  shields,  so  many  valiant-looking  men. 

grey  vestments  of  war  ;  For  a  path  of  revenge, 

and  grim  helms,  or  for  glory  of  mind, 

and  this  heap  of  the  shafts  of  do  you  seek  Hrothgar  ?"29 
battle  ? 

Beowulf  tells  him  that  his  errand  is  with  his  ealdor 
if  he  will  permit  him  to  greet  him.  Wulfgar,  "of  the 
Wendel  people,"  who  answered  him,  announces  their 
arrival  to  Hrothgar,  and  advises  him  to  be  on  his 

26  Beowulf,  p.  20.  27  Ibid.  p.  22 — 26. 

48  Ibid.  p.  26.  »  Ibid.  p.  27. 

s  2 


'260 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


BOOK 
IX. 


guard.  But  the  king  declares  that  he  knew  him  when 
"a  cniht,"  and  orders  him  to  be  welcomed  and  es- 
corted to  his  palace.30  Beowulf  is  then  introduced  to 
Hrothgar. 

Beowulf  addressed  him. 

The  mail  shone  upon  him  : 

the  heavy  net  was  linked 

by  the  smith's  care. 

"  Thou,  Hrothgar  !  hail ! 

I  am  the  kinsman  of  Higelac, 

and  a  born  thegn. 

Many  an  enterprise 

have  I  begun  in  my  youth  ; 

to  me  the  ruler  of  my  native  soil 

this  affair  of  Grendel  revealed. 
"  The  sea-sailing  ones  said 

that  this  mansion,  once  the  hap- 
piest hall, 

has  been  to  some  warriors 

deformod  and  useless, 

after  the  light  of  evening, 

under  the  serene  sky, 

had  become  darkened. 

My  people  have  taught  me 

that  they  were  the  happiest  of 

wise  Ceorles. 

"  King    Hrothgar,    I     have 
sought  thee, 

that      they     may     know     my 
strength. — 

And  now  against  Grendel, 


against  that  wretched  one, 
1  will  alone  exert  myself 
against  that  Thyrse. 

"  Of  thee,    now,    I   ask  one 

prayer, 

bright  lord  of  the  Danes, 
the  hedge  of  the  scyldingi ! 
Do  not  thou  deny  me, 
asylum  of  warriors ! 
dear  lord  of  thy  people  ! 
as  I  have  thus  far  come  ; 
let  me  alone, 
the  lord  of  my  eorls 
and  of  this  sturdy  host, 
expiate  Heorot. 

"  I  hear  that  the  wretch 
madly  cares  not  for  weapons ; 
but  this  I  despise, 
so  that  Higelac,  my  lord, 
may  be  blithe  in  his  mind, 
I  will  bear  the  sword 
and  the  ample  shield, 
my  yellow  buckler,  to  the  battle. 
I  will   seize   the  foe  with   my 

grasp, 

and  fearless  contend 
with  hate  against  the  hateful."31 


Recollecting,  however,  with  modesty  of  mind,  the  ad- 
verse chances  of  battle,  Beowulf  adds  :  — 


"If  death  should  take  me 
away, 

Bear  me  from  the  bloody  slaugh- 
ter ; 

remember  to  bury  me. 

Eat  over  the  solitary  wanderer 

un-mourningly. 

Mark  my  hillock  with  the  sim- 
ple flower  ; 

nor  do  thou  about  the  fate 


of  my  bodily  life  long  sorrow  ; 

but  send  to  Higelac, 

if  Hilda  should  withdraw  me, 

my  garments  of  battle. 

The  best  that  my  bosom  bears, 

the  richest  of  my  clothes, 

the  remains  of  the  Hred-lan, 

the  work  of  Weland. 

Now  let  fortune 

wheel  as  she  may.32 


30  Beowulf,  p.  28—32. 


"  Ibid,  p.  33 — 35. 


Ibid.  p.  36. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  261 

Hrothgar  answers  this  manly  speech  in  a  friendly  man-      CHAP. 
ner,  and  ends  it  with  inviting  him  to  "  a  feast  in  the  • 

hall  of  mead."  Benches  are  spread  "in  the  beer  hall;" 
the  thegn  arranges  them;  the  cup-bearer,  "laden with 
ale,"  distributes  it  to  the  band.  The  scop,  or  poet,  is 
again  introduced,  singing  peace  in  Heorot33;  but  a  new 
character  is  introduced  :  Hunferth,  "the  son  of  Eglaf, 
who  sat  at  the  feet  of  the  lord  of  the  Scyldingi."  He 
is  described  as  jealous  of  Beowulf's  reputation,  and  as 
refusing  to  any  man  more  celebrity  than  himself.  He 
is  represented  as  taunting  Beowulf  on  his  exploits  as  a 
sea-king  or  vikingr. 

"  Art  thou  Beowulf,  There  you  rush  on  the  wave  ; 

he  that  with  such  profit  there  on  the  water  streams  : 

labours  on  the  wide  sea,  from  the  miserable  you  flourish, 

amid  the  contests  of  the  ocean  ?  You  place  yourselves  in  the  sea- 
There  you  for  riches,  street ; 

and  for  deceitful  glory,  you  oppress  with  your  hands ; 

explore  its  bays  you  glide  over  the  ocean 

in  the  deep  waters,  through  the  waves  of  its  seas, 

till  you  sleep  with  your  elders.  The  fury  of  winter  rages, 

Nor  can  any  man  restrain  you,  yet  on  the  watery  domain 

whether  dear  or  odious  to  you,  seven  nights  have  ye  toiled." 
from  this  sorrowful  path. 

After  other  allusions  to  his  exploits,  he  ends  his  speech 
with  predicting  :  — 

"  If  thou  darest  the  Grendel,  "  What    a    throng    of    many 

the  space  of  a  long  night  awaits  words, 

thee."34  my  friend  Hunferth, 

Beowulf  answered  Drunk   with    beer,    hast    thou 

the  son  of  Ecgtheow.  spoken  ! " 

He  proceeds  to  justify  himself  for  attempting  the  ad- 
venture, by  a  statement  of  some  of  his  achievements, 
which  is  given  as  an  illustration  of  their  habits  of 
life :  — 

We  said  when  a  cniht,  and  we  accomplished  our  pur- 
and  we  threatened  in  the  life  of  pose. 

youth,  Naked  were  our  swords, 

that  out  on  the  ocean,  hard  in  our  hands, 

with  our  elders  we  would  sleep ;  when  we  rushed  into  the  bay, 

33  Beowulf,  p.  37 — 39.  3I  Ibid.  p.  40,  41. 

s  3 


262 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


BOOK        and  against  the  whale  fishes 
IX.         intended  to  defend  ourselves. 

' '    No  creature  could  float  away, 

far   on  the  waves  of  the  flood 

from  me, 

swifter  thro'  the  ocean 
than  I  could  pursue  him. 
For  the  space  of  five  nights 
we  were  together  on  the  sea, 
until  the  flood  dispersed  us  ; 
the  raging  waves  and  the  cold- 
est sky, 
the  nipping  nights  and  the  north 

wind ; 

fierce  were  the  waves, 
strong  and  grim  their  rolling, 
the  rage  of  the  great  fishes  was 

excited. 
There  against  the  enemies 


my  body's  iron  vest, 
by  hard  hands  well  locked, 
gave  me  complete  help. 
My  braided  battle-garment 
lay  on  my  breast, 
adorned  with  gold. 

The  hateful  enemy 
would  have  dragged  me  to  the 

ground ; 
fast  he  would  have  had  me  in 

his  grim  gripe, 
but  that  it  was  given  to  me 
that  I  should  reach  the  wretch 

with  my  point. 

With  the  battle-axe  of  Hilda, 
thro'   my   hands   in   the   noble 

onset, 
I  took  the  mighty  sea-deer.35 


Beowulf  continues  to  talk  of  his  exploits.  The  con- 
versation is  carried  on ;  and  the  author  thus  describes 
the  continuation  of  the  banquet,  and  the  appearance 
of  the  queen  of  Hrothgar  amid  the  festivity,  and  as- 
sisting to  honor  Beowulf :  — 


There  was  in  the  hall 

the  dispenser  of  treasure, 

the  long-haired  one,  illustrious 

in  battle, 

the  bright  lord  of  the  Danes. 
He  believed  his  salutation  ; 
he  heard  from  Beowulf, 
the  guardian  of  his  friends, 
the  firmly  counselled  thought. 

There  was  from  the  men 
the  din  of  laughter  resounding  ; 
their  words  were  pleasant. 

WALTHEOW  came  forth : 
the  queen  of  Hrothgar, 
mindful  of  her  descent, 
circled  with  gold,  she  greeted 
the  warrior  in  the  hall ; 
and  the  lordly  wife  gave  the  cup 
to  the  first  of  the  East  Danes, 
to  the  noble  warder. 
She  welcomed  him  blithely, 


the  one  dear  to  his  people, 

to  that  feast  of  beer. 

He  glowed  with  delight, 

the  illustrious  king  of  victory, 

at  the  feast  and  that  hall-cup. 
Then  the  lady  went  about 

the    helmed    nobles     and    the 
youths. 

A  portion  to  every  one 

of    the    treasured    vessels    she 
gave ; 

till  the  opportunity  arrived 

that  she,  the  queen,  circled  with 
bracelets, 

elevated  in  her  mind, 

bore  the  cup  of  mead  to  Beo- 
wulf. 
She  greeted  the  Jute  people ; 

wise    with    steady   words,    she 
thanked  God 

that  he  had  fulfilled  her  wish, 


34  Beowulf,  p.  43,  44, 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  263 

for  she  believed  the  eorl  would  the  warrior  of  fierce  slaughter          CHAP, 

be  a  comforter  to  his  people  in  at  the  wall  of  the  Whales,  n. 

any  thing.  and  then  he  sang  that  the  battle  ' *~~~* 

He  took  the  cup  with  joy,  might  be  hastened.36 

The  author  proceeds  to  describe  the  continuation  of 
these  courteous  civilities,  which  show  us  the  royal  man- 
ners of  the  day  :  — 

Beowulf    spoke,   the   son   of  in  this  mead-hall  expect  me." 

Ecgtheow,  These  words  pleased  the  wife ; 

"  When  I  launch'd  my  sea-boat  the  Jute's  expressions  of  glory. 

on  the  waves,  Encircled  with  gold,  she  went, 

with  the  company  of  my  war-  the  queen  of  the  free-like  people, 

riors,  "  to  sit  by  her  lord. 
I  thought  that  I  alone  Then,  as  before  in  the  hall, 

would   fulfil  the  wish   of  your  words  of  menace  were  uttered. 

people.  The  people  in  the  mansion 

And  in  the  deadly  conflict,  sang  the  victories  of  their  na- 
fast  with  hostile  gripe,  tion, 

I  will  show  an  eorl-like  strength.  till  the  son  of  Healfdan  suddenly 

To  the  end  of  my  day  sought  his  evening  rest.37 

Before  he  retires,  Hrothgar  again  greets  his  brave 
visitor:  he  then  withdraws  with  his  own  warriors. 
The  queen  "  prays  the  King  of  Glory  against  Grendel," 
and  the  warder  of  the  hall  conducted  Beowulf  to  his 
place  of  repose. 

Then  he  took  off  from  him  The  loved  nobleman  bent  down 
his  iron  coat  of  mail,  his  cheek, 

and  his  helm  from  his  head.  his  bolster  received  the  face  of 
He  gave  his  ornamented  sword  the  eorl, 

of  select  iron  and   many   of   the    active   sea- 
to  his  attendant  thegn,  warriors 

and  bade  him  keep  the  instru-  around  him,  to  happy  rest  iri- 

ment  of  Hilda.  clined.38 

But  while  they  are  in  this  state  of  rest  and  comfort, 
the  poet  prepares  to  change  the  scene. 

The  spirit  of  the  wan  night      The  shooters  sleep — even  those 
came  on  ;  that  should  have  held  the  horn 

/  the  hosts  of  the  shadows  roll  up.  of  the  palace.39 

The  ancient  enemy  now  suddenly  returns,  to  take  ad- 
vantage of  their  security,  by  a  new  surprise. 

36  Beowulf,  p.  45 — 49.  37  Ibid.  p.  50. 

38  Ibid.  p.  52—54.  »  Ibid.  p.  55. 


264 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


BOOK       Then  came  from  the  moors, 

IX-         amid  the  mist  from  the  moun- 
"    ^  tains, 

the  Grendel,  bearing  the  Divine 

anger. 
The  hateful  foe  purposed  in  his 

madness 
to  destroy  treacherously  some  in 

that  high  hall. 
He  knew  that  the  wine  palace, 


the  gilded  hall  of  warriors, 
had    been    stored    with  various 

vessels. 

It  was  not  the  first  time 
that  he  had  sought  the  home  of 

Hrothgar, 
but  never  on  former  days,   or 

since, 

had  he  attempted  braver  men 
than  those  hall  thegns.40 


His  fatal  measures  are  thus  described 


Swiftly  he  passed  the  mouth  of 

the  hall, 
and  on  the  joyless  floor  the  fiend 

trod ; 

he  moved  in  wrathful  mind  ; 
he   stood    with    eyes    likest    to 

flame, 
a  frightful  light. 

He  saw  in  that  mansion, 
many  warriors  sleeping 
in  peace  with  their  lord. 
A  band  of  related  heroes. 

Then  his  mind  laughed  : 
deformed  wretch ! 


He  proposed  that  he  should  se- 
parate 

the  life  of  each  from  his  body. 

A  feast  full  of  hope  shone  be- 
fore him. 

The  WYRD  seemed  propitious  to 
him, 

that  he  might  prevail  over  more 

men  that  night. 
He  contemplated  with  rage 

the  kinsman  of  Higelac, 

and  how  the  execrable  one 

might  get  him  under  his  fierce 
gripe.41 


He  appears  to  have  been  under  the  necessity  of  at- 
tacking first  one  of  the  warriors  that  surrounded 
Beowulf  before  he  could  reach  the  chief. 


He  assailed  the  sleeping  warrior 

on  his  upper  side  : 
his  club  struck  the  unwary  one 


on  the  bone  of  his  locks  ; 
the  blood  burst  from  the  broken 
veins.42 


Beowulf  awakes  as  the  Grendel  is  about  to  destroy 
him ;  a  fierce  contest  ensues  between  them,  which  is 
described  at  some  length  ;  and  the  issue  of  it  is  the 
flight  and  escape  of  Grendel  without  effecting  his  full 
purpose.43  The  people  assemble  in  the  morning  at 
the  place  of  conflict,  surprised  at  the  tidings.  Beowulf 
is  highly  honoured  for  his  first  success.  Much  re- 
joicing and  conversation  ensue  upon  it.  Hrothgar 
goes  and  congratulates  Beowulf,  and  declares  that  he 
shall  consider  him  as  his  son.  Beowulf,  in  a  respect- 


40  Ibid.  p.  56. 


40  Ibid.  p.  56. 

42  Thorkelin  here  inserts  the  misplaced  leaf. 


41  Ibid.  p.  57. 

48  Beowulf,  p.  58 — 64. 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


265 


ful  answer,  shortly  describes  the  conflict.  The 
jealous  son  of  Eglaf  becomes  silent,  and  another 
splendid  banquet  is  prepared.44 

It  was  then  commanded 
that  the  interior  of  Heort 
by  hands  should  be  adorn'd. 
There  was  then  a  number 
of  men  and  women, 
who  the  wine-chamber 
of  the  great  mansion  prepared. 

The  king  himself  proceeded  to  the  festive  hall ;  and 
the  author  declares,  that  he  had  never  heard  that  a 
nobler  assembly,  "  about  their  giver  of  treasures,  the 
chamber  had  ever  borne."  The  royal  presents  to 
Beowulf  are  then  described  :  — 


CHAP. 
ii. 


There  shone,  variegated  with 

gold, 

the  web  on  the  walls  ; 
many  wonders  to  the  sight 
of  each  of  the  warriors 
that  would  gaze  on  it,  became 

visible.45 


They  bent  towards  the  tables, 
to  enjoy  their  full  fruit ; 
fair  and  free  they  rejoiced  ; 
the  mead  cups  abounded  ; 
many  kinsmen   contended  with 

them. 

In  the  lofty  hall 
were  Hrothgar  and  Hrothulf. 
Heorot  was  filled  with  friends 

within. 
No  deceitful  stafas  (letters  or 

charms) 
the  people  of  the  scyldingi  there 

framed. 

Then  to  Beowulf  he  gave 
the  sword  of  Healfdan  ; 
a  golden  banner, 
the  reward  of  his  victory  ; 
an  ensign  adorned  in  the  hilt ; 
a  helmet  and  coat  of  mail ; 
a  great  sword  with  decorations ; 
many  saw  borne  before  the  hero. 
Beowulf  fully   prospered  in 

the  chamber ; 
he  needed  not  be  ashamed 
of  the  money  gifts  then  poured 

on  him. 

I  have  not  observed 
four  vessels  of  gold  more  liberal, 


prepared  on  the  table  of  their 
meal, 

to  be  given  to  many  others  of  the 

men. 
Around  the  roof  of  the  helmet, 

the  castle  of  the  head, 

was  a  hedge  firmly  circled, 

to  keep  off  slaughter, 

that  no  remains  of  danger  on  him 

might  the  steel  hard  with  scour- 
ing inflict, 

when  against  the  guilty  robber 

in  fury  he  should  go. 

The    asylum   of    eorls    then 
commanded 

eight  mares  with  fat  cheeks, 

to  be  drawn  into  the  chamber  ; 

on  each  of  them  was  stationed 

a  saddle,  varied  with  trappings 
richly  made. 

That  was  the  high  king's  seat  of 
battle, 

when  the  oblation  of  swords 

the  son  of  Healfdan  would  per- 
form. 

Never   on   the   fatal  far  famed 
conflict 

would    they    shrink   from   the 
slaughter.46 


44  Beowulf,  p.  68—75.  «  Ibid.  p.  76. 

46  Ibid.  p.  77 — 79.     This  description  corresponds  with  the  gifts  of  kings  to  their 
nobles  and  knights,  alluded  to  before. 


266 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


BOOK 
IX. 


Hrothgar  gives  these  presents  to  Beowulf,  and  ex- 
horts him  to  use  them  manlily.  He  also  gave  "  vases 
from  the  treasure  of  his  inheritance  to  each  of  those 
at  that  mead  table,  who  followed  Beowulf  through 
the  paths  of  the  ocean." 47  The  author  moralises 
shortly,  that  the  Creator  governs  all  men  ;  and  that 
the  understanding  is  the  best  part  of  the  soul ;  and 
that  — 


Much  forethought  shall  abide  in 

it, 

both  of  love  and  hatred 
to   him  that   in  these  days    of 

trouble 
long  enjoys  the  world.48 

Then  were  song   and   music 
united 


before   Healfdan's   leader   of 

Hilda, 

the  mouth  greeted  the  wood  ; 
the  lay  was  oft  narrated  ; 
the  hall  games  followed  ; 
the  poet  of  Hrothgar, 
behind  the  table  of  mead, 
recorded  the  expedition  against 

the  Finns.49 


This  episode  is  rather  long.  The  enterprise  ended 
in  the  capture  of  the  king  and  queen  of  the  Finns. 
After  this  — 


The  song  was  sung  ; 
the  lay  of  the  gleemen. 
The  games  again  sprang  up. 
The  music  of  the  table  enlivened 

them, 
the  cup-bearers  distributed  the 

wine 
from  wonderful  vessels. 


Then  came  forth  Waltheow 
to  go  under  the  golden  crown, 
where  the  two  good  heroes  sat 

akin ; 

peace  reigned  between  them, 
each  with  the  other  in  full  con- 
fidence.50 


The  queen  is  then  again  exhibited  as  assisting  ac- 
tively in  the  friendly  assembly ;  turning  to  her  hus- 
band, — 


Then  the  lady  addressed  the 
scyldinga : 

"  Take  this  cup,  lord  of  my 
love! 

Dispenser  of  treasure ! 

In  thy  hall  thou  hast  been  glad- 
dened 

with  the  wine  of  men  ; 

and  to  the  Jutes  has  spoken 

with  the  mild  words  that  should 
be  used. 

47  Beowulf,  p.  80. 
49  Ibid. 


Be  cheerful  with  the  Jutes, 

mindful  of  gifts  far  and  near. 
"  I   am   told   thou    hast    de- 
clared, 

thou  would'st  have  their  chief 
for  a  son. 

Heorot  is  now  expiated  ; 

the  mansion  bright  with  brace- 
lets. 

Enjoy  the  plentiful  mead  while 
thou  canst, 

48  Ibid.  p.  81. 
50  Ibid.  p.  88,  89. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  267 

and  to  thy  relations  leave  when  thou  shall  see  the  metod-      CHAP. 

thy  people  and  thy  kingdom,  sceaft."51  n. 

After  reminding  him  that  Hrothulf  will  rule  with 
honour  if  he  survive  him,  and  take  care  of  their  off- 
spring, she  returns  to  her  seat,  where  her  children 
and  their  young  friends  were  near  her.  Soon  the 
music  is  repeated ;  and  taking  some  valuable  orna- 
ments, the  queen  again  rises. 

Before     the     assembly     she  and   flourish   well  with  skilful 

spoke  :  —  valour ; 

"  Accept    this    bracelet,     dear  and  to  these  cnihts 

Beowulf!  be  mild  in  thy  counsels. 

Be  it  an  omen  of  reward  to  you.  I  will  be  careful  of  thy  reward.52 
And  these  garments  —  enjoy 

their  wealth, 

After  some  further  commendations,  and  recommen- 
ding her  sons  to  his  attention,  she  orders  "  the  drink 
to  be  got  ready  for  the  noble  ones,"  and  returns  to 
her  seat.  Evening  carne  on,  the  king  withdrew,  the 
tables  were  taken  away,  and  the  place  was  spread 
with  beds  and  bolsters. 

Some  of  the  beer  servants,  There  high  over  the  Etheling  on 

speedy  and  joyful,  his  bench, 

prepared  the  chamber  of  rest.  the  helmet  of  the  noble  one  was 

They  fixed  over  their  heads  seen, 

the  shields  of  Hilda ;  his  ringed  coat  of  mail, 

the  boards  of  bright  wood.  his  glorious  wood  of  strength.53 

They  all  incline  to  rest ;  and  in  this  situation  the  in- 
veterate enemy  attacks  them  again,  but  not  in  person. 
It  is  the  mother  of  Grendel  that  is  now  the  assailant ; 
she  enters  secretly  among  the  friends  of  Hrothgar, 
and  kills  one  of  his  dearest  thegns.  Beowulf  was  not 
in  that  part,  and  the  murderess  escapes.54  Hrothgar 
is  much  grieved  for  him,  and  exclaims :  — 

"  Dead  is  ^schere,  of  my  run-witan  ; 

the  son  of  Yrmenlates  ;  of  my  raed  bora."55 

the  brother  of  the  elders  ; 

51  Beowulf,  p.  90.  w  Ibid.  p.  93. 

53  Ibid.  p.  95.  *»  Ibid.  p.  96—100. 

55  Ibid.  p.  101.     These  are  some  of  the  names  given  by  the  Anglo-Saxons  to  the 
members  of  their  witena-gemot. 


268  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK  Hrothgar  goes  on  to  lament  the  situation  of  his  people, 
,  thus  exposed  to  such  assaults ;  ascribes  the  mischief 
to  Grendel,  and  gives  an  account  of  his  habitation.56 
Beowulf  in  an  heroic  speech  proposes  to  undertake 
the  enterprise  of  punishing  both  Grendel  and  his 
mother  for  these  new  fehthes.  He  collects  his  own 
forces  and  some  of  Hrothgar' s,  and  prepares  for  the 
expedition.57  His  arming  himself  is  described.  He 
takes  an  old  sword  of  some  celebrity  that  is  described, 
and  called  Hrunting.  He  makes  a  farewell  speech  to 
Hrothgar,  and  requests  that  if  Hilda,  their  goddess  of 
war,  should  take  him  away,  the  presents  he  has  re- 
ceived should  be  sent  to  Higelac  his  lord.58 

He  then  proceeds  to  the  adventure,  and  begins  it 
by  a  combat  with  the  mother  of  Grendel,  who  attacks 
him  like  a  sea-wolf.  He  fights  valiantly,  but  he  finds 
the  famous  sword  of  no  use.  She  is  not  impressible 
by  its  edge  ;  her  strength  and  fury  begin  to  over- 
power him  :  she  throws  him  down,  and  is  proceeding 
to  destroy  him,  when  an  enchanted  sword,  a  weapon 
of  the  ancient  giants,  and  of  their  fabrication,  comes 
within  his  reach  :  he  strikes  her  with  it,  and  she  dies 
under  his  blow.59  This  success  is  followed  by  a  vic- 
tory over  Grendel  himself,  whom  he  also  destroys, 
and  whose  head  he  carries  off  and  presents  to  Hroth- 
gar.60 

He  tells  the  king  that  he  could  achieve  nothing 
with  Hrunting. 

"But  the  ruler  of  ages  granted  It  was  often  declared, 

me,  by  the  wine  geleasum, 

that  over  the  waves  I  should  see  that  I   should  draw   this    wea- 

an  ancient   sword    hang    beau-  pon.61 

tiful. 

Hrothgar  looks  at  it,  and  says  it  was  an  ancient  relic, 
on  which  were  written  the    battles  of  the   ancient 

*  Beowulf,  p.  102—104.  57  Ibid.  p.  105—109. 

58  Ibid.  p.  110—113.  »  Ibid.  p.  114—119. 

60  Ibid.  p.  120—124.  61  Ibid.  p.  126. 


ANGLO  SAXONS.  269 

times,  when  after  the  flood  the  race  of  the  giants      CHAP. 

II 

were  destroyed.     On  the  polished  blade,  in  pure  gold,  - 

the  runae-letters  were  marked.62 

The  poem  proceeds  to  describe  Beowulf's  return  to 
Higelac.  He  engages  in  some  further  adventures, 
which  are  not  of  equal  interest  with  the  former.  He 
succeeds  Higelac  in  his  kingdom ;  builds  a  city ; 
fights  thirty  battles ;  and  dies  after  a  reign  of  fifty 
years.63  Such  is  the  substance  of  this  curious  poem, 
which  is  quite  Anglo-Saxon  in  the  manners  it  de- 
scribes, and  corroborates  several  of  those  features, 
which  in  the  preceding  pages  have  been  delineated. 
It  seems  to  be  the  oldest  poem,  in  an  epic  form,  that 
now  exists  in  any  of  the  vernacular  languages  of 
modern  Europe.64  Other  Saxon  poems  still  exist 
which  deserve  the  student's  notice.65 

62  Beowulf,  p.  127,  128.  M  Ibid.  p.  137 — 236. 

54  I  do  not  pretend  to  give  this  sketch  of  Beowulf  as  a  perfect  outline,  nor  will 
presume  it  to  be  without  some  imperfections.  It  is  many  years  since  I  have  been 
able  to  inspect  the  ancient  MS.  of  it,  and  I  could  not  then,  in  the  time  that  I  was 
able  to  give  it,  decypher  every  part  to  my  own  satisfaction.  I  am  not  sure  that 
every  line  can  be  now  correctly  read  or  transcribed,  but  I  have  no  doubt  that  the 
talents  and  patient  attention  of  other  students  will  supply  what  I  am  compelled  to 
leave  in  a  state  more  deficient  than  I  would  have  done,  if  my  young  health  and 
strength  had  still  continued  to  me,  — "  Non  omnis  possumus  omnes." 

65  Another  Anglo-Saxon  narrative  poem,  of  a  much  smaller  size,  remains  in  the 
fragment  on  the  death  of  Byrhtnoth,  which  was  formerly  in  the  Cotton  MS.  Otho, 
A.  12.,  and  which  Hearne  has  printed  at  the  end  of  his  Joh.  Glaston.  Chronicon. 
The  original  MS.  has  been  since  burnt.  Mr.  W.  D.  Conybeare  has  inserted  a  valu- 
able translation  of  it  at  the  end  of  his  arranged  catalogue.  It  is  very  interesting, 
and  exhibits  the  Anglo-Saxon  genius  in  narrative  composition  in  its  most  favourable 
light.  It  contains  690  lines,  but  the  beginning  and  the  end  are  defective.  As 
Byrhtnoth  fell  in  991,  it  belongs  to  the  latest  age  of  Anglo-Saxon  poetry,  and  is 
curious  as  an  authentic  picture  of  the  manners  of  that  period.  The  short  fragment 
on  the  battle  of  Finsburuh  in  the  Exeter  MS.  is,  like  Beowulf,  rather  romance  than 
history.  Mr.  W.  Conybeare  has  inserted  it  in  his  Illustrations,  with  a  Latin  trans- 
lation, and  a  pleasing  imitation  in  English  verse,  p.  173 — 182.  The  Byrhtnoth 
I  fragment,  of  which  we  have  inserted  a  part  under  the  reign  of  Ethelred,  Vol.  II.  p. 
262,  263.,  thus  spiritedly  describes  the  battle  :  — 

"  The  fight  was  then  nigh.  Glory  incited  to  it.  The  hour  was  come  when  the 
fated  warriors  should  fall.  Shouts  arose.  The  ravens  congregated  ;  and  the  eagle 
greedy  of  its  food.  Clamour  was  on  the  earth.  They  darted  from  their  hands 
many  a  stout  spear.  The  sharpened  arrows  flew.  The  bows  were  busy.  The 
buckler  received  the  weapon's  point.  Bitter  was  the  fight.  Warriors  fell  on  either 
side.  The  youths  lay  slain."  Conyb.  p.  xcii.  Hearne,  Joh.  Glast.  App. 


270  HISTORY    OF    THE 


CHAP.  III. 

ANGLO-SAXON  Poems  of  JUDITH  and  C^EDMON.  —  Their  other 

Poetry. 

BOOK  THE  fragment  which  remains  of  the  poem  on  Judith, 
•  may  be  deemed  another  Anglo-Saxon  poetical  romance. 
The  subject  of  this  poem  is  taken  from  the  Apocry- 
pha, but  the  Anglo-Saxon  poet  has  borrowed  merely 
the  outline  of  the  story.  All  the  circumstances,  the 
descriptions,  and  the  speeches,  which  he  has  inserted, 
are  of  his  own  invention.  He  has,  therefore,  done 
what  all  romancers  did.  He  has  applied  the  manners 
and  characters  of  his  day  to  the  time  of  Judith,  and 
thus  really  made  it  an  Anglo-Saxon  romance. 

It  is  curious,  from  another  circumstance.  It  is  a 
romance  written  while  the  old  Anglo-Saxon  poetry 
was  in  fashion,  but  when  it  began  to  improve :  for, 
while  it  displays  the  continuity  of  narration  and  mi- 
nuteness of  description  of  the  more  cultivated  ro- 
mance, it  retains  some  metaphors,  the  periphrasis, 
and  the  inversions  which  our  stately  ancestors  so 
much  favoured.  It  has  only  laid  aside  their  abrupt 
transitions  and  more  violent  metaphors. 

The  eight  first  sections  of  the  poem  on  Judith,  and 
part  of  the  ninth,  are  lost.  It  begins  with  a  part 
that  corresponds  with  this  verse  in  the  Apocrypha1 :  — 

"  And  in  the  fourth  day  Holofernes  made  a  feast 
to  his  own  servants  only,  and  called  none  of  the 
officers  to  the  banquet." 

1  Judith,  xii.  10. 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


271 


The  Saxon  poet  expresses  this  passage  thus : 


Understood  I  then, 
Holofernes  ordered 
wine  to  be  made  diligently, 
and  with  all  wonders 
a  splendid  feast  to  prepare. 
To  this  commanded 
the  Baldor 2  of  men, 
all  the  eldest  thegns. 
They  with  much  haste  obeyed 

The  subsequent  narration  of  the  Apocrypha  is  not 
followed  by  the  poet ;  but  instead  of  it,  from  his  own 
invention,  he  substitutes  these  circumstances :  — 


the  shielded  warriors  came 

to  the  rich  king ; 

the  leaders  of  the  people. 

This  was  the  fourth  day 

that  Judith, 

cunning  in  thought, 

the  woman  shining  like  an  elf, 

first  sought  him. 


CHAP. 

in. 


They  then  to  the  feast 
went  to  sit, 
eager  to  drink  wine  ; 
all  his  fierce  chiefs, 
bold,  mail-clad  warriors! 
There  were  often  carried 
the  deep  bowls 
behind  the  benches ; 
so  likewise  vessels 
and  orcas  full 
to  those  sitting  at  supper. 
They  received  him,  soon  about 

to  die, 

the  illustrious  shield-warriors  : 
though  of  this  the  powerful  one 
thought  not  ;  the  fearful 
lord  of  earls. 

Then  was  Hotof ernes 
exhilarated  with  wine ; 
in  the  halls  of  his  guests, 
he  laughed  and  shouted ; 
he  roared  and  dinned  ; 
then  might  the  children  of  men 
afar  off  hear 
how  the  stern  one 
,  stormed  and  clamoured, 
animated  and  elated  with  wine. 
He  admonished  amply 
that  they  should  bear  it  well, 
to  those  sitting  on  the  bench. 

So  was  the  wicked  one 
over  all  the  day, 


the  lord  and  his  men, 

drunk  with  wine, 

the  stern  dispenser  of  wealth  ; 

till  that  they  swimming  lay 

over  drunk, 

all  his  nobility 

as  they  were  death-slain  ; 

their  property  poured  about. 

So  commanded   the   Baldor  of 

men 

to  fill  to  them  sitting  at  the  feast, 
till  that  to  the  children  of  men 
the  dark  night  approached. 
Then  commanded  he 
the  man  so  overpowered, 
the  blessed  virgin 
with  speed  to  fetch 
to  his  bed  rest, 
with  bracelets  laden, 
with  rings  adoi*ned. 
Then  quickly  hurried 
the  subjected  servants, 
as  their  elder  bade  them. 
The  mailed  warriors 
of  the  illustrious  lord 
stepped  to  the  great  place. 
There  they  found  Judith, 
prudent  in  mind ; 
and  then  firmly, 
the  bannered  soldiers 
began  to  lead 
the  illustrious  virgin 


2  Baldor  was  one  of  the  sons  of  Odin.  —  His  name  is  figuratively  used  to  express 
a  chief. 


272 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


to  the  high  tent. 

There  the  powerful  one 

his  rest  on  the  feast  night 

within  was  enjoying  ; 

the  odious  Holofernes. 

There  was  the  fair 

the  golden  fly  net 

about  the  chief's  bed  hung, 

that  the  mischief-ful 

might  look  thro', 

the  Baldor  of  the  soldiers, 

on  every  one 

that  there  within  came 

of  the  children  of  men  ; 

and  on  him  no  one 

of  man  kind ; 

unless  the  proud  one, 

any    man     of     his  .  illustrious 

soldiers, 

commanded  to  come 
near  him  to  council. 

Then  they  to  the  bed 
brought  quickly 
the  prudent  woman. 
Then  went 

the  fierce-minded  men 
their  lord  to  tell, 
that     the     holy     woman     was 

brought 

into  the  chamber  of  his  tent. 
Then  was  the  illustrious  one 
blithe  in  mind. 

The  elder  of  the  cities  thought 
the  bright  woman 
with  filth  and  pollution  to  stain. 
But  the  Judge  of  Glory, 
the  keeper  of  majesty, 
would  not  suffer  it ; 


but  the  Lord, 

ruler  of  his  nobles, 

from  this  thing  restrained. 

Then  departed 
the     devil-worshipping    lustful 

one 

from  the  host  of  men, 
mischief-ful, 
his  bed  to  visit, 
where  he  should 
suddenly  his  blood  lose 
within  one  night. 

So,  drunken  with  wine, 
the  rich  one  fell 
on  the  middle  of  his  bed, 
as  he  knew  no  discretion 
in  the  inclosure. 

The  soldiers  stepped 
out  of  the  chamber 
with  much  haste  : 
the  wine-ful  men 
that  the  perfidious 
people-hating  tyrant 
led  to  the  bed 
the  nighest  way. 
Then  was  the  glory-ful 
maiden  of  the  Saviour 
very  mindful 
how  she  the  foul  elder 
might  easiest  destroy, 
before  the  vicious 
stainful  one  awoke. 

The  maid  of  the  Creator 
with  twisted  locks 
took  then  a  sharp  sword, 
hard  with  scouring, 
and  from  the  sheath  drew  it 
with  her  right  limb. 


The  poet  then  describes  her  killing  Holofernes  : 


She  took  the  heathen  man 
fast  by  his  hair  ; 
she  drew  him  by  his  limbs 
towards  her  disgracefully; 
and  the  mischief-ful 
odious  man 
at  her  pleasure  laid  ; 
so  as  the  wretch 
she     might    the     easiest     well 
command. 


She  •with  the  twisted  locks 
struck  the  hateful  enemy, 
meditating  hate, 
with  the  red  sword, 
till  she  had  half  cut  off  his  neck  ; 
so  that  he  lay  in  a  swoon, 
drunk,  and  mortally  wounded. 
He  was  not  then  dead, 
not  entirely  lifeless  ; 
she  struck  then  earnest, 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


273 


the  woman  illustriousin  strength, 

another  time 

the  heathen  hound ; 

till  that  his  head 

rolled  forth  upon  the  floor. 

The  foul  onelay  without  a  coffer ; 

backward  his  spirit  turned 

under  the  abyss, 

and  there  was  plunged  below, 

with  sulphur  fastened ; 

for  ever  afterwards  wounded  by 

worms. 
Bound  in  torments, 


hard  imprisoned, 

in  hell  he  burns. 

After  his  course 

he  need  not  hope, 

with  darkness  overwhelmed, 

that  he  may  escape 

from  that  mansion  of  worms  ; 

but  there  he  shall  remain 

ever  and  ever, 

without  end,  henceforth 

in  that  cavern-home, 

void  of  the  joys  of  hope. 

Jud.  p.  23. 


CHAP. 
III. 


The  poet  continues  to  describe  Judith's  escape  to 
the  town  of  her  countrymen.  Her  reception  is  thus 
mentioned  : 

There  were  they  blythe, 
those  sitting  in  the  burgh, 
after  they  heard 
how  the  Holy  One  spake 
over  the  high  wall. 
The  army  was  rejoiced. 
Towards  the  gates  of  the  fast- 
ness 


the  people  went, 
men  and  women  together, 
in  numbers  and  heaps, 
in  crowds  and  hosts. 
They  thronged,  and  ran 
against  the  illustrious  maid, 
from  a  thousand  parts, 
old  and  young. 


Here  repetition  of  phrase  is  the  substitute  for  energy 
of  description. 

The  poet  then  gives  her  speech  to  the  people ;  — 


Then  the  discreet  one  ordered, 
adorned  with  gold, 
to  her  maidens, 
with  thoughtful  mind, 
that  army-leader's 
head  to  uncover, 
and  it  on  high, 
bloody,  to  show 
to  the  citizens — 
Then  spake  the  noble  one 
to  all  the  people. 
"  Here  may  we  manifestly 
stare  on  the  head 
of  the  man  illustrious  for  victory, 
of  the  leader  of  his  people, 
of    the    odious    heathen    com- 
mander ; 

of  the  not  living  Holofernes, 
he  that  of  all  men  to  us 
most  murders  has  done, 

VOL.  III. 


sore  sorrows ; 

and  more  yet 

would  have  augmented  them, 

but  that  to  him  God  grants  not 

a  longer  life, 

that  he  with  injuries 

should  afflict  us. 

I  from  him  life  took  away, 

through  God's  assistance. 

Now  I  to  every  man 

of  these  citizens 

will  pray, 

of  these  shield  warriors, 

that  ye  immediately 

haste  you  to  fight. 

When  God,  the  source  of  all, 

the  honour-fast  king, 

from  the  East  sends 

a  ray  of  light, 

bear  forth  your  banners  ; 

T 


274 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


BOOK 
IX. 


with  shields  for  your  breasts, 
and  mail  for  your  hams, 
shining  helmets, 
go  among  the  robbers  ; 
let  their  leaders  fall, 
the  devoted  chiefs, 
by  the  ruddy  sword  ! 
they  are  your  enemies, 


destined  to  death, 

and  ye  shall  have  their  doom, 

victory  from  your  great  leader, 

the  mighty  Lord ! 

as  he  hath  signified  to  you 

by  my  hand." 

Jud.  p.  24. 


The  sally  which  immediately  took  place,  and  the  con- 
sequent battle,  are  thus  described :  — 


Then   was   the   host   of   the 

swift 

quickly  gathered  together, 
the  soldiers  to  the  field ; 
the  warriors  and  the  nobles 
illustrious  stepped  forth. 
They  bore  the  Tufas, 
they  went  to  fight 
straight  onwards  : 
men  under  helms 
from  the  holy  city, 
at  the  dawn  itself. 
They  dinned  shields  ; 
men  roared  loudly. 
At  this  rejoiced  the  lauk 
wolf  in  the  wood, 
and  the  wan  raven, 
the  fowl  greedy  of  slaughter, 
both  from  the  west, 
that  the  sons  of  men  for  them 
should  have  thought  to  prepare 
their  fill  on  corpses. 
And  to  them  flew  in  their  paths 
the  active  devourer,  the  eagle, 
hoary  in  his  feathers. 
The  willowed  kite, 
with  his  horned  beak, 
sang  the  song  of  Hilda. 

The  noble  warriors  proceeded, 
they  in  mail,  to  the  battle, 
furnished  with  shields, 
with  swelling  banners. 
They  that  awhile,  before 
the  reproach  of  the  foreigners, 
the  taunts  of  the  heathen 
endured. 

To  them  what  had  been  hard 
at  that  play  of  swords, 


was  in  all  repaid 
on  the  Assyrians ; 
when  the  Hebrews, 
under  the  banners, 
had  sallied 
on  their  camps. 

They  then  speedily 
let  fly  forth 
showers  of  arrows, 
the  serpents  of  Hilda, 
from  their  horn  bows ; 
the  spears  on  the  ground 
hard  stormed. 
Loud  raged 

the  plunderers  of  battle  ; 
they  sent  their  darts 
into  the  throng  of  the  chiefs. 
The  angry  land-owners 
acted  as  men 
against  the  odious  race. 
Stern-minded,  they  advanced 
with  fierce  spirits : 
they  pressed  on  uusoftly, 
with  ancient  hate, 
against  the  mead-weary  foe. 
With  their  hands,  the  chiefs 
tore  from  their  sheaths 
the  sheer,  cross-sword, 
in  its  edges  tried  : 
they  slew  earnestly 
the  Assyrian  combatants. 
Pursuing  with  hate, 
none  they  spared 
of  the  army-folk 
of  the  great  kingdom 
of  the  living  men, 
whom  they  could  overcome. 

Jud.  p.  24. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  275 

As  Caedmon's  paraphrase  is  a  poetical  narration 
mixed  with  many  topics  of  invention  and  fancy,  it 
has  also  as  great  a  claim  to  be  considered  as  a  narra- 

o  .,    ^Paraphrase, 

tive  poem,  as  Milton's  Paradise  Lost  has  to  be  deemed 
an  epic  poem.  It  was  published  by  Junius  as  the 
work  of  the  ancient  Casdmon,  who  has  been  already 
mentioned.  It  treats  on  the  first  part  of  the  subjects 
which  Bede  mentions  to  have  been  the  topics  of  the 
elder  Csedmon  ;  but  it  is  presumed  by  Hickes  not  to 
be  so  ancient  as  the  poet  mentioned  by  Bede.  I 
confess  that  I  am  not  satisfied  that  Hickes  is  right  in 
referring  it  to  any  other  author  than  the  person  to 
whom  Junius  ascribes  it. 

It  begins  with  the  fall  of  angels,  and  the  creation 
of  the  world.  It  proceeds  to  the  history  of  Adam 
and  Eve ;  of  Cain,  and  the  deluge ;  of  Abraham  and  of 
Moses.  The  actions  of  Nabuchodonosor  and  Daniel 
are  subjoined. 

In  its  first  topic,  "  the  fall  of  the  angels,"  it  exhibits 
much  of  a  Miltonic  spirit ;  and  if  it  were  clear  that 
our  illustrious  bard  had  been  familiar  with  Saxon, 
we  should  be  induced  to  think  that  he  owed  some- 
thing to  the  paraphrase  of  Casdmon.  Xo  one  at  least 
can  read  Caadinon  without  feeling  the  idea  intruding 
upon  his  mind.  As  the  subject  is  curious,  I  shall 
make  no  apology  for  very  copious  extracts  from 
Caadmon,  translated  as  literally  as  possible  : —  onthe 

,n  .,  .  ,      .    ,  .  .  ,     .   ,  ,     T       ,  .  Fall  of  the 

I  o  us  it  is  much  right  Almighty  Lord !  Angels. 

that  we  the  Ruler   of  the  fir-      There  was  not  to  him  ever  be- 

rnament,  ginning 

the  Glory-King  of  Hosts,  nor  origin  made  ; 

%ith  words  should  praise,  nor  now  end  cometh. 

with  minds  should  love.  Eternal  Lord ! 

He  is  in  power  abundant,  But  he  will  be  always  powerful 

High  Head  of  all  creatures,  over  heaven's  stools, z 

s  I  use  the  term  in  the  original,  because  such  expressions  as  have  any  allusion 
to  ancient  manners  should  always  be  preserved.  Since  I  published  my  idea  that 
Milton  may  have  taken  some  of  his  conceptions  of  his  Satan  from  Ciedmon,  Mr. 
Todd  has  favoured  me  with  a  copy  of  the  following  letter  from  Bishop  Nicholson  to 
Humphrey  Wanley  on  the  same  subject.  It  is  dated  20th  August,  1706.  "  I  have 

T  2 


276 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


BOOK       in  high  majesty, 
IX.         truth-fast  and  very  strenuous, 

"~~» Ruler  of  the  bosoms  of  the  sky  ! 

Then  were  they  set 
wide  and  ample, 
thro'  God's  power, 
for  the  children  of  glory, 
for  the  guardians  of  spirits. 
They  had  joy  and  splendour, 
and  their  beginning-origin, 
the  hosts  of  angels  ; 
bright  bliss  was  their  great  fruit. 
The  glory-fast  thegns 
praised  the  King : 
they  said  willingly  praise 
to  their  Life-Lord ; 
they  obeyed  their  sovereign  with 

virtues. 

They  were  very  happy  ; 
sins  they  knew  not ; 
nor  to  frame  crimes  : 
but  they  in  peace  lived 
with  their  Eternal  Elder. 
Otherwise  they  began  not 
to  rear  in  the  sky, 
except  right  and  truth, 
before  the  Ruler  of  the  angels, 
for  pride  divided  them  in  error. 

They  would  not  long  do 
council  for  themselves  ! 
but  thpy  from  the  peace  and 
love  of  God  departed. 
They  had  much  pride 


that  they  against  the  Lord 

would  divide 

the  glory-fast  place, 

the  majesty  of  their  hosts, 

the  wide  and  bright  sky. 

To  him  there  grief  happened, 
envy,  and  pride ; 
to  that  angel's  mind 
that  this  ill  counsel 
began  first  to  frame, 
to  weave  and  wake. 

Then  he  words  said, 
darkened  with  iniquity, 
that  he  in  the  north  part 
a  home  and  high  seat 
of  heaven's  kingdom 
would  possess. 

Then  was  God  angry, 
and  with  the  host  wrath 
that  he  before  esteemed 
illustrious  and  glorious. 
He  made  for  those  perfidious 
an  exiled  home, 
a  work  of  retribution, 
Hell's  groans  and  hard  hatreds. 
Our  Lord  commanded  the 

punishment-house 
for  the  exiles  to  abide, 
deep,  joyless, 
the  rulers  of  spirits. 

When  he  it  ready  knew 
with  perpetual  night  foul, 
sulphur  including, 


long  wished  for  an  accurate  translation  of  Caedmon,  and  Mr.  Dean  (Hickes)  only 
is  able,  glad  I  am  t.o  hear  that  he  is  willing,  to  undertake  that  part.  Honest  Mr. 
Junius  told  me  there  were  three  or  four  words  in  that  poem  which  he  did  not  un- 
derstand. This  perhaps  hindered  him  from  attempting  a  complete  translation  ; 
though,  I  believe,  most  of  it  is  rendered  piece-meal  in  the  quotations  he  has  made 
thence  in  his  Saxon  dictionary. 

"  I  hope  your  translator  will  oblige  us  with  the  reasons  of  his  opinion,  if  he  still 
continues  in  it,  that  a  good  part  of  Milton's  Paradise  was  borrowed  from  Ca>dmon's. 
I  can  hardly  think  these  two  poets  under  the  direction  of  the  same  spirit :  and  I 
never  could  find,  I  think  his  introduction  to  our  English  history  rather  evinces  the 
contrary,  that  Oliver's  secretary  was  so  great  a  master  of  the  Saxon  language,  as  to 
be  able  to  make  Csedmon's  paraphrase  his  own." 

I  do  not  know  who  Wanley's  translator  was,  nor  his  reasons  for  thinking  that 
Milton  had  consulted  Ceedmon.  I  have  myself  no  other  than  the  apparent  similarity 
of  some  of  the  thoughts  on  a  peculiar  and  uncommon  subject,  in  which  casual  re- 
semblances are  less  likely  to  occur  than  on  more  usual  topics.  Milton  could  not 
be  wholly  unacquainted  with  Junius ;  and  if  he  conversed  with  him,  Junius  was 
very  likely  to  have  made  Csedmon  the  topic  of  his  discourse,  and  may  have  read 
enough  of  it  in  English  to  Milton  to  have  fastened  upon  his  imagination  without 
his  being  a  Saxon  scholar. 


ANGLO  SAXONS. 


277 


over  it  full  fire 
and  extensive  cold, 
with  smoke  and  red  flame, 
he  commanded  them  over 
the  mansion,  void  of  council, 
to   increase  the   terror-punish- 
ment. 

They  had  provoked   accusa- 
tion ; 

grim  against  God  gathered  to- 
gether, 
to  them  was   grim    retribution 

come. 

They  said  that  they  the  kingdom 
with  fierce  mind  would  possess, 
and  so  easily  might. 
Them  the  hope  deceived, 
afterwards  the  Governor, 
the  high  King  of  Heaven, 
his  hands  upreared. 
He  pursued  against  the  crowd ; 
nor  might  the  void  of  mind, 
vile  against  their  Maker, 
enjoy  might. 

Their  loftiness  of  mind  departed, 
their  pride  was  diminished. 

Then  was  he  angry  ; 
he  struck  his  enemies 
with  victory  and  power, 
with  judgment  and  virtue, 
and  took  away  joy  : 
peace  from  his  enemies, 
and  all  pleasure : 
Illustrious  Lord ! 
and  his  anger  wreaked 
on  the  enemies  greatly, 


in  their  own  power 
deprived  of  strength. 

He  had  a  stern  mind  ; 
grimly  provoked  ; 
he  seized  in  his  wrath 
on  the  limbs  of  his  enemies, 
and  them  in  pieces  broke, 
wrathful  in  mind. 
He  deprived  of  their  country 
his  adversaries, 
from  the  stations  of  glory 
he  made  and  cut  off, 
our  Creator ! 
the  proud  race  of  angels  from 

heaven  ; 

the  faithless  host. 
The  Governor  sent 
the  hated  army 
on  a  long  journey, 
with  mourning  spirits. 
To  them  was  glory  lost, 
their  threats  broken, 
their  majesty  curtailed, 
stained  in  splendour ; 
they  iu  exile  afterwards 
pressed  on  their  black  way. 
They  needed  not  loud  to  laugh  5 
but  they  in  Hell's  torments 
weary  remained,  and  knew  woe 
sad  and  sorry : 
they  endured  sulphur, 
covered  with  darkness, 
a  heavy  recompense, 
because  they  had  begun 
to  fight  against  God. 

Csed,  p,  1,  2. 


CHAP. 
III. 


Caedmon  thus  describes  the  creation:  — 


There  was  not  then  yet  here, 
except  gloom  like  a  cavern, 
•  any  thing  made. 
But  the  wide  ground 
stood  deep  and  dim 
for  a  new  lordship, 
shapeless  and  unsuitable. 
On  this  with  his  eyes  he  glanced, 
the  king  stern  in  mind, 
and  the  joyless  place  beheld. 
He  saw  the  dark  clouds 
perpetually  press 


black  under  the  sky, 
void  and  waste  ; 
till  that  this  world's  creation 
thro'  the  word  was  done 
of  the  King  of  Glory. 

Here  first  made 
the  Eternal  Lord, 
the  Patron  of  all  creatures, 
heaven  and  earth. 
He  reared  the  sky, 
and  this  roomy  land  established 
with  strong  powers, 
T  3 


On  the 
Creation, 


278 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


BOOK       Almighty  Ruler ! 
IX.  The  earth  was  then  yet 

— v '    with  grass  not  green  ; 

with  the  ocean  covered, 
perpetually  black  ; 
far  and  wide 
the  desert  ways. 

Then  was  the  glory-bright 
Spirit  of  the  Warder  of  heaven 
borne  over  the  watery  abyss 
with  great  abundance. 
The   Creator    of    angels    com- 
manded, 

the  Lord  of  life ! 
light  to  come  forth 
over  the  roomy  ground. 

Quickly  was  fulfilled 
the  high  King's  command: 
the  sacred  light  came 
over  the  waste 
as  the  Artist  ordered. 
Then  separated 
The  Governor  of  victory 
over  the  water-flood 
light  from  darkness, 
shade  from  shine ; 
he  made  them  both  be  named, 
Lord  of  life ! 
Light  was  first, 
thro'  the  Lord's  word, 
called  day, 
creation  of  bright  splendour. 

Pleased  well  the  Lord 
at  the  beginning, 
the  birth  of  time, 
the  first  day. 
He  saw  the  dark  shade 
black  spread  itself 
over  the  wide  ground, 
when  time  declined 
over  the  oblation-smoke  of  the 

earth. 

The  Creator  after  separated 
from  the  pure  shine, 
our  Maker, 
the  first  evening. 
To  him  ran  at  last 
a  throng  of  dark  clouds. 
To  these  the  King  himself 
gave  the  name  of  night : 


our  Saviour 

these  separated. 

Afterwards,  as  an  inheritance, 

the  will  of  the  Lord 

made  and  did  it 

eternal  over  the  earth. 

Then  came  another  day, 
light  after  darkness. 
The  Warder  of  life  then  com- 
manded 

the  greater  waters 
in  the  middle  to  be 
a  high-like  heaven  timber. 
He  divided  the  watery  abyss 
our  Governor, 
and  made  them 
a  fastness  of  a  firmament. 
This  the  Great  One  raised 
up  from  the  earth, 
through  his  own  word, 
Almighty  Lord ! 

The  world  was  divided 
under  the  high  firmament 
with  holy  might ; 
waters  from  waters : 
from  those  that  yet  remain 
under  the  fastness, 
the  roof  of  nations. 
Then  came  over  the  earth, 
hasty  to  advance, 
the  great  third  morning. 

There  were  not  then  yet  mae 
the  wide  land, 
nor  the  useful  ways  ; 
but  the  earth  stood  fast, 
covered  with  flood. 
The  Lord  of  angels  commanded, 
thro'  his  word, 
the  waters  to  be  together, 
that  now  under  the  firmament 
their  course  hold 
an  appointed  place. 
Then  stood  willingly 
the  water  under  heaven, 
as  the  Holy  One  commanded. 

Far  from  each  other 
there  was  sepai*ated 
the  water  from  the  land. 
The  Warder  of  life  then  beheld 
dry  regions ; 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


279 


the  Keeper  of  the  virtues  Then  the  King  of  Glory 

wide  displayed  them.  named  it  the  earth, 

Caed.  p.  3,  4. 

But  that  part  of  Csedmon  which  is  the  most  origi- 
nal product  of  his  own  fancy,  is  his  account  of  Satan's 
hostility.  To  us,  the  "  Paradise  Lost "  of  Milton  has 
made  this  subject  peculiarly  interesting  ;  and  as  it 
will  be  curious  to  see  how  an  old  Saxon  poet  has  pre- 
viously treated  it,  we  shall  give  another  copious  ex- 
tract. Some  of  the  touches  bring  to  mind  a  few  of 
Milton's  conceptions.  But  in  CaBdmon  the  finest 
thoughts  are  abruptly  introduced,  and  very  roughly 
and  imperfectly  expressed.  In  Milton  the  same  ideas 
are  detailed  in  all  the  majesty  of  his  diction,  and  are 
fully  displayed  with  that  vigour  of  intellect  in  which 
he  has  no  superior. 


CHAP. 
in. 


The  universal  Ruler  had 
of  angel  races, 
through  his  hand-power, 
the  holy  Lord ! 
a  fortress  established. 
To  them  he  well  trusted 
that  they  his  service 
would  follow, 
would  do  his  will. 
For  this  he  gave  them  under- 
standing, 

and  with  his  hands  made  them. 
The  Holy  Lord 
had  stationed  them 
so  happily. 

One  he  had  so 
strongly  made, 
so  mighty 

in  his  mind's  thought ; 
he  let  him  rule  so  much  ; 
the  highest  in  heaven's  kingdom; 
he  had  made  him 
so  splendid ; 
so  heautiful 

was  his  fruit  in  heaven 
which  to  him  came 
from  the  Lord  of  Hosts  ; 
that  he  was  like 
the  brilliant  stars. 


Praise  ought  he 
to  have  made  to  his  Lord  ; 
he  should  have  valued  dear 
his  joys  in  heaven  ; 
he  should  have  thanked  his  Lord 
for  the  bounty  which 
in  that  brightness  he  shared ; 
when  he  was  permitted 
so  long  to  govern. 

But  he  departed  from  it 
to  a  worse  thing. 
He  began  to  upheave  strife 
against  the  Governor 
of  the  highest  heaven, 
that  sits  on  the  holy  seat. 
Dear  was  he  to  our  Lord ; 
from  whom  it  could  not  be  hid, 
that  his  angel  began 
to  be  over-proud. 

He  raised  himself 
against  his  Master ; 
he  sought  inflaming  speeches  ; 
he  began  vain-glorious  words  ; 
he  would  not  serve  God ; 
he  said  he  was  his  equal 
in  light  and  shining ; 
as  white  and  as  bright  in  hue. 
Nor  could  he  find  it  in  his  mind 
to  render  obedience 


T    4 


280  HISTORY    OF   THE 

BOOK       to  his  God,  this  angel  of  pride. 

IX.         to  his  King.  He   thought  through   his   own 

*" • '    He  thought  in  himself  craft 

that  he  could  have  subjects  that  he  could  make 

of  more  might  and  skill  a  more  strong-like  seat, 

than  the  Holy  God.  higher  in  the  heavens. 
Spake  many  words 

Satan  is  represented  as  uttering  this  soliloquy  which 
begins  with  doubting  about  his  enterprise,  but  ends 
in  a  determination  to  pursue  it : 

"  Why  should  I  contend  ?  they  have  chosen  me 

I  cannot  have  for  their  superior  ; 

any  creature  for  my  superior  !  illustrious  soldiers ! 

I  may  with  my  hands  with  such,  indeed, 

so  many  wonders  work  !  one  may  take  counsel ! 

and  I  must  have  great  power  with  such  folk 

to  acquire  a  more  godlike  stool,  may  seize  a  station ! 

higher  in  the  heavens  !  My  earnest  friends  they  are, 

Yet  why  should  I  faithful  in  the  effusions  of  their 

sue  for  his  grace  ?  mind, 

or  bend  to  him  I  may,  as  their  leader, 

with  any  obedience  ?  govern  in  this  kingdom. 

I  may  be  So  I  think  it  not  right, 

a  god,  as  he  is.  nor  need  I 

Stand  by  me,  flatter  any  one, 

strong  companions !  as  if-  to  any  gods 

who  will  not  deceive  me  a  god  inferior, 

in  this  contention.  I  will  no  longer 

Warriors  of  hardy  mind  !  remain  his  subject."4 

After  narrating  the  consequent  anger  of  the  Deity, 
and  the  defeat  and  expulsion  of  Satan,  the  poet  thus 
describes  his  abode  in  the  infernal  regions : 

The  fiend,    with   all  his  fol-  the  Almighty  God 

lowers,  placed  them,  defeated  ; 

fell  then  out  of  heaven  ;  in  the  black  hell, 

during  the  space  There  have  they  for  ever, 

of  three  nights  and  days  ;  for  an  immeasurable  length, 

the  angels  from  heaven  each  of  the  fiends, 

into  hell ;  and  them  all  fire  always  renewed, 

the  Lord  turned  into  devils :  There  comes  at  last 

because  that  they  the  eastern  wind, 

his  deed  and  word  the  cold  frost 

would  not  reverence.  mingling  with  the  fires. 

For  this,  into  a  worse  light  Always  fire  or  arrows, 

under  the  earth  beneath  some  hard  tortures, 

4  »'.«.  his  younger. 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


281 


they  must  have : 

made  for  their  punishment. 

Their  world  was  turned. 

Hell  was  filled, 

their  former  place, 

with  the  execrable  ones. 

They  suffer  the  punishment 
of    their    battle    against    their 

Ruler ; 

the  fierce  torrents  of  fire 
in  the  midst  of  hell : 


brands  and  broad  flames  ; 
so  likewise  bitter  smoke, 
vapour  and  darkness.  — 
They  were  all  fallen 
to  the  bottom  of  that  fire 
in  the  hot  hell, 
thro'  their  folly  and  pride. 
Sought  they  other  land, 
it  was  all  void  of  light, 
and  full  of  fire, 
a  great  journey  of  fire. — 


CHAP. 
III. 


Another  of  Satan's  speeches  may  be  cited : 


Then  spake   the  over-proud 
king, 

that  was  before 

of  angels  the  most  shining  ; 

the  whitest  in  heaven  ; 

by  his  Master  beloved, 

to  his  Lord  endeared  ; 

till  he  turned  to  evil ;  — 

Satan  said, 

with  sorrowing  speech  — 
"  Is  this  the  narrow  place, 

unlike,  indeed,  to  the  others 

which  we  before  knew, 

high  in  heaven's  kingdom, 

that  my  Master  puts  me  in  ? 

But  those  we  must  not  have, 

by  the  Omnipotent 

deprived  of  our  kingdom. 

He  hath  not  done  us  right, 

that  he  hath  felled  us 

to  the  fiery  bottom 

of  this  hot  hell, 

and  taken  away  heaven's  king- 
dom. 
"  He  hath  marked  that 

with  mankind 

to  be  settled. 

.     This  is  to  me  the  greatest  sor- 
row, 

that  Adam  shall, 

he  that  was  made  of  earth, 

my  stronglike  stool  possess. 

He  is  to  be  thus  happy, 

while  we  suffer  punishment ; 

misery  in  this  hell ! 

Oh  that  I  had  free 

the  power  of  my  hands, 


and  might  for  a  time 

be  out ; 

for  one  winter's  space, 

I  and  my  army ! 

but  iron  bonds 

lay  around  me ! 

knots  of  chains  press  me  down  ! 

I  am  kingdomless ! 

hell's  fetters 

hold  me  so  hard, 

so  fast  encompass  me  ! 

Here  are  mighty  flames 

above  and  beneath  ; 

I  never  saw 

a  more  hateful  landscape. 

This  fire  never  languishes  ; 

hot  over  hell, 

encircling  rings, 

biting  manacles, 

forbid  my  course. 

My  army  is  taken  from  me, 

my  feet  are  bound, 

my  hands  imprisoned !  — 

Thus  hath  God  confined  me. 

Hence  I  perceive 

that  he  knows  my  mind. 

The  Lord  of  Hosts 

likewise  knows 

that  Adam  should  from  us 

suffer  evil 

about  heaven's  kingdom, 

if  I   had   the   power  of  my 

hands. — 

He  hath  now  marked  out 
a  middle  region  ; 
where  he  hath  made  man 
after  his  likeness. 


282 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


BOOK       From  him  he  will 
IX.         again  settle 
»       '    the  kingdom  of  heaven 
with  pure  souls. 
We  should  to  this  end 


diligently  labour, 
that  we  on  Adam, 
if  we  ever  may, 
and  on  his  offspring, 
work  some  revenge." 


After  explaining  his  plan  of  seducing  Adam  to  disobe- 
dience, he  adds, 


"  If,  when  king, 
to  any  of  my  thegns 
I  formerly  gave  treasures  ; 
when  we  in  that  good  kingdom 
sat  happy, 
and    had    the    power    of    our 

thrones  ; 
when  he  to  me, 
in  that  beloved  time, 
could  give  no  recompense, 
to  repay  my  favour  ; 
let  him  now  again, 
some  one  of  my  thegns, 
become  my  helper, 
that  he  may  escape  hence 
thro'  these  barriers ; 
that  he  with  wings  may  fly, 
may  wind  into  the  sky, 
to  where  Adam  and  Eve 
stand  created  on  the  earth.— 

"  If  any  of  you 

could  by  any  means  change  it, 
that  they  of  God's  word 
the  command  would  neglect, 
soon  they  to  him 
would  become  odious. 
If  Adam  brake  thro' 
his  obedience, 


then  with  them  would  the  Su- 
preme 

become  enraged, 
and  prepare  their  punishment, 
some  destructive  portion, 
if  he  should  lose  that  kingdom. 

"  Strive  ye  all  for  this, 
how  ye  may  deceive  them  ! 
Then  shall  I  repose  softly, 
even  in  these  bonds. 
To  him  that  accomplishes  this 
a  reward  shall  be  ready 
for  his  future  life. 
Of  this  Ave  may  from  hence 
go  from  this  fire 
to  acquire  the  advantages. 
I  will  let  him  sit 
opposite  to  myself, 
whoever  he  may  be, 
that  shall  come  to  say, 
in  this  hot  hell, 
that  they  the  command 
of  the  king  of  heaven 
unworthily 
by  words  and  deeds 
have  disobeyed."5 

Csed.  6-11. 


5  In  that  Saxon  composition  in  the  Exeter  MS.  which  Mr.  Conybeare  denomi- 
nates the  "  Gnomic  Poem "  there  is  a  passage  on  the  whale,  which  he  has  thus 
translated  in  his  Illustrations  :  "  This  monster  of  the  deep  resembles  in  appearance 
the  rude  and  barren  rock  ;  so  that  incautious  mariners  cast  their  anchor  in  its  side, 
disembark,  and  kindle  their  fire  ;  when  suddenly  it  plunges  and  overwhelms  them 
amid  the  waves."  This  is  so  like  the  ground-work  of  Milton's  simile,  that  we  may 
adduce  it  as  another  proof  that  he  was  not  unacquainted  with  the  Saxon  remains :  — 

"  Him,  haply,  slumbering  on  the  Norway  foam, 
The  pilot  of  some  small,  night-founder'd  skiff, 
Deeming  some  island,  oft,  as  seamen  tell, 
With  fixed  anchor  in  his  scaly  rind, 
Moors  by  his  side  under  the  lee,  while  night 
Invests  the  sea,  and  wished  morn  delays." 

Par.  L.  b,  i.  1.  203. 

Here  Milton  has  converted  the  rude  simplicity  of  the  Saxon  into  a  rich  picture. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  283 

From  these  poems  of  Beowulf,  Judith,  and  Coedmon,      CHAP. 

it  is  clear  that  the  Anglo-Saxons  had  begun  to  com-   < tj , 

pose  long  narrative  poems,  rising  at  times  both  to 
fancy  and  feeling,  and  making  some  pretensions  to 
the  name  of  heroic  poems.  From  whence  did  this 
taste  originate  ? 

The  epic  poems  of  antiquity  seem  to  me  to  be  the 
legitimate  parents  of  all  the  narrative  poetry  of 
Europe,  and  the  progress  of  the  descent  may  be 
sufficiently  traced. 

The  Romans  derived  this  species  of  composition 
from  the  Greeks,  and  cultivated  it  with  varying  suc- 
cess. Their  epic  poetry  established  a  taste  for  nar- 
rative poems  wherever  their  language  spread.  This 
appears  from  the  poems  of  this  sort,  which  the  writers 
of  the  various  countries  of  Europe  under  their  influ- 
ence attempted  to  compose,  and  some  of  which  may 
be  briefly  enumerated. 

In  the  fourth  century  we  have  a  narrative  poem,  in 
Latin  hexameter  verse,  written  by  VICTOEINUS,  an 
African  rhetorician,  on  the  slaughter  of  the  Mac- 
cabees. It  is  not  much  above  four  hundred  lines  in 
length.6 

In  the  same  century,  JUVENCUS,  a  Spaniard,  wrote 
a  narrative  poem,  in  hexameter  verse,  on  the  history 
of  Christ,  which  contains  four  books,  and  above  three 
thousand  lines.  The  narration  is  carefully  carried  on, 
but  the  poetry  is  of  an  humble  cast.7 

One  of  the  most  remarkable  poems  of  AURELIUS 
PRUDENTIUS,  a  Spaniard  of  consular  dignity,  is  the 
Psychomachia.  This  is  an  allegorical  poem,  in  eight 
books,  on  the  virtues  and  vices  of  the  mind,  in  a 
sort  of  heroic  narration.  It  is  partly  the  same  subject 

Yet  an  incident  of  this  sort  occurs  also  in  the  Arabian  tales ;  and  this  fact  leads  us 
to  the  inference,  that  as  these  two  minds,  without  any  communication  or  borrowing 
from  each  other,  thought  of  it,  so  might  others. 

6  Bib.  Mag.  torn.  viii.  p.  625—628.  *  Ibid.  p.  629  —  657. 


284  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK  which  our  Spenser  has  combined  with  a  chivalric 
.  **•  .  story.  In  Prudentius,  every  virtue  and  every  vice 
come  out  as  persons,  armed  or  dressed  appropriately 
to  their  different  qualities,  and  harangue  and  fight. 
It  consists  of  one  thousand  and  twenty-two  hexa- 
meter lines.8 

In  the  fifth  century,  SEDULIUS,  an  Irishman,  went 
to  France,  Italy,  and  Asia ;  and  on  his  return  from 
Achaia,  settled  at  Rome.  He  has  written  a  narrative 
poem  on  the  miracles  of  Christ,  which  he  calls  his 
Paschale  Opus.  It  is  in  five  books,  containing  about 
two  thousand  hexameter  lines.  It  is  almost  wholly 
narration  and  description,  seldom  enlivened  by  dia- 
logue ;  but  his  style  of  verse  is  much  superior  to  that 
of  the  preceding  authors,  and  has  somewhat  of  the 
air  of  Statius.9 

CLAUDIUS  MARIUS  VICTOR,  a  rhetorician  of  Marseilles, 
lived  in  the  same  century.  His  poetical  commentary 
on  Genesis  is  a  narrative  poem  on  the  creation,  the 
fall  of  man,  and  the  subsequent  history,  including 
that  of  Abraham.  In  the  part  of  his  poem  which 
concerns  "  Paradise  Lost,"  the  most  original  incidents 
are  these :  while  Adam  is  addressing  the  Deity  in 
a  long  penitential  speech,  they  see  the  serpent  gliding 
before  them.  Eve  counsels  his  destruction.  She 
immediately  pursues  him  with  stones,  in  which  Adam 
joins,  till  one  of  them,  striking  a  flint,  elicits  a 
spark,  which  instantly  kindles  a  flame  and  sets  the 
woods  in  a  blaze.  The  unexpected  sight  of  this 
new  element  of  tire  terrifies  our  parents  into  a  hasty 
flight.  The  poem  contains  about  eighteen  hundred 
lines.10 

The  poems  of  SIDONIUS  on  the  emperor,  his  friend, 
contain  a  sort  of  heroic  fable.  In  the  panegyric  on 
Avitus,  the  emperor  speaks,  as  do  others ;  and  Jupiter 

8  Bib.  Mag.  torn.  viii.  p.  463  —  471.  9  Ibid.  p.  658 — 678. 

10  Ibid.  p.  580—595. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  285 

likewise  harangues.11     The  life  of  St.  Martin  by  PAU-     CHAP. 
LINUS,  a  senator  of  Aquitain,  afterwards  a  bishop,  in  • 

hexameter  verse,  must  be  also  considered  as  a  nar- 
rative poem  of  considerable  length.  It  is  in  six  books, 
and  contains  about  three  thousand  seven  hundred 
hexameter  lines.  Though  it  abounds  with  fiction  it 
is  very  dull.12 

In  the  sixth  century  ALOIMUS  AVITUS,  the  arch- 
bishop of  Vienne,  composed  a  narrative  poem  on  the 
Jewish  history,  from  the  creation  to  Exodus,  in  five 
books,  comprising  above  two  thousand  lines.  The 
first  book  is  on  the  creation,  the  second  on  the  fall, 
the  third  on  the  expulsion  from  Paradise,  the  fourth 
on  the  flood,  and  the  fifth  on  the  passage  of  the  Red 
Sea.  It  is  more  remarkable  for  its  antiquity  than  for 
its  poetry.  But  it  must  be  ranked  much  above  the 
lowest  in  the  list  of  the  leaden  goddess. 13 

AEATOR,  a  Roman  sub -deacon,  in  the  same  century, 
wrote  a  narrative  poem  on  the  apostolic  history,  in 
two  books,  and  about  two  thousand  four  hundred 
lines.  It  is  more  entitled  to  be  enumerated  than  read. 
Its  purpose  is  much  better  than  its  versification.14 

FORTUNATUS,  a  loquacious  poet,  bishop  of  Poitou, 
devoted  four  books,  and  about  two  thousand  lines,  to 
a  narrative  poem  of  the  life  of  St.  Martin.  As  it  is 
full  of  his  miracles,  it  is  full  of  invention ;  but  as  the 
poets  whom  he  enumerates,  in  his  proemium,  as  his 
models,  are  those  whom  we  have  just  mentioned,  it 
may  be  expected  that  the  pupil  has  not  obscured  his 
tutors  either  by  his  taste  or  his  genius.15 

11  Sid.  Apoll.  .      12  Bib.  Mag.  torn.  viif.  p.  852—882. 

13  Ibid.  p.  596 — 618.  It  is  a  curious  example  Of  the  uncertainties  of 
literary  criticism,  that  the  works  of  this  author  should  be  spoken  of  by  an  in- 
telligent  reviewer  as  newly  discovered  in  1 840.  "  The  researches  of  the  French  an- 
tiquaries into  the  literary  history  of  the  middle  ages  have  brought  to  Hyht  another 
work  to  which  Milton  was  directly  or  indirectly  indebted ;  a  poem  by  St.  Avitus, 
Bishop  of  Vienne  in  Gaul,  entitled  '  Creation,  Original  Sin,  and  the  Expulsion  from 
Paradise.'  .  .  .  .  M.  Guizot  was  the  first  who  directed  attention  to  this  poem." — - 
Athenaeum,  Feb.  15.  1840. 

11  Bib.  Mag.  torn.  viii.  p.  GS2 — 700.  ls  Ibid,  p   753 — 772. 


286  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK  In  the  seventh  century,  we  have  the  heroic  poem 
,  of  PETRUS  APOLLONIUS,  an  Italian,  on  the  destruction 
of  Jerusalem,  in  above  two  thousand  hexameters.  It 
obviously  emulates  the  style  and  the  manner  of  the 
best  models.  It  attempts  epic  machinery  and  dra- 
matic effect,  though  the  success  of  the  effort  is  not 
always  equal  to  its  ambition.  One  part  of  its  ma- 
chinery is  the  sending  the  angel  Raphael  to  the 
Tartarian  abodes,  to  command  one  of  the  demons  to 
go  and  persuade  the  Jewish  leaders  to  revolt  from  the 
Romans,  that  they  may  bring  their  punishment  on 
themselves.16 

In  the  eighth  century,  we  have  BEDE'S  Life  of  Saint 
Cuthbert,  of  which  a  specimen  will  be  given  in  the 
chapter  on  the  Latin  poetry  of  the  Anglo-Saxons.  It 
is,  indeed,  a  romance  in  Latin  verse.  The  incidents 
are  fanciful  tales  of  Cuthbert's  miraculous  adventures. 
They  are  narrated  in  a  dramatic  form,  as  the  speci- 
men hereafter  given  will  show.  It  consists  of  nine 
hundred  and  seventy-nine  lines. 

All  these  poems  are  obviously  the  offspring  of  the 
Roman  Epopeas ;  and  show,  that  by  them  the  taste 
for  narrative  poetry  was  excited  in  France,  in  Spain, 
Italy,  and  Britain.  From  the  epic  poems  of  antiquity, 
and  their  imitations,  the  Anglo-Saxons,  as  well  as  the 
Franks,  and  the  Goths  in  Spain,  learnt  the  art  of 
constructing  and  carrying  on  an  epic  fable.  The  first 
imitations  were  in  Latin,  by  those  who  knew  the  lan- 
guage and  loved  its  poetry.  But  that  men  arose  who 
cultivated  poetry  in  their  native  tongue,  as  well  as  in 
the  Latin  language,  we  learn  from  the  example  of 
Aldhelm.  His  Latin  poetry  will  be  noticed  in  the 
next  chapter;  and  we  have  already  remarked,  from 
the  information  of  Alfred,  that  he  took  great  pains  to 
compose  poems  for  the  instruction  of  his  countrymen 
in  their  vernacular  tongue. 

16  Bib.  Mag.  torn.  viii.  p.  731—752. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  287 

The  first  narrative  poems  were  probably  composed     CHAP. 
by  the  ecclesiastics.     The  poems  of  Caedmon  and  on  . 

Judith  are  obviously  religious  ;  and  some  passages  of 
Beowulf  have  that  air.  Such  men,  from  their  learn- 
ing, would  be  best  skilled  in  the  art  of  narration  ;  and 
from  them  it  probably  descended  to  the  scop,  or  pro- 
fessional poet. 

That  the  ecclesiastics  of  those  ages  greatly  cultivated 
the  art  of  narrative  invention,  and  were  successful  in 
their  efforts,  we  see  from  their  legends.  The  mira- 
culous stories  in  Gregory's  dialogues,  in  Bede's  history, 
and  in  other  writers  of  that  time,  are  in  fact  so  many  • 
fanciful  tales,  much  more  poetical  in  their  invention 
and  narration  than  any  of  those  works  which  then 
passed  as  poetry. 

That  the  legends  and  lives  of  Saints  were  translated 
from  Latin  into  Anglo-Saxon,  we  know  to  be  a  fact. 
Alfred  caused  Gregory's  dialogues  to  be  translated, 
which  are  nothing  but  legends  or  tales  of  the  mira- 
culous actions  of  the  Italian  saints,  but  so  numerous 
as  to  fill  one  hundred  and  sixteen  folio  pages.  It  is 
as  complete  a  specimen  of  fictitious  narration  as  any 
book  of  fairy  tales  which  has  been  published.  Every 
nation  of  Europe,  after  the  fall  of  the  Roman  empire, 
had  some  such  narratives  of  supernatural  agency ; 
and  therefore  we  must  consider  the  monks  as  the 
great  inventors  of  narrative  fiction.  So  numerous 
were  their  creations,  that  the  lives  of  the  saints, 
which  have  been  collected  and  published,  amount,  in 
the  last  edition,  to  above  a  hundred  thick  folio 
volumes,  written  chiefly  in  the  early  and  middle 
ages  of  Europe,  and  all  abounding  with  tales  of 
supernatural  agency.  Some  display  very  striking 
imagery  and  rich  invention,  others  are  dull.  The 
ancient  lives  of  the  Irish  saints  are  so  extravagant 
in  their  imputed  miracles,  that  the  editors,  who 
believe  the  truth  of  all  the  others,  have  felt  it 
decorous  to  caution  the  reader  that  the  fancy  of  these 


288  HISTORY    OF   THE 

BOOK     biographers  has  been  too  ardent,  and  their  credulity 
.    **'    .    too  indiscriminate. 

The  lives  of  the  saints  which  still  exist  in  the 
Anglo-Saxon  language,  show  that  they  were  diffused 
among  the  people  ;  and  the  fact,  that  some  ecclesias- 
tics, like  Aldhelm,  chose  to  compose  poems  in  their 
native  language,  to  improve  the  people,  makes  it  pro- 
bable that  many  of  the  legends  were  put  into  Anglo- 
Saxon  poetry. 

For  these  reasons,  we  may  consider  the  Roman  epic 
poems  as  the  parents  of  the  narrative  poetry  of  modern 
Europe,  and  the  ecclesiastics  who  had  a  poetical  taste, 
as  the  first  composers  of  narrative  poems  in  our  ver- 
nacular languages,  and  more  particularly  in  the 
Anglo-Saxon. 

poefryLyric  Of  their  lyric,  or  miscellaneous  poetry,  one  of  the 
oldest  and  best  specimens  is  Alfred's  poetical  transla- 
tion of  the  poetry  in  Boetius,  which  has  been  already 
noticed. 

To  the  already  copious  specimens  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  poetry,  we  will  add  the  following  Ode,  which 
is  appended  to  the  menology.  It  is  a  very  singular 
and  curious  composition  :  — 

The  king  shall  hold  the  king-  it  bringeth  to  men 

dom  ;  the  tribute  fruits, 

castles  shall  be  seen  afar,  that  to  them  God  sendeth. 

the  work  of  the  mind  of  giants,  Truth  is  most  deserving  ; 

that  are  on  this  earth  ;  treasures  are  most  precious, 

the    wonderful    work    of  wall  gold,  to  every  man  ; 

stones.  and  age  is  the  wisest, 

The  wind  is  the  swiftest  in  the  sagacious  from  ancient  days, 

sky ;  from    having    before   endured 
thunder  is  the  loudest  of  noises  ;  much, 

great  is  the  majesty  of  Christ ;  "Woe  is  a  wonderful  burthen  ; 

fortune  is  the  strongest ;  clouds  roam  about  ; 

winter  is  the  coldest ;  the  young  Etheling 

spring  has  most  hoar-frost ;  good  companions  shall 

he  is  the  longest  cold  ;  animate  to  war, 

summer  sun  is  most  beautiful ;  and  to  the  giving  of  bracelets, 
the  air  is  then  hottest ;  Strength  in  the  earl, 

fierce  harvest  is  the  happiest :  the  sword  with  the  helm 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


289 


shall  abide  battle. 

The  hawk  in  the  sea-cliff 

shall  live  wild  ; 

the  wolf  in  the  grove  ; 

the  eagle  in  the  meadow  ; 

the  boar  in  the  wood 

powerful  with  the  strength  of 

his  tusk. 
The  good  man  in  his  country 

will  do  justice. 

With  the  dart  in  the  hand, 

the  spear  adorned  with  gold, 

the  gem  in  the  ring 

will  stand  pendent  and  curved. 

The  stream  in  the  waves 

will  make  a  great  flood. 

The  mast  in  the  keel 

will  groan  with  the  sail  yards. 

The  sword  will  be  in  the  bosom, 

the  lordly  iron : 

the  dragon  will  rest  on  his  hil- 
lock, 

crafty,    proud   with    his    orna- 
ments ; 

the  fish  will  in  the  water 

produce  a  progeny. 

The  king  will  in  the  hall 

distribute  bracelets. 

The  bear  will  be  on  the  heath 

old  and  terrible. 

The  water  will  from  the  hill 

bring  down  the  grey  earth. 

The  army  will  be  together 

strong  with  the  bravest. 

Fidelity  in  the  earl ; 

wisdom  in  man ! 

The  woods  will  on  the  ground ' 

blow  with  fruit ; 

the  mountains  in  the  earth 

will  stand  green. 

God  will  be  in  heaven 

the  judge  of  deeds. 

The  door  will  be  to  the  hall 

the  mouth  of  the  roomy  man- 
sion. 

The  round  will  be  on  the  shield, 

the  fast  fortress  of  the  fingers. 
Fowl  aloft 


will  sport  in  the  air ; 

salmon  in  the  whirlpool 

will  roll  with  the  skate  ; 

the  shower  in  the  heavens, 

mingled  with  wind, 

will  come  on  the  world. 

The  thief  will  go  out 

in  dark  weather. 

The  Thyrs17  will  remain  in  the 

fen, 

alone  in  the  land. 
A  maiden  with  secret  arts, 
a  woman,  her  friend  will  seek, 
if  she  cannot 
in  public  grow  up 
so  that  men  may  buy  her  with 

bracelets. 

The  salt  ocean  will  rage ; 
the  clouds  of  the  supreme  Ruler, 
and  the  water  floods 
about  every  land, 
will  flow  in  expansive  streams. 

Cattle  in  the  earth 
will  multiply  and  be  reared. 
Stars  will  in  the  heavens 
shine  brightly 

as   their   Creator   commanded 
them. 

God  against  evil ; 
youth  against  age  ; 
life  against  death  ; 
light  against  darkness ; 
army  against  army ; 
enemy  against  enemies ; 
hate  against  hate ; 
shall  every  where  contend  : 
sin  will  steal  on. 

Always  will  the  prudent  strive 
about  this  world's  labour 
to  hang  the  thief; 
and  compensate  the  more  honest 
for  the  crime  committed 
against  mankind. 

The  Creator  alone  knows 
whither  the  soul 
shall  afterwards  roam, 
and  all  the  spirits 
that  depart  in  God. 


CHAP. 
III. 


17  A  Thyrs  was  among  the  Northerns  a  giant,  or  wild  mountain  savage,  —  a  sort 
of  evil  being  somewhat  supernatural. 

VOL.  III.  U 


290  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK       After  their  death-day  hither  to  our  houses, 
IX.         they  will  abide  their  judgment        that  any  truth 

1 * '    in  their  father's  bosom.  may  reveal  to  man, 

Their  future  condition  about  the  nature  of  the  Creator, 

is  hidden  and  secret.  or   the   people's   habitations  of 
God  alone  knows  it,  glory 

the  preserving  Father  !  which  he  himself  inhabits.18 
None  again  return 
\ 

There  is  a  volume  of  miscellaneous  Saxon  poetry 
in  the  cathedral  library  at  Exeter,  the  gift  of  its  first 
bishop,  Leofric,  from  which  some  interesting  pieces 
have  been  selected,  and  were  communicated  to  the 
Society  of  Antiquaries,  by  the  Rev.  J.  J.  Conybeare. 
The  MS.  had  lain  unnoticed  since  the  time  of  Wanley 
until  he  inspected  it.19 

Of  the  remains  in  this  Exeter  MS.  the  following 
complaint  of  an  Anglo-Saxon,  who  had  been  driven 
into  exile  and  separated  from  his  lord,  has  the  effect 
of  interesting  us  with  the  feelings  and  grief  of  the 
forlorn  poet.20 

THE  EXILE'S  SONG. 

Ic  this  gied  wrece  I  this  lay  compose 

Bi  me,  ful  geomorre  ;  of  myself,  full  sad  ; 

Minre  sylfre  sith,  of  my  own  journeying, 

Ic  thaet  secgan  mseg  that  I  may  say 

Hwset  ic  yrmtha  gebad  what  miseries  I  have  endured 

Siththan  ic  up  aweox  since  I  grew  up 

Niwes  oththe  ealdes.  lately  or  of  old. 

No  man  thon  nu,  I  serve  no  man  now, 

A  ic  wite  won  I  have  always  struggled   with 

the  suffering 

Minra  wroe  sitha  aerest.  chiefly  of  my  exile  path. 
Min  hlaford  gewat  My  lord  departed 

18  See  the  Saxon  ode  in  Hickes's  Grammat.  Anglo-Sax,  p.  207,  208. 

19  Some  of  these  were  sent  to  the  Antiquarian  Society  by  Mr.  J.  Conybeare,  and 
were  printed  in  the  17th  volume  of  the  Archseologia.     They  have  been  since  his 
death  republished  with  many  valuable  additions  by  his  congenial  brother,  who,  to 
a  love  of  our  Saxon  antiquities,  adds  also  no  common  knowledge  of  mineralogy  and 
geology. 

20  Mr.  W.  Conybeare,  who  has  printed  it  with  a  translation,  justly  says  of  it, 
"  His  situation  and  feelings  are  expressed  with  more  pathos,  and  his  lonely  retreat 
amid  the  woods  exhibits  more  power  of  description   than  can  be  usually  found  In 
Saxon  poetry."     Illust.  p.  245. 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


291 


Heonan  of  leodum 
Ofer  ytha  gelac : 
Hasfde  ic  wht  ceare 
Hwaer  min  leod  fruma 
Londes  were 
Tha  ic  me  feran  gewat 
Folgath  secan  : 
Wineleas  wrecca  fer. 

Minre  wea  thearfe  ongunnon 

Thaet  thass  monnes 
Magas  hycgan 
Thurh  tyrere  gethoht 
Thaet  by  todselden  unc  ; 
Thaet  wit,  gewidost 
In  woruld  rice 
Lifdon  lath  licost. 
And  mec  longade 
Hat  mec  hlaford  min 
Her  heard  niman. 

Ahte  ic  leofra  lyt 
On  thessun  londstede 
Holdra  freonda. 
Forthon  is  min  hoga  geomor, 
Tha  ic  me  ful  gemasc 
He  monnan  funde 
Heard  soligne, 
Hyge  geomorne, 
Mod  unthendue, 
Morther  hycgende. 

Blithe  gebaero 
Ful  oft  wit  beotedon 
Thaet  unc  ne  gedaelde 

Nemne  death  ana  owiht  elles ; 
Eft  is  thaet  en  hweorfan, 
Is  nu  swa  hit  no  were 
Freondscipe  uncer. 
Seal  is  feor  geneah 
Mines  fela  leofan. 

Faehtha  dreogan 
Heht  mec  man  wunian 
On  wudre  bearwa, 
Under  ac  treo 
In  tham  eorth  scraefe. 

Cald  is  this  eorthsele : 
Eal  ic  com  oflengad. 
Sindor  dena  dimne, 
Duna  up  bean, 
Bitre  burg-tanes, 


hence  from  his  people 

over  the  lake  of  the  waves  : 

I  had  daily  anxiety 

in  what  lands 

my  chieftain  was 

when  I  departed  to  go 

to  seek  his  service  : 

a  friendless  exile's  journey. 

The   hardships   of  my  woes 

began 

that  this  man's 
relations  contrived 
thro'  perverted  thought 
to  separate  us  two ; 
that  we  two,  most  widely 
in  the  world's  kingdom 
should  live  most  like  enemies. 
And  I  was  weary 
that  my  lord  ordered  me 
to  be  here  taken  hardly  away. 

I  have  little  that  I  love 
in  this  country 
of  faithful  friends. 
For  this  my  mind  is  sad, 
when  I  fully  equal  to  me 
have  found  no  man 
in  hard  fortune, 
sad  in  mind, 
depressed  in  spirit, 
musing  on  destruction. 

In  blithe  habits, 
full  oft  we  too  agreed 
that  nought  else  should  divide 

us 

except  death  alone ; 
at  length  this  is  changed, 
and  as  if  it  never  had  been 
is  now  our  friendship. 
The  bond  is  far  broken 
of  my  greatly  beloved. 

To  endure  enmities 
man  orders  me  to  dwell 
in  the  bowers  of  the  forest, 
under  the  oak-tree 
in  this  earthy  cave. 

Cold  is  this  earth-dwelling  : 
I  am  quite  wearied  out. 
Dim  are  the  dells,     . 
high  up  are  the  mountains, 
a  bitter  city  of  twigs, 
2 


CHAP. 
III. 


292 


HISTOEY    OF   THE 


BOOK       braerum  beweaxne, 

IX.         wic  wynna  leas. 
~~~y '        Ful  oft  mec  her  wrathe 

Begeat  from  sith  frean, 

Frynd  synd  en  earthan, 

Leof  lifgende 

Leger  weardiath, 

Thon  ic  on  uhtan 

Ana  gange. 

Under  ac  treo 

Geond  thas  eorth  scrafa, 

Thaar  ic  sittan  mot 

Summer  langne  daeg. 

Thaer  ic  wepan  maeg 

Mine  wraec  sithas 

earlbtha  fela. 

Forthon  ic  aefne  ne  maeg 

Thsere  mod  ceare 

Minre  gerestanne 

Ealles  thaes  longa 

Thaes     mec     on     thissum     life 
begeat.21 


with  briars  overgrown, 
a  joyless  abode. 

Full  oft  wrath  here  me 
has  pursued  from  my  lord's  path, 
my  friends  are  in  the  earth, 
those  loved  in  life 
the  grave  is  guarding, 
while  I  above 
alone  am  going. 
Under  the  oak-tree 
beyond  this  earth-cave, 
there  I  must  sit 
the  long  summer-day. 
There  I  may  weep 
my  paths  of  exile 
of  many  troubles. 
For  this  I  never  can 
from  the  care 
of  my  mind,  rest 
of  all  the  weariness 
that  has  pursued  me  in  this  life. 


From  the  same  Exeter  MS.  Mr.  J.  Conybeare  ex- 
tracted an  Anglo-Saxon  hymn  of  thanksgiving  on  the 
creation,  which  claims  our  notice  for  the  elegant 
imitations  he  has  subjoined  to  convey  to  the  English 
reader  its  contents.  Before  we  quote  these  we  will 
copy  the  Saxon,  and  add  a  literal  translation. 


Thaet  is  wyrthe, 
Thaet  the  wer  theode 
Secgan  Drythne  thonc 

Dugutha  ge  hwylcre 
The  us  sith  and  cer 
Simle  gefremede, 
Thurh  monigfealdra 
Maegna  geryno. 

He  us  aet  giefed, 
and  sehta  sped, 
Welan  ofer  wid  lond, 
And  weder  lithe, 
Under  swegles  hleo. 

Sunne  and  mona, 
.^Ethelast  tungla ! 


This  is  worthy, 

that  the  race  of  man 

should   express   thanks   to   the 

Lord 

for  all  the  benefits 
which  to  us  formerly  and  since 
he  has  continually  produced, 
thro'  the  mystery 
of  his  manifold  might. 

He  has  given  us  food, 
and  the  riches  of  our  possessions, 
wealth  over  extensive  lands, 
and  mild  weather, 
under  the  shade  of  the  sky. 

The  sun  and  moon, 
noblest  of  stars! 


21  Conybeare's  Illust.  p.  244 — 248.     That  I  may  not  borrow  servilely  from  him, 
I  have  inserted  my  own  translation,  assisted  by  that  of  Mr.  W.  C. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  293 

Eallurn  scinath  ;  they  shine  to  all ;  CHAP. 

Heofen  candelle,  the  lights  of  heaven, 

Helethum  on  eorthan.  to  men  on  the  earth. 

Dreoseth  deaw,  The  dew  falls, 

And  ren  duguthe  and  the  good  rain 

Weccath  to  feorhnere  excites  to  a  shelter 

Fira  cynne  :  the  race  of  mortals : 

lecath  eorth  welan.  It  increases  the  earth's  riches. 22 


Se  the  ser  sungen  Erst  he  had  sung 

Thurh  yrne  hyge  thro'  an  angered  mind 

^jldum  to  sorge,  to  our  elders  in  sorrow, 

"  Ic  thee  ofer  "  I  tbee  over 

Eorthan  geworhte.  the  earth  have  made. 

On  thasre  thu  scealt  On  that  thou  shalt 

Yrmthum  lifgan,  live  in  sufferings, 

"Wunian  in  gewinne,  dwell  in  toils, 

And  wroece  dreogan  and  endure  punishment 

Feondum  to  hrother,  from  the  rage  of  enemies, 

Fus  leoth  galan :  ready  with  their  evil  song  : 

And  to  thaere  ilcan  and  to  that  same 

Scealt  eft  geweorthan,  shalt  thou  again  return, 

"Wyrmum  aweallen.  breaking  out  into  worms. 

Thonan  wites  fyr  Then  the  fiery  punishment 

Of  thaere  eorthan  from  this  earth 

Scealt  eft  gesecan."  thou  shalt  finally  seek."'23 

22  Mr.  J.  Conybeare  has  thus  pleasingly  versified  this  passage,  p.  218. 
Befits  it  well  that  man  should  raise 
To  Heay'n  the  song  of  thanks  and  praise, 
For  all  the  gifts  a  bounteous  God 
From  age  to  age  hath  still  bestow'd. 
The  kindly  seasons  temper'd  reign, 
The  plenteous  store,  the  rich  domain 
Of  this  mid-earth's  extended  plain, 
All  that  his  creatures'  wants  could  crave, 
His  boundless  pow'r  and  mercy  gave. 
Noblest  of  yon  bright  train  that  sparkle  high, 

Beneath  the  vaulted  sky, 
The  Sun  by  day,  the  silver'd  Moon  by  night, 
Twin  fires  of  Heav'n,  dispense  for  man  their  useful  light. 
Where'er  on  earth  his  lot  be  sped, 
For  Man  the  clouds  their  richness  shed, 
In  gentler  dews  descend,  or  op'ning  pour 
Wide  o'er  the  land  their  fertilizing  shower. 

Not  such  the  doom 

Our  son-owing  fathers  heard  of  old, 

The  doom  that  in  dread  accents  told 

Of  Heaven's  avenging  might,  and  woe,  and  wrath  to  come. 
"  Lo  !  I  have  set  thee  on  earth's  stubborn  soil 

With  grief  and  stern  necessity  to  strive  ; 

To  wear  thy  days  in  unavailing  toil, 

The  ceaseless  sport  of  tort'ring  fiends  to  live. 
Thence  to  thy  dust  to  turn,  the  worms'  repast, 
And  dwell  where  penal  flames  thro'  endless  ages  last." 
u  3 


294  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK          The  poem  continues  for  some  length,  and  thus  con- 
.  eludes :  — 

Se  this  world  gescop  :  He  made  this  world  : 

Godaes  Gaest-sunu  !  The  Spirit  Son  of  God ! 

And  us  giefe  sealde  And  to  us  gave  as  a  gift 

Uppe  mid  englum  Above  with  angels 

Ece  stathelas.  Eternal  stations. 

And  eac  monigfealde  And  also  manifold 

Modes  snyttru  Excellencies  of  mind 

Seow  and  sette  He  sowed  and  set 

Geond  sefan  monna.  Over  the  intellect  of  men. 

Sumum  word  lathe  With  some  master-words 

Wise  sendeth  He  sendest  to  the  wise 

On  his  modes  gemynd,  In  his  mind's  memory, 

Thurh  his  muthes  gaest,  Thro'  the  spirit  of  his  mouth, 

JEthele  ongiet.  A  noble  understanding.24 

The  poet  here  introduces  his  picture  of  the  pur- 
suits of  mankind,  which,  from  his  pen,  is  interest- 
ing:— 

Se  maeg  eal  fela  He  may  all  or  many  things 

Singan  and  secgan  Sing  and  say 

Tham  bith  snyttru-craeft  On  whom  the  intellectual  skill 

Bifolen  onferthe.  Has  fallen  into  his  soul. 

Sum  majg  fingrum  wel  Some  may  with  their  fingers 

well 

Hlude  fore  haelethum  Sonorously  before  men 

Hearpan  stirgan,  Agitate  the  harp, 

Gleobeam  gretan.  And  clamour  on  the  trumpet  of 

joy- 
Sum  ma3g  godcunde  Some  may  the  divine 
Reccan  ryhte  ad.                                And  righteous  law  explain. 

Thrice  Holy  He, 
The  Spirit  Son  of  Deity  ! 
He  called  from  nothing  into  birth 
Each  fair  production  of  the  teeming  earth  ; 
He  bids  the  faithful  and  the  just  aspire 
To  join  in  endless  bliss  Heaven's  angel  choir. 
His  love  bestows  on  human  kind 
Each  varied  excellence  of  mind. 
To  some  his  Spirit-gift  affords 
The  power  and  mastery  of  words : 
So  may  the  wiser  sons  of  earth  proclaim, 
In  speech  and  measured  song,  the  glories  of  his  name. 

J.  Conyb.  Illust.  220. 

24  Mr.  J.  Conybcare  remarks  on  this  part :  "  It  will  doubtless  remind  the  clas- 
sical reader  of  the  exquisite  choral  song  of  Sophocles  in  his  Antigone,  commencing 
IIoAAa  TO.  Sewa ;  and  the  fine  moral  reflection  with  which  it  terminates  would  not 
have  disgraced  the  composition  even  of  the  most  philosophic  poet  of  antiquity." 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


295 


Sum  maeg  ryne  tungla 

Secgan ;  side  gesceaft ! 
Sum  ma?.g  learolice 
Word  cwide  writan. 
Sumum  wiges  sped 
Giefed  net  guthe ; 
Thon  gargetrum 
Ofer  scild  hreadan 
Sceotend  sendeth 
Flacor  flangeweore. 

Sum  mseg  fromlice 
Ofer  sealtne  sse 
Sand-wudu  drifan, 
Hreran  holm  thraece. 

Sum  maeg  heannebeam 
Staelgne  gestigan  ; 
Sum  maeg  styled  sweord 
Waepon  gewyrcan. 

Sum  con  wonga  begong, 

Wegas  wid  gielle. 

Swa  se  waldend  us, 
Godbearn  on  grundum, 
His  giefe  bryttad. 
Nyle  he  aengum  anum 
Ealle  gefyllan 
Gaestes  snyttru, 
Thy  lass  him  gielp  seethe. 


Some  may  the  course  of  the 

stars 

Declare  ;  a  spacious  creation ! 
Some  may  learnedly 
Word-sayings  write. 
To  some  the  wealth  of  battle 
He  has  given  as  the  conflict ; 
When  the  dart-armed  soldier 
Of  the  shield,  his  reeds 
Shooting  sends 
The  death-working  arrows. 

Some  may  hardily 
Over  the  salt  sea 
Drive  the  wood  of  the  ocean, 
Rearing  up  the  fortress  of  the 
waves. 

Some  may  from  the  lofty  tree 
Make  the  column  ascend  ; 
Some  may  the  steeled  sword 
For  a  weapon  work. 

Some  knew  the  business  of 

the  fields, 
And  cry  on  the  wide  roads. 

So  the  governor  to  us, 
The  Son  of  God  on  earth, 
His  gifts  has  distributed. 
He  will  not  any  one 
Wholly  fill 

With  the  wisdom  of  his  Spirit, 
Lest  pride  should  injure  him.2S 


CHAP. 
III. 


Some  the  tuneful  hand  may  ply, 
And  loud  before  the  list'ning  throng, 

Wake  the  glad  harp  to  harmony, 
Or  bid  the  trump  of  joy  its  swelling  note  prolong. 
To  these  he  gave  Heav'n's  righteous  laws  to  scan, 

Or  trace  the  courses  of  the  starry  host, 
To  these  the  writer's  learned  toil  to  plan, 

To  these  the  battle's  pride  and  victor's  boast ; 
Where  in  the  well-fought  field  the  war-troop  pour 
Full  on  the  wall  of  shields  the  arrows  flickering  shower. 

Some  can  speed  the  dart  afar, 

Some  ft>rge  the  steelly  blade  of  war, 

Some  o'er  Ocean's  stormy  tide 

The  swift-wing'd  ship  can  fearless  guide. 

Some  in  sweet  and  solemn  lays 

The  full-toned  voice  of  melody  can  raise. 
So  heav'n's  high  Lord  each  gift  of  strength  or  sense 
Vouchsafes  to  man,  impartial,  to  dispense. 
And  of  the  power  that  from  his  Spirit  flows 
On  each  a  share,  on  none  the  whole  bestows. 
Lest  favoured  thus  beyond  their  mortal  state, 
Their  pride  involve  them  in  the  sinner's  fate. 

u  4 


Illust.  222. 


296  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK          We  are   also   indebted  to   Mr.  J.   Conybeare   for 

IX 

•  bringing  to  notice  a  fragment  of  later  Saxon  poetry, 
from  a  MS.  in  the  Bodleian.  It  occurs  towards  the 
conclusion  of  a  MS.  volume  of  homilies.  It  is  a 
speech  of  death  on  the  last  home  of  man — the  grave. 
The  turn  of  thought  is  singular,  and  is  more  con- 
nected with  the  imagination  than  Saxon  poems  usu- 
ally are.  I  transcribe  Mr.  Conybeare's  literal  trans- 
lation :26- 

DEATH  SPEAKS. 

For  thee  was  a  house  built  Dwell  full  cold, 

Ere  thou  wert  born,  Dim,  and  dark. 

For  thee  was  a  mould  shapen  Doorless  is  that  house, 

Ere  thou  of  (thy}  mother  earnest.      And  dark  it  is  within  ; 

Its  height  is  not  determined,  There  thou  art  fast  detained, 

Nor  its  depth  measured,  And  Death  holds  the  key. 

Nor  is  it  closed  up  Loathly  is  that  earth-house, 

(However  long  it  may  be)  And  grim  to  dwell  in  ; 

Until  I  thee  bring  There  thou  shalt  dwell 

Where  thou  shalt  remain ;  And  worms  shall  share  thee. 

Until  I  shall  measure  thee  Thus  thou  art  laid 

And  the  sod  of  earth.  And  leavest  thy  friends  ; 

Thy  house  is  not  Thou  hast  no  friend, 

Highly  built  (timbered),  That  will  come  to  thee, 

It  is  unhigh  and  low  ;  Who  will  ever  inquire 

When  thou  art  in  it  How  that  house  liketh  thee, 

The  heel-ways  are  low,  Who  shall  ever  open 

The  side- ways  unhigh.  For  thee  the  door 

The  roof  is  built  And  seek  thee, 

Thy  breast  full  nigh  ;  For  soon  thou  becomest  loathly, 

So  thou  shalt  in  earth  And  hateful  to  look  upon. 

After  these  copious  specimens  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
poetry,  we  will  merely  notice,  from  its  peculiarity, 
one  more  of  Saxon,  intermingled  with  Latin,  with 
five  Greek  terms.  It  occurs  at  the  end  of  a  very 
ancient  MS.  of  Aldhelrn,  as  a  concluding  addition : 

Thus  me  gesette,  Thus  has  settled  me, 

Sanctus  et  Justus  ;  The  holy  and  just  one  ; 

Beorn  boca  gleaw;  The  man  skilled  in  books ; 

Bonus  auctor  The  good  author 

26  See  the  Saxon  with  a  Latin  translation,  Arch.  vol.  xvii.  p.  174. 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


297 


Ealdem  aethele  sceop 

Etiamfuit  ipse 

On  aethel  Angel-  Seaxtra, 

Byscep  en  Bretene. 
I  nu  sceal, 
Ponus  et  pondus  ; 
Plena  cum  sensu 
Geonges  geanothe  geomres 
Jam  jamque 
Secgan  soth, 
Nalles  leas  thset  him 

Symle  waes  Euthenia. 

Oftor  en  fylste 

JEne  en  ethle. 

EC  thon  the  se  is 

Yfol  ongesaed 

Etiam  nusquam 

Ne  sceal  ladigan 

Labor  quern  tenet 

Encratea. 

Ac  he  ealne  sceal 

Boethia,  biddan  georne. 

Thurh  his  modes  gemind 

Micro  in  cosmo; 

Thajt  him  Drihten  gyfe 

Dinamis  en  eorthan, 

Fortis  factor  ; 

Thaet  he  forth  simle. 


Aldhelm,  the  noble  poet, 

He  was  also 

In  the  country  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxons, 

A  bishop  in  Britain. 

I  shall  now, 

A  labor  and  a  weight ; 

With  a  full  sense 

Of  young  mournful  fear 

Immediately 

Express  the  truth, 

Unless  that  to  him  should  be 
false 

What  always  has  been  pros- 
perity. 

Often  his  aid 

When  alone  in  his  country. 

And  then  this  that  is 

Imposed,  as  evil 

Also  never 

Shall  oppress  him 

Whom  labor  holds 

And  moderation. 

But  he  shall  all  help 

Diligently  implore, 

Thro'  his  mind's  reflection 

In  his  little  world  ; 

That  to  him  the  Lord  would  give 

Power  on  earth, 

the  mighty  maker ; 

That  he  should  live  for  ever. 


CHAP. 
III. 


The  following  poem  exemplifies  all  the  peculiarities 
of  the  Anglo-Saxon  poetry,  with  that  intermixture  of 
Latin  which  gratified  the  age  of  Edgar  :  — 


Thaenne  gemiltsath  the  ; 
Mundum  qui  regit, 
Theoda  Thrym  Cyninge, 
Thronum  sedentem, 
Abutan  ende : 
Sagle  wine, 
Geunne  the  on  life : 
Auctor  pacis  ; 
Sibbe  gesaaltha. 
Salus  mundi, 
Metod  se  masra, 
Magna  virtute, 
And  se  soth  faesta 
Summi  Filius, 


Then  may  he  pity  thee  ; 

He  who  rules  the  world, 

The  glorious  King  of  nations, 

Sitting  on  his  throne, 

Without  end  : 

A  happy  soul, 

May  he  give  thee  in  life  : 

The  author  of  peace  ; 

Peace  and  prosperity. 

May  the  salvation  of  the  world, 

The  Great  Creator, 

With  his  mighty  strength, 

And  the  true  and  constant 

Son  of  the  Highest, 


298 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


Fo  on  fultum ; 

Factor  cosmi, 

Se  on  sethelre  wass 
Virginis  partu 

Claane  acenned 

Christus  in  orbem  ; 

Metod  thurh  Marian, 

Mundi  redemptor  ; 

And  thurh  thaene  Halgan 

Voca  frequenter. 

Bide  helpes  hite, 

CLEMENS  DEUS  : 

Se  onsended  waes 

Summo  de  throno, 

And  thaere  dagnan, 

Clara  voce, 

The  gebyrd  boda 

Bona  voluntate : 

Thset  heo  scolde  cennan 

CHRISTUM  REGEM  : 

Ealra  Cyninga  Cyningc : 

Caste  vivendo. 

And  thu  tha  soth  faestan 

Supplex  rogo; 
Fultumes  bidde  fricolo 

Virginem  almam, 
And  thaer  aefter  to 

Omnes  Sancti 
Blith  mod  bidde 
Beatus  et  Justus, 
Thset  hi  ealle  the 

Unica  voce 
Thingian  to  theodne 

Thronum  regentem, 
.ZEcum  Drihtne, 
Alta  polorum, 
Thaet  he  thine  saule 
Summus  Judex, 
Onfo  freolice 
Factor  JEternus, 
And  the  gelaede 
Ijiicem  perhennem, 
Thaer  eadige 
Animce  sanctcB 
Rice  restat, 
Regna  coelorura.27 

The  paraph rastical 


Take  thee  under  his  aid  ; 
The  framer  of  the  universe, 
He  that  was  from  the  noble 
Virgin's  parturition 
Purely  born 
Christ  into  this  earth  ; 
The  Creator  thro'  Mary, 
the  Redeemer  of  the  world  ; 
Gast       And  thro'  the  Holy  Ghost 
Frequently  invoke. 
Ask  his  help, 
The  Merciful  God  : 
He  that  was  sent 
From  his  highest  throne, 
And  to  her  announced, 
With  a  clear  voice, 
The  messenger  of  the  nativity, 
With  a  good  will : 
That  she  should  bring  forth 
Christ  the  King : 
Of  all  Kings  the  King  : 
By  living  chastely. 
And  thou  the  just  one 
I  humbly  supplicate ; 
For  the  desired  aid  I  pray 
The  gentle  Virgin, 
And  after  her  to 
All  the  Saints 

With  a  blithe  mind  I  supplicate 
Blessed  and  just, 
That  they  all  thee 
With  one  voice 
May  address  the  Sovereign 
Ruling  on  his  throne, 
The  everlasting  Lord, 
On  the  summit  of  the  poles, 
That  he  thy  soul, 
The  supreme  Judge, 
May  freely  receive, 
The  Eternal  Framer, 
And  lead  thee 
To  the  perennial  light, 
Where  the  blessed 
Holy  souls 

Rest  in  their  dominion, 
The  kingdom  of  the  heavens. 


character  of  the  poetical  efforts 
of  our  ancestors — of  what,  they  wrote  as  poetry,  and 

27  MSS.  Cap.  x.  Cantab.  Wanley,  p.  147. 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


299 


considered  to  be  such — will  very  strikingly  appear 
from  the  following  composition  on  the  different  sen- 
tences of  the  Pater  Noster :  — 


CHAP. 
in. 


Our  Father. 


Thu  eart  ure  Fzeier, 
Ealles  Wealdend, 
Cyninc  en  Wuldre, 
Fortham  we  clyprath. 
To  the  ere  biddath. 
Nu  thu  ythost  miht 
Sawle  alysan. 
Thu  hig  soundest  zer 
Thurh  thine  aathelan  hand 
Unto  thain  flcesce : 
Ac  hwar  cymth  heo  nu 
Buton  thu,  Engla  God  ! 
Eft  hig  alyse 
Sawle  of  synnum 
Thurh  thine  sothan  miht. 


Thou  art  our  Father, 

Governor  of  all, 

The  King  in  Glory, 

Therefore  we  call  Thee. 

To  Thee  ever  pray. 

Now  might  thou  most  easily 

The  soul  redeem. 

Thou  before  didst  send  her 

Thro'  thy  noble  hand 

Into  the  body : 

And  where  cometh  she  now 

But  from  Thee,  God  of  Angels  ! 

Again  redeem  her, 

The  soul  from  sins, 

Thro'  Thy  true  power. 


Who  art  in  heaven. 


Thu  eart  en  heofonum, 

Hiht  and  frofor : 

Blissa  beorhtost ! 

Ealla  abugatb.  to  the, 

Thinra  gasta  thrym. 

Anre  staefne 

Clypiath  to  Criste. 

Cwethath  ealle  thus, 

Halig  eart  thu  :  halig  ! 

Heofon  engla  Cyninge  ! 

Drihten  ure  ! 

And  thine  domas  synd 

Rihte  and  rume  : 

Rascth  efne  gahwam 

jEghwilcum  menagen  gewyrhta. 

Wei  bith  tha  the  wyreth 

Willan  thinne. 


Thou  art  in  the  heavens, 

Our  hope  and  refuge  : 

Brightest  of  bliss ! 

All  things  bend  to  Thee, 

To  the  glory  of  Thy  spirit. 

"With  one  voice 

They  call  to  Christ. 

All  thus  exclaim, 

Holy  art  Thou  :  the  Holy  One ! 

King  of  the  angels  of  heaven ! 

Our  Lord ! 

And  Thy  judgments  are 

Righteous  and  large : 

They  rule  eternally  every  where 

In  the  multitude  of  thy  works. 

Well  is  that  when  thy  will 

Worketh  for  Thee. 


Hallowed  be  thy  name. 


Swa  is  gehalgod 
Thin  heah  nama ; 
Swithe  maerlice ! 
Manegum  gereordum ! 
Twa  and  hund  seofontig. 
Thaes  the  secgath  bee 


So  be  hallowed 
Thy  lofty  name ; 
Very  grandlike ! 
In  many  languages ! 
Two  and  seventy. 
This  the  books  say, 


BOO 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


BOOK       Tbaet  thu,  engla  God, 
IX.          Ealle  gesettest, 

— v— '    JElcere  theode, 

Theow  and  wisan, 
Tha  wurthiath  thin  weorc, 
Wordum  and  daedum. 
Thurh  gecynd  clypiath, 

And  Crist  heriath, 
And  thin  lof  kedath, 
Lifigenda  God ! 
Swa  thu  eart  geaethelod 
Geond  ealle  world. 


That  Thou,  the  God  of  angels, 

Appointest  all, 

In  every  nation, 

The  servile  and  the  wise, 

That  they  honour  thy  work, 

By  words  and  in  deeds. 

Throughout  nature  they  call  on 

thee, 

And  Christ  praise, 
And  Thy  love  extol, 
O  God  of  the  living  ! 
Thus  thou  art  ennobled 
Over  all  the  world. 


Thy  kingdom  come. 


Cum  nu  and  mildsa, 
Mihta  Waldend  I 
And  us  thin  rice  alyf, 
Rihtwis  dema ! 
Earda  selost ! 
And  ece  lif 
Thar  we  sib  and  lufu 
Saraod  gometath  : 
Eagena  beorhtnyt, 
And  ealle  mirhthe. 
Thor  bith  gehyred 
Thin  halige  lof, 
And  thin  inicele  miht, 
Mannum  to  frofre 
Swa  thu,  engla  God  ! 
Kallum  blissast. 


Come  now  and  be  benign, 

O  mighty  Governor ! 

And  grant  to  us  Thy  kingdom, 

Righteous  Judge ! 

The  happiest  on  earth  ! 

And  eternal  life, 

Where  we  peace  and  love 

Together  may  find  : 

Brightness  of  the  eyes, 

And  all  mirth. 

There  be  heard 

Thy  holy  praise, 

And  thy  great  might, 

The  comfort  to  man, 

As  thou,  God  of  angels  ! 

Blessest  all. 


Thy  will  be  done. 


Gewurthe  thin  willa, 
Swa  thu  Waldend  eart. 
Ece  geopenod 
Geond  ealle  world. 
And  thu  the  silf  eart 
Sothfest  dema, 
Rice  rasd  bora, 
Geond  rumne  grund, 
Swa  thin  heah  setl  is 
Heah  and  ma^re, 
Fasger  and  wurthlic  ; 
Swa  thin  Fseder  worhte ; 
^Ethele  and  ece. 
Thar  thu  on  sittest 
On  thcere  swithran  healf. 
Thu  eart  Sunu  and  Feeder ; 


Be  tliy  will  done, 
As  thou  art  the  Governor. 
Be  it  for  ever  spread 
Over  the  wide  world. 
And  as  Thou  Thyself  art 
The  Righteous  Judge, 
The  potent  Counsellor, 
Over  the  spacious  ground, 
So  is  thy  high  throne 
Lofty  and  great, 
Fair  and  dignified ; 
As  thy  Father  made  it, 
Noble  and  everlasting. 
There  Thou  sittest 
At  the  right  hand. 
Thou  art  Son  and  Father  ; 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


301 


Ana  asgther  swa 
Is  thine  aethela  gecynd 
Micclum  gemsersod. 
And  thu  monegun  helpst ; 
Ealra  cyninga  thrym 
Clypast  ofer  ealle. 
Bith  thin  wulder  word 
Wide  gehyred, 
Thonne  thu  thine  fyrde 
Faegere  geblissast. 
Sylest  miht  and  mund 

Micclum  herige  ; 
And  we  thanciath 
Thusend  e  fela 
Eal  engla  thryn ! 
Anre  staafne. 


Both  thus  one 
Is  Thy  noble  nature 
Magnified  by  many. 
And  Thou  helpest  multitudes  ; 
The  glory  of  all  kings, 
Thou  speakest  over  all. 
Be  the  word  of  thy  majesty 
Widely  heard, 
Then  Thou  thy  hosts 
So  beautiful  wilt  bless. 
Thou  givest  might  and  protec- 
tion 

To  many  crowds  ; 
And  we  thank 
A  thousand  times, 
Thou  glory  of  all  angels  ! 
With  one  united  voice. 


CHAP. 
HI. 


As  it  is  in  heaven. 


Swa  the  en  heofonum  ! 
Heah  thrymnesse ! 
jEthele  and  ece ! 
A  thanciath 
Claene  and  gecorene 
Cristes  thegnas. 
Singath  and  biddath, 
Sothfsestne  God, 
Are  and  gifnesse 
Ealre  theode. 
Thonne  thu  him  tithast, 
Tyr  eadig  cyningc ! 
Swa  thu  eadmod  eart ; 
Ealre  worulde 
Sy  the  thane  and  lof, 
Thinre  mildse 
Wuldor  and  willa. 
Thu  gewurthod  eart 
On  heofonrice, 
Heah  Casere. 


And  on  eorthan 
Ealra  cyninga 
Help  and  heafod ! 
Halig  lasce ! 
Rede,  and  rihtwis. 
Rum  heort  hlaford ! 
Thu  ge  aathelodest 
The  ealle  gesceafta, 


So  Thee  in  the  heaven  ! 

O  exalted  glory  ! 

The  noble  and  the  Eternal ! 

For  ever  thank 

The  pure  and  chosen 

Thegns  of  Christ. 

They  sing  and  pray, 

Their  true  and  constant  God, 

The  honor  and  grace 

Of  all  nations. 

This  thou  permittest  to  them, 

()  happy  King  of  glory ! 

As  thou  art  condescending  ; 

From  all  the  world 

Be  to  thee  thanks  and  praise, 

For  thy  mercy's 

glory  and  good  will. 

Thou  art  established 

In  the  heavenly  kingdom, 

The  lofty  Caesar. 


So  on  earth. 


And  on  earth 

of  all  kings 

The  help  and  the  head ! 

Holy  Physician ! 

Counsellor,  and  righteous  ! 

Lord  of  the  enlarged  heart ! 

Thou  ennoblest 

All  creatures  for  Thyself,   - 


302 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


And  to  syndrodest  hig 
Siththan  on  manega. 
Sealdest  telce  gecynd 
Agene  wisan ; 
And  a  thine  mildse 
Ofer  manna  beam. 


And  hast  separated  them 
Afterwards  into  many  kinds. 
Thou  givest  to  each  species 
To  be  its  own  nature  ; 
And  for  ever  Thy  mercy 
Is  over  the  children  of  men. 


Our  daily  bread. 


Swa  mid  sibbe  ssenst 
Urne  hlaf  daeghwamlice. 
Duguthe  thinre 
Rihtlice  daelest 
Mete  thinum  mannum  ; 
And  him  mare  gehsetst, 

JEfter  ferth  sithe, 
Thines  Faeder  rice 
That  wags  en  fruman, 
Faegere  gegearwood ; 
Earda  selost. 
And  ece  lif, 
Gif  we  soth  and  riht 
Symle  gelasstath. 


So  with  peace  mayest  thou  send 

Our  loaf  daily. 

From  Thy  dignity 

Righteously  Thou  dividest 

Meat  to  thy  servants  ; 

And  to  them  still  greater  hast 

promised, 

After  their  departure, 
Even  Thy  Father's  kingdom, 
That  was  in  the  beginning 
Beauteously  prepared ; 
Happiest  of  earth. 
And  eternal  life, 
If  we  truth  and  right 
Shall  always  pursue. 


Give  us  tliis  day. 


Syle  us  to  daeg,  Drihten, 
Thine  mildse  and  mihta, 
And  ure  mod  gebig, 
Thane  and  theawas, 
On  thin  gewil. 
Bewyrc  us  en  heortan 
Haligne  gast  on  innan, 
And  us  fultum  sile, 
Thast  we  mouton  wyrcan 
Willan  thinne, 
And  the  betaacan 
Tyr  eadig  cyningc ! 
Sawle  ure 
On  thines  selfes  hand. 


Give  to  us,  Lord,  to-day, 

Thy  mercy  and  might, 

And  our  mind  incline, 

Both  thanes  and  theows, 

To  Thy  will. 

May  Thy  Holy  Spirit  within  us 

Act  on  us  in  the  heart, 

And  grant  us  Thine  aid, 

That  we  may  perform 

Thy  will, 

And  commit  to  Thee, 

O  happy  King  of  Glory  ! 

Our  souls 

Into  Thine  own  hand. 


And  forgive  us  our  trespasses. 


Forgif  us  ure  synna 
Thaet  us  ne  scamige  eft, 

Drihten  ure! 

Thonne  Thu  en  dome  sitst. 

And  ealle  men 

Up  ariseth, 


Forgive  us  our  sins, 
That  they  may  not  again   dis- 
grace us, 
Our  Lord ! 

When  Thou  in  judgment  sittest, 
And  all  men 
Shall  rise  up, 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


303 


The  fram  wite  and  fram  were 

Wurdan  acaenned. 

Beoth  tha  gebrosnodon  eft 

Ban  mid  than  fleesce 

Ealle  an  sunde 

Eft  geworden. 

Thar  we  swuttollice 

Siththan  oncnawath 

Eal  thaet  we  geworhton 

On  woruld  rice, 

Betere  and  wyrse. 

Thar  beoth  buta  geara  ; 

Ne  magon  we 

Hit  na  dyrnan, 

For  thain  the  hit 

Drihten  wat ; 

And  thar  gewitnesse 

Beoth  wuldor  micele, 

Heofen  waru, 

And  eorth  waru, 

Hel  waru  thridde. 

Thon  beoth  egsa 

Geond  ealle  world. 

Thar  man  us  tyhhath 

On  daeg  twegen  eardas, 

Drihtenes  are, 

Oth  the  deofeles  theowet ; 

Swa  hwather  we  geearniath 

Her  on  life  tha  hwile, 

The  ure  nihta 

Moste  waeron. 


That  from  punishment  and  fines 
We  may  be  born  to  be. 
They  who  have  dissolved 
Bone  with  flesh 
All  quite  entire 
Shall  again  be  made. 
Then  we  manifestly 
Shall  afterwards  know 
All  that  we  have  done 
In  the  world's  kingdom, 
Better  and  worse. 
There  shall  we  be  without  dis- 
guise ; 
Nor  may  we 
It  at  all  conceal ; 
For  this  reason  that  it 
The  Lord  will  know  ; 
And  witnesses  there 
"Will  be,  in  great  glory, 
The  citizens  of  heaven, 
Earth's  citizens  also, 
And  hell,  a  third  class. 
Then  will  be  dread 
Over  all  the  world. 
There  to  us  will  be  decreed 
A  day  of  two  worlds, 
Honor  with  the  Lord, 
Or  servitude  to  devils  ; 
As  we  shall  either  earn 
Here  while  in  life, 
When  our  nights 
Should  be  the  greatest. 


CHAP. 
III. 


As  we  forgive  those  who  trespass  against  us. 


Ae  thonne  us  alysath, 
Lifigende  God ! 
Sawle  ure, 
Swa  we  her  gifath 
Earmon  mannum 
The  with  us  agilt. 


But  then  redeem  us, 
O  living  God ! 
In  our  souls, 
As  we  here  give 
To  the  poor  men 
That  against  us  offend. 


And  lead  us  not  into  temptation. 


And  na  us  thu  ne  last 
Lathe  beswican 
On  costnunga, 
Cwellan  and  baernan 
Sawle  ure, 
Theah  we  sinna  fela 
Didon  for  ure  disige. 


And  do  not  thou  let  us 

Be  hatefully  misled 

Into  temptation, 

To  kill  and  burn 

Our  souls, 

Tho'  we  many  sins 

Have  done  thro'  our  folly. 


304 


HISTORY    OF   THE 


BOOK       Daeges  and  nihtes. 
IX.         Idele  sprasce, 
.  And  unriht  weorc, 

Thine  bodu  brsecon. 

We  the  biddath  nu, 
JElmihtig  God ! 
Are  and  gifness. 
Ne  last  swa  heanlice 
Thin  hand  geweorc, 
On  ende  daege 
Eal  forwurthan ! 


Days  and  nights. 
In  idle  speech, 
And  unrighteous  conduct, 
We  have  broken  thy  command- 
ments. 

We  now  pray  of  Thee, 
Almighty  God ! 
Honor  and  grace. 
Nor  let  so  wretchedly 
Thy  hand-work, 
On  the  day  of  the  end 
Be  all  destroyed  ! 


But  deliver  us  from  evil. 


Ac  alys  us  of  yfeli. 
Ealle  we  bethurfen 
Godes  gifnesse. 
We  agylt  habbath 
And  swithe  gesingod. 
We  the,  sothfaestan  God  ! 
Haeriath  and  lofiath, 
Swa  thu  haalend  eart, 
Cynebearn  gecydd, 
Cwycum  and  deadum ; 
JEthele  and  ece, 
Ofer  calle  thinge. 
Thu  miht  on  anre  hand 
Eathe  befealdan 
Ealne  middar  eard. 
Swilc  is  ma3re  cyningc. 


Sy  swa  thu  silf  wilt, 

Sothfaest  dema ! 

We  the  engla  God 

Ealle  heriath, 

Swa  thu  eart  gawurthod 

A  on  worlda  forth. 


But  rescue  us  from  evil. 

We  all  need 

The  grace  of  God. 

We  have  transgressed 

And  greatly  sinned. 

We  thee,  O  righteous  God ! 

Magnify  and  praise, 

As  Thou  art  the  Saviour, 

The  royal  child  announced, 

To  the  living  and  the  dead ; 

The  noble  and  eternal  one, 

Over  all  things. 

Thou  couldest  on  one  hand 

Easily  have  thrown  down 

All  this  middle  earth. 

Such  is  the  Great  King. 


Amen. 


Be  it  as  Thou  thyself  wiliest, 

0  righteous  Judge ! 

We  the  God  of  angels 

All  praise, 

As  Thou  wilt  be  honored 

Henceforth  for  ever. 


We  will  close  this  branch  of  our  subject  of  the  poet- 
ical composition  of  our  Anglo-Saxons  with  another 
remarkable  instance  of  its  paraphrastic  character, 
hardly  indeed  retaining  any  other  semblance  of  poesy 
than  the  metre  of  the  lines,  and  this  continuous  peri- 
phrasis; which,  however,  exhibits  an  ingenious  fertility 
of  amplification,  as  well  as  much  laudable  piety.  It 
is  their  metrical  Gloria  Patri. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  305 

GLORY  be 

Sy  the,  wulder  and  lof  To  Thee,  be  wonder  and  praise 

Wide  geopnod  Wide  expanded 

Geon  ealle  theoda ;  Over  all  the  earth  ; 

Thane  and  willa,  Thanks  and  willingness, 

Maegen  and  raildse,  Strength  and  mercy, 

And  ealles  modes  lufu  ;  And  the  love  of  every  mind  ; 

Sothfasstna  sib  Steadfast  peace 

And  thines  silfes  dom  And  thine  own  judgments 

World  gewlitegod.  Framed  in  the  world. 

Swa  thu  wealdan  miht  So  mayest  Thou  govern 

Eall  eorthan  maegen,  Every  power  on  earth, 

And  uplifte  wind ;  And  the  wind  of  the  upper  air ; 

And  wolcna  wealdest  And  Thou  rulest  the  sky 

Ealle  on  riht.  All  with  righteousness. 

To  the  FATHER,  and  to  the  SON,  and  to  the 
HOLY  SPIRIT. 

Tim  eart  frofra  Faeder,  Thou  art  the  Father  of  comfort, 

And  feorh  hyrda,  And  the  Spirit's  guardian, 

Lifes  laththeow,  The  leader  of  life, 

Leohtes  wealdend,  The  governor  of  light, 

Asundrod  fram  sinnum  ;  Apart  from  all  sins ; 

Swa  thin  sunu  masre,  So  thy  great  Son, 

Thruh  claene  gecynd,  Through  his  pure  nature, 

Cyninc  ofer  ealle,  King  over  all, 

Beald  gebletsod ;  Hath  blessed  the  constant ; 

Boca  lareow,  Our  book  teacher, 

Heah  hige  frofre.  The  mind's  high  refuge. 

As  'it  was  in  the  beginning. 

Swa  waes  en  fruman  As  he  was  in  the  beginning 

Frea  mancynnes,  The  Lord  of  mankind, 

Ealre  worlde,  Of  all  the  world, 

Wlite  and  freofre,  Beauteous  and  consoling, 

Clasne  and  craeftig ;  Pure  and  skilful ; 

Thu  gecyddest  Thou  didst  announce 

Thast  tha  Thu  ece  God  ;  That  Thou  art  the  eternal  God ; 

Ana  geworhtest,  Thou  alone  didst  frame ; 

Thurh  halige  miht,  Through  holy  might, 

Heofenas  and  eorthan,  The  heavens  and  earth, 

Eardas  and  uplyft,  Countries  and  the  superior  air, 

And  ealle  thine  ;  And  all  things ; 

Thu  settest  on  foldan  Thou  placest  'on  the  ground 

Swithe  fela  cynna,  Very  many  races, 

And  to  syndrodost  big  And  didst  separate  them 

Siththan  on  rnanega.  Afterwards,  in  their  multitudes. 

Tha  geworhtest,  Thou  didst  make, 
VOL.  III.                                     X 


30G 


HISTORY    OF   THE 


BOOK      Ece  God ! 
1X-         Ealle  gesceafta 
v '     On  six  dagum; 

Seofothan  thu  gerestest 
Thin  faegere  weorc, 
And  Thu  sunnan  dasg 
Silf  halgodest ; 
And  Thu  maersodest  hine 
Manegum  to  helpe. 
Thone  heahan  daeg 
Healdath  and  frithiath, 
Ealle  tha  the  cunnon  ; 
Cristene  theawas, 
Haligne  heort  lufan, 
And  thaas  hihstan  gebod, 
On  Drihtenes  naman  ; 
And  se  da3g  is  gewurthod. 


Everlasting  God! 
All  creatures 
In  six  days  ; 

On  the  seventh  Thou  ceased 
Thy  beautiful  work, 
And  Thou  the  Sunday 
Thyself  didst  hallow ; 
And  thou  magnified  it 
For  a  help  to  many. 
This  high  day 
Observe  and  keep  peaceful 
All  that  know  Thee  ; 
The  Christian  customs, 
The  heart's  holy  love, 
And  this  highest  precept, 
In  the  Lord's  name  ; 
And  the  day  is  honoured. 


Is  now,  and  ever  shall  be. 


And  nu  symle 
Thine  sothan  weorc, 
And  thine  micele  miht, 
Manegum  swutelath ; 
Swa  thine  craeftas 
Hig  cythath  wide 
Ofer  ealle  world, 
Ece  standath 
Godes  hand  geweorc. 
Groweth  swa  thu  hete. 

Ealle  the  heriath 
Halige  dreamas, 
Cla3nre  stefne, 
And  Cristene  bee, 
Eal  middan  card  ; 
And  we  men  cwethath, 
On  grunde  her, 
Gode  lof  and  thane, 
Ece  willa, 
And  thin  agen  dom. 


hast 


And  now  for  ever 
Thy  true  work, 
And  thy  vast  might, 
Is  manifest  to  many ; 
So  thy  skill 
They  widely  declare 
Over  all  the  world, 
Eternally  will  stand 
God's  hand -work. 
It   grows   as  Thou 

manded. 
All  praise  Thee 
With  holy  joy, 
With  pure  voice, 
And  Christian  book, 
In  all  this  middle  earth  ; 
And  we  then  express, 
On  the  ground  here, 
Good  praise  and  thanks, 
With  everlasting  will, 
And  by  thine  own  decree. 


com- 


World  without  end. 


And  en  worulda  world 
Wunath  and  rixath 
Cyninc  innan  wuldre, 
And  his  tha  gecorenan 
Heah  thrymnesse ; 
Halige  gastas, 
Wlitige  englas  ; 


And  in  the  world  for  ever 
Will  dwell  and  rule 
The  King  in  glory 
And  his  chosen 
In  exalted  dignity ; 
Holy  Spirits, 
Beauteous  angels ; 


, 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  307 

And  wuldor  gife,  And  in  grace  and  glory,  CHAP. 

Sothe  sibbe,  In  true  peace,  m- 

Sawla  thancung,  With  thanksgiving  of  souls,  ' • ' 

Modes  mildse.  And  pitying  mind. 

Thar  ig  seo  maeste  There  is  the  greatest  one. 

Lufu  haligdomes.  Of  love  of  holyness. 

Heofonas  syndon,  The  heavens  are, 

Thurh  thine  ecan  word,  Thro'  thine  eternal  word, 

JEghwer  fulle.  Every  where  full. 

Swa  synd  thine  mihta,  So  are  thy  mighty  powers, 

Ofer  middan  eard,  Over  this  middle  earth, 

Swutole  and  gesyne,  Manifest  and  seen, 

Thaet  thu  hig  silf  worhtest.  Which  thou  Thyself  exertest. 

AMEN. 

We  thret  sothlice  secgath,  We  this  truly  say, 

Ealle  thurh  claene  gecynd,  All  thro'  a  purified  nature, 

Thu  eart  cyninc  on  riht,  Thou  art  the  righteous  king, 

Clasne  and  craeftig  ;  Pure  and  skilful  ; 

Thu  gecyddest  thaet,  Thou  didst  declare, 

Tlia  Thu,  mihtig  God,  That  Thou,  mighty  God, 

Man  geworhtest ;  Wouldest  make  man  ; 

And  him  ondydest  And  to  him  thou  didst  infuse 

Orth  and  sawle  ;  Breath  and  soul ; 

Sealdest  word  and  gewitt,  Thou  gavest  him  language  and 

wit, 

And  wasstma  gecynd  ;  And  natural  fertility  ; 

Cyddest  thine  crasftas  ;  Thou  didst  declare  thy  skill ; 

Swilc  is  Christes  miht.  Such  is  the  power  of  Christ.28 
MSS.  Cap.  x.  Cantab,  and  Wanley,  p.  146-148. 

M  It  is  among  the  MSS.  of  the  College  of  Corpus  Christi  at  Cambridge ;  and 
see  Wanley's  Catalogue,  p.  110.  For  more  information  on  the  Anglo-Saxon  poetry, 
I  refer  the  reader  with  great  pleasure  to  Mr.  J.  J.  Conybeare's  Illustrations  of 
Anglo-Saxon  Poetry,  collected  and  published  since^his  death  by  his  brother.  I  do 
not  coincide  in  all  the  translations,  but  I  feel  the  value  of  the  researches,  and  the 
talent  in  both  the  brothers  which  the  work  displays. 

Mr.  W.  Conybeare  has  added  an  arranged  catalogue  of  all  the  extant  relics  of 
Anglo-Saxon  poetry  under  the  following  heads  :  — I.  Narrative  poetry  derived  from 
historical  or  traditional  sources.  This  comprises  the  Beowulf;  the  fragment  on 
the  battle  of  Finsburgh,  first  published  by  Hickes,  and  the  fragment  on  the  death 
of  Beorhtnoth,  printed  by  Hearne  in  his  Johan.  Glaston.  Chron.  Mr.  J.  J.  Cony- 
beare's translations  of  these  are  inserted II.  Narrative  poetry  derived  from  scrip- 
tural sources,  as  Judith ;  and  Csedmon's  paraphrase.  —  III.  Narrative  poetry  derived 
from  the  lives  of  saints,  comprising  the  life  and  passion  of  St.  Juliana,  and  the 
visions  of  the  hermit  Guthlac,  both  iit  the  Exeter  MS.  but  never  published.  —  IV. 
Hymns,  and  other  sacred  poems  which  he  enumerates.  — V.  The  odes  and  epitaphs 
in  the  Saxon  chronicle.  —  VI.  Elegiac  poetry,  of  which  the  editor  mentions  only 
one  specimen,  in  the  Song  of  the  Exile,  besides  what  may  be  ranked  as  of  this  kind 
in  Alfred's  Boetius.  —  VII.  Moral  and  didactic  poetry,  in  which  the  latter  work 
takes  the  lead.  —  VIII.  Miscellaneous.  The  specimens  which  Mr.  J.  J.  Conybeare 
and  his  brother  have  brought  to  light  from  the  Exeter  MS.,  as  already  noticed,  are 
important  and  interesting ;  and  the  value  of  some  has  been  enhanced  by  the 
poetical  paraphrases  which  accompany  their  Latin  translations. 

x  2 


80S 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


CHAP.  IV. 

On  the  ANGLO-SAXON  Versification. 

BOOK      THE   best   Saxon  scholars    have  confessed   that  the 

IX.  i 

—^ — <  versification  of  the  vernacular  poetry  of  our  ancestors 
was  modelled  by  rules  which  have  not  been  fully  ex- 
plored. But  the  passage  before  quoted  from  Bede 1 
shows  that  it  had  really  no  other  rule  than  the  poet's 
ear.  To  combine  his  words  into  a  rythmical  cadence 
was  all  he  aimed  at.  A  few  specimens  will  enable  the 
reader  to  see  what  this  cadence  usually  was. 

In  Alfred's  Boetius,  part  of  the  specimens  before 
translated  stand  thus  :  — 

Gala  chu  pcippenb  Spylce  peo  punne 

Scippa  cunjla  8peapcpa  nihca 

peponep  anb  eopchan  Thioptpo  abpaepceth 

Thu  on  heah  pecle  Thuph  chine  mehc 

(Bcum  picpapt  Blacun  leohc 

Snb  chu  ealne  hpaeclie  Beophce  pceoppan 

pepon  ymbhper.ppept  CTTona  jemecjath 

Snb  thuph  thine  Thuph  thinpa  meahta  ppeb 

palije   mihc  ppilum  eac  cha  punnan 

Tunjlu  jenebept  Smep  bepeapath 

Thaet  he  the  co  hepach  Beophcan  leohcep. 

Boet.  154. 

The  little  poem  which  was  cited  from  the  Saxon 
Chronicle  is  the  following :  — 

Tha  peapch  eac  abpaepeb  Eamol  peax  haelech 

Deopmob  haelech  ID  if  anb  popb  pnottop 

Oplac  op  eapbe  Opep  ]?aetepa  jechpmg 

Opa  ycha  jepealc  Opep  hpaslep  aechel 

Opep  jano  cep  baech  pama  bepeapob. 

The  next  lines  may  be  cited  because  of  their  riming 
tendency :  — 

1  See  before,  p.  2.33. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  309 

That  peapth  aetypeb  patath  pibe  CHAP. 

Uppe  on  pobepum  Comeca  be  naman  IV. 

Sceoppa  ou  ptathole  Cpaept  jleape  men  ' » ' 

Thohe  ptith  paephthe  UJipe  pothbopan.2 
paeleth  hije  jleape 

The  versification  of  Ceedmon's  paraphrase  translated 
in  p.  !275.  has  a  similar  cadence.  It  begins 

Up  if  piht  micel  pe  ip  maejna  ppeb 

Thaet  pe  pobepa  peapb  peapob  calpa 

IDepeba  pulbop  cyning  peah  jepceapta 

UJopbum  hepijen  Fpea  ^Elmijhtij. 
G^obum  lupien  Ca?d.  p.  1. 

In  Judith  the  versification  is  of  the  same  species, 
which  is  taken  from  the  description  of  the  battle  (see 
the  English  before,  p.  274.):  — 

Tha  peapth  pnellpa  pepob  OOulp  in  palbe 

Snube  jeseapepob  2?nb  pe  panna  hpepn 

Cenpa  to  campe  Ulael  Jippe  pujel 

Stopon  cynepope  UJeptan  bejen 

Secjap  anb  jepithap  Tha  him  tha  theob  juman 

Byepon  thupap  Tholiton  tihan 

Fopon  to  jepeohte  Fylle  on  psejum 

Fopth  on  jepihte  Sc  him  pleah  on  lapc 

paeleth  unbep  helmum  Gapn  aetep  jeopn 

Op  thaepe  hahijan  bypig  Upij  pethepa 

On  thsec  baajpeb  Salopi^  paba 

Sylp  byneban  pcilbap  Sanj  hilbe  leoth 

plube  hlumnon  pypneb  nebba. 
Thaep  pe  hlanca  jepeah  Jud.  p.  24. 

The  description  of  Beowulf's  sailing  and  landing  is 
thus  given :  — 

Cpaeth  he  Euthcynmj  Lanb  gemypcu 

Opep  ppan  pabe  Fyppt  popth  jepat  plota 

8e  cean  polbe  LUaep  on  ychum 

Maepne  theoben  Bat  unbep  beopje 

Tha  him  paep  manna  theajip  Beopnap  jeappe 

Thone  pithyaBt  him  On    ptepn    ptijon    ptpeamap.  — 

Snotepe  ceoplap  Eepat  tha  opep  paeg  holm 

Lyt  hpon  lojon  UJinbe  jepypeb 

Thaem   the   him   leop   paspe.  —      Flota  pann  healp 

8ec5  prpabe  Fugle  ^ehcopt 

Laju  cpaepti^  mon  Oth  tha  ymb  an  tib 

-  Sax.  Chron.  123. 
x  3 


310  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK       Ochpep  bojopep  ITehepa  leobe 

IX.          UJunben  ptepna  On  panj  pcijon 

( '  Eepaba  haepbe.  8ae  pubu  paelbon 

Tha  tha  lichenbe  Sypcon  hpypebon 

Lanb  jepapon  Duch  jepaebo 

Bpim  clipu  bhcan  Eobe  thancebon 

Beopjap  pceape  Thaep  che  him  ychlabe 

Sibe  pse  naeppap. —  Gache  pnpfcon. 
Thanon  up  hpache 

It  appears  to  me  that  the  only  rule,  or  rather  habit, 
of  the  Saxon  versification  which  we  can  now  discover 
is,  that  the  words  are  placed  in  that  peculiar  rythm 
or  cadence  which  is  observable  in  all  the  preceding 
extracts.  This  rythm  will  be  felt  by  every  one  who 
reads  the  following  lines  :  — 

Thohcon  cilian  Mobum  lujrien  — 

Fylle  on  peerum  —  peap ob  ealpa 

Upij  paechepa  peah  jepceapca 

Salopij  paba  —  Fjiea  ^Elmihcij.  — 
ITopbum  hepijen 

To  produce  this  rythm  seems  to  have  been  the 
perfection  of  their  versification.  But,  happily  for  the 
strength  of  their  poetry,  they  extended  their  rythm 
sometimes  into  a  more  dignified  cadence,  as 

UUepeba  pulbop  csninj  — 
Ymche  heolptep  pceabo  — 
Thuph  thmpa  meahca  ppeb. — 

When  their  words  would  not  fall  easily  into  the 
desired  rythm,  they  were  satisfied  with  an  approach 
to  it,  and  with  this  mixture  of  regular  and  irregular 
cadence  all  their  poetry  seems  to  have  been  com- 
posed. 

By  this  rythm,  by  their  inversions  of  phrase,  by 
their  transitions,  by  their  omissions  of  particles,  by 
their  contractions  of  phrase,  and,  above  all,  by  their 
metaphors  and  perpetual  periphrasis,  their  poetry 
seems  to  have  been  distinguished. 

That  they  occasionally  sought  rime  and  alliteration 
cannot  be  doubted,  for  we  have  some  few  Anglo-Saxon 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


311 


poems  in  rime.3  But  neither  of  these  formed  its 
constituent  character,  nor  was  any  marked  attention 
given  to  the  prosodical  quantity  of  their  syllables,  as 
Hickes  supposed.4 


CHAP. 
IV. 


3  Mr.  J.  Conybcare  remarked,  in  the  Exeter  MS.,  the  contents  of  which  he  first 
brought  to  our  general  knowledge,  one  Anglo-Saxon  poem,  entirely  written  in  rime, 
with  alliteration,  Introd.  xiv.  His  brother  has  inserted  it  with  a  translation, 
p.  xviii — xxv.  In  some  others  he  remarks  that  it  occurs  only  in  part,  as  in  the 
extract  which  he  has  cited  from  the  poem  on  the  Day  of  Judgment,  which  has  the 
following  rimed  passage  :  — 


Thaet  nu  manna  gehpylc 
Cpic  rhepben  hep  panath 
Deceopm  nioc 
Spa  helle  hiepthu 
Spa  hcoFenep  maepthu  ; 
Spa  leohre  leohc, 
Spa  "hatn  la-ham  mht; 
Spa  chpymmer  chpaece, 
Spa  ehpyjrpa  ppaece ; 
Spa  nub  Dpihten  bpeam, 
Spa  nub  beoplecm  hpem  ; 
Spa  pire  raib  ppathum, 
Spa  pulbop  nub  apuni ; 
Spa  lire,  fpa  beach, 
Spa  him  leore  bicli. 


Ibid. 


That  now  every  man 

who  dwells  here  alive, 

May  choose 

Either  wounds  of  hell, 

Or  the  majesty  of  heaven  ; 

Or  the  bright  light, 

Or  the  hateful  night ; 

Or  the  power  of  glory, 

Or  the  vengeance  of  darkness ; 

Or  joy  with  the  Lord, 

Or  mourning  with  devils  ; 

Or  punishment  with  wrath, 

Or  glory  with  honours  ; 

Or  life,  or  death, 

Which  ever  he  loves  most. 

Ibid.  p.  xxvi. 


4  I  am  willing  to  concur  with  Mr.  J.  Conybeare,  that  alliteration  was  used  in 
Saxon  poetry.  The  examples  in  his  introductory  essay  show  it,  p.  viii.,  but  I  think 
it  was  an  occasional  beauty,  not  as  in  Pierce  Ploughman,  the  fundamental  principle. 
His  opinion  on  the  versification  of  the  Saxon  poetry  deserves  to  be  quoted  ;  he 
thinks  it  belongs  to  the  trochaic  or  dactylic  species.  It  is  to  a  metre  of  this  kind, 
in  which  emphasis  holds  the  place  of  quantity,  that  I  would  refer  the  verses 
of  the  Anglo-Saxons.  They  will  be  found  to  consist,  for  the  most  part,  of  feet 
of  two  or  three  syllables,  each  having  the  emphasis  on  the  first,  and  analogous 
therefore  to  the  trochee  or  dactyl,  sometimes  perhaps  to  the  spondee  of  classic 
metre.  Introd.  xi.  Mr.  Bosworth  has  inserted  Mr.  Uask's  opinion  on  this  subject 
in  his  Anglo-Saxon  Grammar.  But  Bede's  statement,  which  I  observed,  and  have 
quoted  before  in  p.  233.,  gives  us  an  Anglo-Saxon's  own  decisive  information  on 
this  disputed  subject, 


x  4 


312  HISTOKY   OF   THE 


CHAP.  V. 

Their  Latin  Poetry. 

BOOK      THE  Latin    poetry  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  originated 
.    lx'    ,   from  the  Roman  poetry,  and  was  composed  according 
origin  of      to  the  rules  of  Roman  prosody.     Its  authors  were  all 
Poetry,31     ecclesiastics,   who   had  studied  the  classical  writers 
and  their  imitators ;  and  who  followed,  as  nearly  as 
their  genius  would  permit  them,  the  style  and  manner 
of  classical  composition.    Sometimes  they  added  a  few 
absurd  peculiarities,  dictated  by  bad  taste,  and  some- 
times they  used  .rime.      But  in  general  the  regular 
hexameter  verse  was  the  predominant  characteristic 
of  their  poems. 

The  origin  of  their  Latin  poetry  may  be  therefore 
easily  explained.  With  the  works  of  the  classical 
writers  we  are  all  acquainted.  As  the  Roman  empire 
declined,  the  genius  of  poetry  disappeared.  Claudian 
emitted  some  of  its  departing  rays.  But  after  his 
death  it  would  have  sunk  for  ever  in  the  utter  night 
of  the  Gothic  irruption,  if  the  Christian  clergy  had 
not  afforded  it  an  asylum  in  their  monasteries,  and 
devoted  their  leisure  to  read  and  to  imitate  it. 

The  Romans  had  diffused  their  language  as  their 
conquests  and  colonies  spread ;  but  it  would  have  also 
perished  when  the  Gothic  irruptions  destroyed  their 
empire,  if  the  Christian  hierarchy  had  not  preserved 
it.  The  German  tribes  who  raised  new  sovereignties 
in  the  imperial  provinces  were  successively  converted 
to  Christianity  ;  and  as  the  new  faith  chiefly  emanated 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  31 

from  Rome,  one  religious  system  pervaded  the  western  CHAP. 
part  of  Europe.  The  public  worship  was  every  where  • 
performed  in  Latin.  All  the  dignified  clergy  and 
many  others  were  perpetually  visiting  Rome.  The 
most  accessible  and  popular  works  of  the  fathers  of  the 
church  were  in  the  Latin  language.  And  this  was 
the  only  tongue  in  which  the  ecclesiastics  of  Germany 
France,  Britain,  Spain,  Ireland,  and  Italy  could  com- 
pose or  correspond  in  to  be  understood  by  each  other. 
Hence  every  ecclesiastic  in  every  part  of  Europe,  who 
aspired  to  any  intellectual  cultivation  or  distinction, 
was  obliged  to  learn  the  Latin  language,  and  to  write 
in  it.  From  this  circumstance,  they  nourished  a 
necessary  attachment  to  the  Latin  authors  ;  and  thus 
the  Latin  language  and  the  classical  writers  were 
preserved  by  the  Christian  clergy  from  that  de- 
struction which  has  entirely  swept  from  us  both  the 
language  and  the  writings  of  Phoenicia,  Carthage, 
Babylon,  and  Egypt. 

Many  of  the  clergy  wrote  homilies,  or  disputatious 
treatises ;  some  aspired  to  history,  and  some  were  led 
to  cultivate  poetry.  In  the  fourth  century,  Victo- 
rinus,  Juvencus,  and  Prudentius  distinguished  them- 
selves by  poems  in  Latin  verse  on  devotional  subjects. 
In  the  fifth  century,  Sedulius,  Dracontius,  and  Sido- 
nius,  with  others,  cultivated  Latin  poetry.  In  the  next 
age  appeared  Alcimus,  Arator,  Columbanus,  and  the 
prolific  Venantius  Fortunatus.  Every  subsequent 
century  enumerated  many  ecclesiastical  poets,  who  all 
alike  fashioned  both  their  genius  and  their  works  from 
the  classical  models,  or  their  imitators.  They  chose, 
indeed,  subjects  more  suited  to  their  sacred  pro- 
fession ;  but  they  strove,  according  to  their  best 
abilities,  to  give  their  religious  efforts  all  the  style 
and  the  measures  of  the  standard  poetry  of  ancient 
Rome. 


314  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK          The  Anglo-Saxons  who  wrote  Latin  poetry  drank 

.   from  the  same  Heliconian  spring,  and  used  the  same 

prosody  ;  and  of  course  their  Latin  poetry  originated 

from  the  Latin  poetry  of  the  ecclesiastics  who  had 

preceded  them,  and  their  classical  models. 

But  though  the  prosody  of  the  classical  poetry  fur- 
nished these  writers  with  their  metres,  yet,  as  they 
were  in  a  ruder  and  less  cultivated  age,  their  taste 
was  too  unformed  and  irregular  to  keep  to  the  chaste 
style  of  the  Augustan  bards.  They  undervalued  the 
excellence  to  which  they  were  familiar,  and  some- 
times they  strove  to  improve  it  by  beauties  of  their 
own;  beauties,  however,  often  perceptible  only  to  the 
eye  or  the  ear  of  a  barbaric  taste. 

Some  of  their  grotesque  ornaments  are  mentioned 
in  the  fifth  century  by  Sidonius.  He  notices  some 
verses  which  were  so  composed  as  to  admit  of  being 
read  either  backward  or  forward.  Thus  :  — 

Roma  tibi  subito  motibus  ibit  amor. 

and 

Sole  medere  pede,  ede  pcrede  melos.1 

He  has  also  given  to  us  a  specimen  of  another  fan- 
tastic effort  in  two  verses,  of  which  he  asks  his  friend 
to  admire  the  disposition  of  the  syllables  : 

Prascipiti  modo  quod  decurrit  trnmite  flumen, 
Tempore  consumptum  jam  cito  deficiet. 

These,  if  read  backward,  will  give 

Deficiet  cito  jam  consumptum  tempore  flumen, 
Tramite  decurrit  quod  modo  precipiti ! 

The  poem  of  Proba  Falconia,  a  poetess  of  the  fourth 
century,  was  also  constructed  very  whimsically.  Her 
subjects  were,  the  history  of  the  creation,  the  deluge, 

1  Sid.  Ap.  lib.  ix.  ep.  14. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  315 

and  Christ.     She  narrates  these  histories  in  centos     CHAP. 
from  Virgil,  who  knew  nothing  about  them.    She  has   •— ^ — • 
so  curiously  selected  above  seven  hundred  of  his  lines, 
and  so  placed  them,  that,  with  the  aid  of  titles  to  the 
different  portions,  the  principal  events  of  these  Scrip- 
ture histories  are  described  in  the  words  of  the  Man- 
tuan  bard.2 

Our  Anglo-Saxons  display  occasional  exertions  of 
the  same  depraved  taste  in  their  Latin  poetry  ;  of 
which  the  most  ancient  that  has  descended  to  us  con- 
sists of  the  compositions  of  Aldhelm,  who  died  in 
709 ;  arid  will  be  noticed  again  in  the  chapter  on 
their  literature.  His  verses,  from  the  study  of  better 
models,  are  preferable  to  his  pompous  prose.  His 
poetical  works  which  remain  are  entitled  De  Laude 
Virginum,  De  Octo  principalibus  Vitiis,  and  JEnig- 
mata. 

Towards  the  close  of  his  prose  treatise  on  Virginity,  his  DC 
he  stated  that  he  should  write  on  the  same  subject  in  .  um 
poetry.  His  preface  to  the  poem  is  an  acrostic  address 
to  the  abbess  Maxima,  in  hexameter  verse.  It  con- 
sists of  thirty-eight  lines,  so  fantastically  written  that 
each  line  begins  and  ends  with  the  successive  letters 
of  the  words  of  the  first  line  ;  and  thus  the  first  and 
last  lines  and  the  initial  and  final  letters  of  each 
line  consist  of  the  same  words.  In  the  last  line  the 
words  occur  backwards.  The  final  letters  are  to  be 
read  upwards. 

Aldhelm  calls  this,  quadratum  carmen,  a  square 
verse.  He  was  not  the  inventor  of  these  idle  fop- 
peries of  versification.  Fortunatus  and  others  had 
preceded  Aldhelm  in  this  tasteless  path,  in  which 
authors  endeavour  to  surprise  us,  not  by  the  genius 
they  display,  but  by  the  difficulties  which  they  over- 
come. 

2  Bib.  Mag.  torn.  viii.  p.  708  —  716. 


Laude  Yir- 


316  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK  M  ETRICA  TlRONES  NUNC  PROMANT  CARMINA  CASTO  S 

IX.  E  t  laudem  capiat  quadrato  carmine  virg  O 

' « '  T  rinus  in  arce  Deus,  qui  pollens  secla  creavi  T 

R  egnator  mundi,  regnans  in  sedibus  alti  S 

I  ndigno  conferre  mihi  dignetur  in  aethr  A 

C  um  sanctis  requiem,  quos  laudo  versibus  isti  C 

A  rbiter  altithronus  qui  servat  sceptra  supern  A 

T  radidit  his  coeli  per  ludum  scandere  lime  N 

I  nter  sanctorum  cuneos  qui  laude  perenn  I 

R  ite  glorificant  moderantem  regna  tonante  M 

O  mnitenens  Dominus,  mundi  formator  et  aucto  R 

N  obis  pauperibus  confer  suffragia  cert  A 

E  t  ne  concedas  trudendos  liostibus  istin  C 

S  ed  magis  exiguos  defendens  dextera  tanga  T 

N  e  prasdo  pellax  ccelorum  claudere  lime  N 

V  el  sanctos  valeat  noxarum  fallere  seen  A 

N  e  fur  strophosus  foveam  detrudat  in  atra  M 

C  onditor  a  summo  quos  Christus  servat  Olymp  O 

P  astor  ovile  tuens  ne  possit  tabula  rapto  R 

R  egales  vastans  caulas  bis  dicere  pup  pu  P 

0  mnia  sed  custos  defendat  ovilia  jam  nun  C 

M  axima  prascipuum  qua?  gestat  numine  nome  N 
A  ddere  presidium  mater  dignare  precat  U 
N  am  tu  pepetuum  promisisti  lumine  lume  N 
T  itan  quern  clamant  sacro  spiramine  vate  S 
C  ujus  per  mundum  jubar  alto  splendet  ab  ax  E 
A  tque  polos  pariter  replet  vibramine  fulme  N 
R  ex  regum  et  princeps  populorum  dictus  ab  tev  O 
M  agnus  de  magno,  de  rerum  regmine  recto  R 

1  Hum  nee  mare  nee  possunt  cingere  cocl  I 

N  ec  mare  navigerum  spumoso  gurgite  valla  T 
A  ut  zonse  mundi  que  stipant  aethera  eels  A 
C  larorum  vitam  qui  castis  moribus  isti  C 
A  uxiliante  Deo  vernabant  flore  perenn  I 
S  anctis  aggrediar  studiis  dicere  paupe  R 
T  anta  tamen  digne  si  pauper  praamia  proda  T 
O  mnia  cum  nullus  verbis  explanat  apert  E 

S  OTSAC  ANIMRAC  TNAMORP  CNTJN  SENORIT  ACIRTE  M.3 

The  poem  is  not  divided  into  books  or  chapters. 
It  consists  of  two  thousand  four  hundred  and  forty- 
three  hexameter  lines,  the  last  eight  of  which  are 
rimed ;  the  four  first  alternately,  the  others  in 
couplets.  We  subjoin  them  :  - 

Quis  prius  in  spira  morsum  glomeravit  inertem 
Idcirco  cursim  festinat  credere  Christo 

3  Maxima  Bib.  Vet.  Patr.  torn.  xiii.  p.  3. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  317 

Agnoscens  propriam  tanta  virtute  salutem  CHAP. 

In  super  et  meritum  cumulavit  sanguinis  ostro,  V. 

Praemia  sumpturus  cum  coeli  coetibus  almis.  *       * ' 

Candida  post  sequitur  cum  binis  martyra  sertis, 
Integritas  nitidam,  nee  non  et  passio  rubram 
Plumabant  pariter  macta  virtute  coronam.4 

The  first  twenty-two  lines  of  the  poem  are  an  in- 
vocation to  the  Deity.  The  translations  of  the  pas- 
sages which  we  select,  as  specimens  of  his  powers,  are 
made  as  literal  as  possible. 

Almighty  Father  !  Sovereign  of  the  world ! 
Whose  word  the  lucid  summits  of  the  sky 
With  stars  adorn'd,  and  earth's  foundations  fram'd  ; 
Who  ting'd  with  purple  flowers  the  lonely  heath ; 
And  check'd  the  wandering  billows  of  the  main, 
Lest  o'er  the  lands  the  foamy  waves  should  rage 
(Hence  rocks  abrupt  the  swelling  surge  controul) ! 
Thou  cheer'st  the  cultured  fields  with  gelid  streams ; 
And  with  thy  dropping  clouds  the  corn  distends  : 
Thine  orbs  of  light  expel  night's  dreary  shade  ; 
Titan  the  day,  and  Cynthia  tends  the  night : 
From  thee  what  tribes  the  fields  of  ocean  roam, 
What  scaly  hosts  in  the  blue  whirlpools  play  ! 
The  limpid  air  with  fluttering  crowds  abounds, 
Whose  prattling  beaks  their  joyful  carols  pour, 
And  hail  thee  as  the  universal  Lord  : 
Give,  Merciful !  thine  aid,  that  I  may  learn 
To  sing  the  glorious  actions  of  thy  saints.5 


4  Maxima  Bib.  Vet.  Patr.  torn.  xiii.  p.  19. 

Omnipotens  genitor  tnundum  ditione  gubernans 
Lucida  stelligeri  qui  condis  culmina  coeli, 
Nee  non  telluris  formas  fundamina  verbo  : 
Pallida  purpureo  pingis  qui  flore  vireta : 
Sic  quoque  fluctivagi  refrenas  caerula  ponti, 
Mergere  ne  valeant  terrarum  littora  lymphis, 
Sed  tumidos  frangunt  fluctus  obstacula  rupis  -. 
Arvorum  gelido  qui  cultus  fonte  rigabis, 
Et  segetum  glumas  nimbosis  imbribus  auges, 
Qui  latebras  mundi  geminate  sidere  demis  ; 
Nempe  diem  Titan  et  noctem  Cyntbia  comit. 
Piscibus  squoreos  qui  campos  pinquibus  ornas, 
Squamigeras  formans  in  glauco  gurgite  turmas 
Limpida  proepetibus,  sic  comples  aera  catervis, 
Garrula  quae  rostris  resonantes  cantice  pipant 
Atque  creatorem  diversa  voce  fatentur. 
Da  prius  auxilium,  clemens,  ut  carmina  possim 
Indita  Sanctorum  modular!  gesta  priorum. 

Maxima  Bib.  Vet.  Patr.  torn.  xiii.  p.  3. 


318  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK  I  seek  not  rustic  verse,  nor  court  the  Nine6, 

IX.  Nor  from  Castalia's  nymphs  their  metres  ask, 

'       » '  Said  erst  to  guard  the  Heliconian  hill. 

Nor,  Phebus  !  need  I  thy  loquacious  tongue, 
Whom  fair  Latona  bore  on  Delos'  isle  — 
I'll  rather  press  the  thunderer  with  my  prayers, 
Who  gave  to  man  the  lessons  of  his  word  ; 
Words  from  the  WORD  I  ask,  whom  David  sang, 
Sole  offspring  of  the  Father  ;  and  by  whom 
Th'  Almighty  Sire  created  all  we  know  ; 
So  may  their  gracious  inspiration  deign 
To  aid  their  feeble  servant  in  his  lay. 

He  opens  his  subject  by  telling  us  that  there  are 
three  descriptions  of  persons  to  whom  the  praise  of 
chastity  belongs  :  the  married  who  live  virtuously  ; 
the  married  who  live  as  if  they  were  single ;  and 
they  who  keep  in  the  virgin  state.  After  above  an 
hundred  lines  in  praise  of  virginity,  he  proceeds  to 
describe  forty-five  characters  who  distinguished  the 
state  which  he  prefers ;  and  this  biographical  pane- 
gyric forms  the  substance  of  his  poem.  Most  of  his 
applauded  personages  are  only  known  in  the  calendars 
of  the  Romish  church.  Some  of  his  images,  common- 
places, and  examples,  shall  be  quoted. 

Amid  his  wild  and  diffuse  panegyric  on  virginity, 
the  following  images  occur  :  - 

Now  let  my  verses  cull  the  rarest  flowers, 
And  weave  the  virgin  crowns  which  grace  the  good  ; 
What  can  more  charm  celestials  in  our  conflict, 
Than  the  pure  breast  by  modest  virtue  ruled  ?  7 


Non  rogo  ruricolas  versus,  et  commata  m  lisas 
Non  peto  Castalidas  metrorum  cantica  nymphas 
Quas  dicunt  Helicona  jugum  servare  supernum, 
Nee  precor,  ut  Phoebus  linguam  sermone  loquacem 
Dedat,  quern  Delo  peperit  Latona  creatrix  — 
Sed  potius  nitar  precibus  pulsare  Tonantem, 
Qui  nobis  placidi  confert  oracula  Verbi, 
Verbum  de  verbo  peto,  hoc  Psalmista  canebat, 
Corde  patris  genitum,  quod  proles  unica  constat, 
Quo  pater  Omnipotens  per  mundum  cuncta  creavit. 
Sic  patris  et  prolis  dignetur  Spiritus  almus 
Auxilium  fragili  clementer  dedere  servo. 

Nunc  igitur  raros  decerpant  carmina  flores 
E  quis  virgineas  vaTeant  fabricare  coronas 
Quid  plus  caelicolas  juvat  in  certamine  nostro 
Quam  integritatis  amor  regnans  in  pectore  puro  ? 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  319 

The  chaste  who  blameless  keep  unsullied  fame                            CHAP. 
Transcend  all  other  worth,  all  other  praise  ;                                    V. 
The  spirit  high-enthroned  has  made  their  hearts  ' <—* 

His  sacred  temple.8 

******* 

For  chastity  is  radiant  as  the  gems 
Which  deck  the  crown  of  the  Eternal  King  : 
It  tramples  on  the  joys  of  vicious  life, 
And  from  the  heart  uproots  the  wish  impure. 
The  yellow  metal  which  adorns  the  world 
Springs  from  the  miry  chambers  of  the  earth  : 
So  the  pure  soul,  its  image,  takes  its  birth 
From  carnal  passions  of  terrestrial  love. 
And  as  the  rose  excels  the  Tyrian  dyes, 
And  all  the  gaudy  colours  work'd  by  art ; 
As  the  pale  earth  the  lucid  gem  creates 
In  rustic  soils  beneath  the  dusty  glebe  ; 
As  yellow  flowers  shoot  gaily  from  the  corn, 
When  spring  revives  the  germinating  earth  : 
So  sacred  chastity,  the  dear  delight 
Of  all  the  colonies  of  heaven,  is  born 

From  the  foul  appetites  of  worldly  life.9 

******* 

And  as  the  vine,  whose  spreading  branches,  bent 
With  stores  immense,  the  dresser's  knife  despoils, 
Exists  the  glory  of  the  fruitful  fields  ; 
And  as  the  stars  confess  th'  all-glorious  ray, 
When  in  his  paths  oblique  the  sun  rolls  round, 
Transcending  all  the  orbs  which  grace  the  poles  : 
So  Chastity,  companion  of  the  bless'd, 
Excelling,  meekly,  every  saintly  worth, 

Virginitas  castum  servans  sine  crimine  carmen, 
Caetera  virtutum  vincit  praeconia  laude  ; 
Spiritus  altithroni  templum  sibi  vindicat  almus. 

Virginitas  fulget  lucens,  ut  gemma  coronae, 
Quae  caput  seterni  praecingit  stemmate  regis  : 
Haec  calcat  pedibus  spurcae  consortia  vitse : 
Funditus  extirpans  petulantis  gaudia  carnis. 
Auri  materiem  fulvi,  obrizumque  metallum 
Ex  quibus  ornatur  praesentis  machina  mundi, 
Glarea  de  gremio  prodidit  sordida  terrse. 
Sic  casta  integritas  auri  flaventis  imago 
Gignitur  e  spurca  terreni  carne  parentis. 
Ut  rosa  Puniceo  tincturas  murice  cunctas 
Coccineosque  simul  praecellit  rubra  colores. 
Pallida  purpureas  ut  gignit  glarea  gemmas, 
Pulverulenta  tegit  quas  spurci  glebula  ruris ; 
Ut  flos  flavescens  scan dit  de  cortice  corni 
Tempore  vernali,  dum  promit  germina  tellus  : 
Sic  sacra  Virginitas  ccelorum  grata  colonis 
Corpore  de  spurco  sumit  primordia  vitae. 

Maxima  Bib.  Vet.  Patr.  torn.  xiii.  p.  4. 


320  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK  Is  hail'd  the  queen  of  all  the  virtues  here.10 

IX.  ******* 

'  The  chastity  which  rules  the  virtuous  frame, 

A  virgin  flower  which  blooms  unhurt  in  age, 
Falls  not  to  earth,  nor  sheds  its  changing  leaves. 
Behold  the  lilies  waving  in  the  fields, 
The  crimson  rose,  sweet  blushing  on  the  bank, 
Which  crowns  the  conquering  wrestler,  and  becomes 
The  garland  for  the  victor  in  the  course  : 
So  purity,  subduing  rebel  nature, 

Wins  the  fair  diadem  which  Christ  awards.11 

******* 

The  peacock's  many-colour'd  plumage  waves, 
And  the  soft  circles  glow  with  Tyrian  dyes : 
Its  tawny  beauties,  and  its  graceful  form 
Surpass  the  proudest  labours  of  our  skill.12 

We  may  add  from  the  same  poem  his  description  of 
the  destruction  of  paganism,  as  exhibiting  the  degree 
of  his  powers  of  poetical  composition  :  — 

Not  Mars,  the  lord  of  wounds,  who  scatters  round 

The  seeds  of  war,  and  fills  the  rancorous  heart 

With  Gorgon  poisons,  can  assist  his  fanes  ; 

Nor  Venus  can  avail,  nor  her  vile  boy. 

The  golden  statues  of  Minerva  fall, 

Tho'  fools  proclaim  her  goddess  of  the  arts  ; 

10  Vinea  frugiferis  ut  constat  gloria  campis, 
Pampinus  immensos  dum  gignit  palmite  botros, 
Vinitor  exspoliat  frondentes  falcibus  antes  : 
Sidera  prsclaro  cedunt  ut  lumina  soli, 
Lustrat  dum  terras  obliquo  tramite  Titan, 
Cuncta  supernorum  convincens  astra  polorum  : 
Sic  quoque  virginitas  quse  sanctos  indita  comit, 
Omnia  sanctorum  transcendans  prsmia  supplex 
Integritas  quoque  virtutum  regina  vocatur. 

Maxima  Bib.  Vet.  Patr.  torn.  xiii.  p.  4. 

11  Integritas  anima:  regnans  in  corpore  casto 
Flos  est  virgineus,  qui  nescit  damna  senectffi. 
Nee  cadit  in  terram  ceu  fronde  ligustra  fatiscunt. 
Cernite  fecundis  ut  vernent  lilia  sulcis, 

Et  rosa  sanguineo  per  dumos  flore  rubescat. 

Ex  quibus  ornatus  qui  vincit  forte  palestris, 

Accipit  in  circo  victor  certamine  serta. 

Haud  secus  integritas  devicta  came  rebelli. 

Pulchras  gestabit  Cbristo  regnante  coronas.  Ibid. 

Quanquam  versicolor  flavescat  penna  pavonis 
Et  teretes  rutilent  plus  rubro  murice  cycli, 
Cujus  formosa  species  et  fulva  venustas 
Omnia  fabrorum  porro  molimina  vincit. 

Maxima  Bib.  Vet.  Patr.  torn.  xiii.  p.  4. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  321 

Nor  he  for  whom,  as  ancient  fictions  sing,  CHAP, 

The  leafy  vines  their  precious  branches  spread,  ^* 

Can  prop  the  columns  nodding  with  their  gods.  " 

The  marbles  tremble  with  terrific  crash, 

And  the  vast  fabric  rushes  into  dust. 

Ev'n  Neptune,  rumour'd  sovereign  of  the  waves, 

Who  by  his  swelling  billows  rules  the  main, 

He  cannot  save  his  sculptured  effigies, 

Whose  marble  brows  the  golden  leaves  surround, 

Not  ev'n  Alcides,  who  the  centaurs  crush'd, 

And  dared  the  fiery  breath  of  prowling  Cacus, 

When  from  his  throat  his  words  in  flames  were  poured, 

Tho'  his  right  hand  the  dreadful  club  may  grasp, 

Can  shield  his  temples  when  the  Christian  prays.13 

One  other  example  will  be  a  sufficient  specimen  of 
his  De  Laude  Virgirmm.  Two  sisters  were  con- 
demned for  refusing  to  sacrifice  to  idols.  One  was 
punished  first  in  the  presence  of  the  other,  with  the 
hope  that  her  constancy  might  be  affected  by  her 
sister's  suffering.  Instead  of  this  event,  Secunda's 
speech  is  thus  represented  by  Aldhelm :  — 

Firmly  she  said,  "  Secunda  ne'er  will  tremble ; 
Bring  all  your  blood-stain'd  tortures  to  oppress  me, 
Your  fires,  your  swords,  your  scourges  red  with  gore, 
Your  clubs,  your  cords,  your  stones  that  pour  like  hail ; 
Bring  all  your  cruel  instruments  of  pain  ; 
Yet,  conqu'ring  my  tormentors,  will  I  triumph. 

Non  Mars  vulnificus  qui  belli  semina  spargit ; 
Rancida  Gorgoneis  inspirans  corda  venenis 
Delubri  statuis  potuit  succurrere  parmis. 
Nee  Venus,  aut  Veneris  prodest  spurcissima  proles. 
Aurea  sternuntur  fundo  simulacra  Minerva, 
Quamque  deam  stolidi  dixerunt  arte  potentem : 
Nee  Bacchus  valuit,  cui  frondent  palmite  vites, 
TJt  referunt  falso  veterum  figmenta  librorum, 
Numine  nutantes  fani  fulcire  columnas. 
Sed  titubant  templi  tremebundis  marmora  crustis. 
Et  ruit  in  praeceps  tessellis  fabrica  fractis. 
Neptunus  fama  dictus  regnator  aquarum  ; 
Qui  regit  imperium  ponti  turgentibus  undis, 
Falsas  effigies,  quas  glauco  marmore  sculpunt, 
Aurea  seu  fulva  quas  ornant  petala  fronte, 
Haud  valuit  veterum  tune  sustentare  deorum. 
Alcides  fertur  Centauri  victor  opimus, 
Flammea  qui  pressit  latronis  flamina  Caci, 
Quamvis  fumosis  ructaret  flabra  loquelis. 
Herculis  in  crypta  sed  torquet  dextera  clavam 
Nee  tamen  in  templo  rigida  virtute  resultat, 
Qua;  famulus  Cbristi  supples  oramina  fudit. 

Maxima  Bib.  Vet.  Pair.  torn.  xiii.  p.  12, 

VOL.   TIT.  Y 


322  HISTORY    OF   THE 

BOOK  As  many  means  of  death  you  fiercely  frame, 

IX.  So  many  crowns  in  heav'n's  bright  plains  will  bless  us." l4 

His  poem  "  De  Octo  principalibus  Vitiis,"  or  on 
the  eight  principal  vices,  opens  with  an  allusion  to 
the  preceding  poem :  — 

Thus  have  I  sung  the  praises  of  the  saints, 
Whose  fame  re-echoes  round  the  concave  sky. 
Now  must  the  verse  the  mighty  battles  paint, 
Waged  by  the  vices  ;  which  from  virgin  tribes 
Withhold  the  kingdoms  of  celestial  joy, 
And  shut  the  portals  of  their  lucid  walls.15 

This  poem  contains  four  hundred  and  fifty-eight 
Latin  hexameters.  After  an  introduction  of  some 
length,  it  treats  of  the  eight  vices  in  this  order : 
gluttony,  luxury,  avarice,  anger,  despair,  slothfulness, 
vain-glory,  pride.  It  closes  with  a  diffuse  peroration. 

His  allegorical  introduction  begins  with  these 
lines :  — 

The  crowding  legions  gather  to  the  war, 
Justice'  fair  friends,  and  virtue's  holy  troops  ; 
'Gainst  these  the  vices  fix  their  camps  malign, 
And  whirl  their  thickening  spears  of  basest  deeds. 
The  rival  combat  glows,  the  banners  float, 
And  the  loud  clangor  of  the  trumpet  roars.16 

On  luxury  he  exclaims :  — 

Indecent  words  from  this  base  monster  spring, 
From  him  scurrility  and  folly's  gibes  ; 

14  Nam  constanter  ait,  "  nunquam  tremebunda  Secunda  : 

Adfer  cuncta  simul  nobis  tormenta  cruenta ; 
Ignes  et  macheras  et  rubras  vibice  virgas, 
Restes  et  fustes  et  dura  grandine  saxa. 
Quot  tu  poenarum  genera  crudeliter  infers, 
Ast  ego  tanta  feram  victo  tortore  tropaca, 
Quot  tu  concinnas  crudi  discrimina  lethi 
Tot  nos  in  supera  numerabimus  arce  coronas. 

Maxima  Bib.  Vet.  Patr.  torn.  xiii.  p.  1 8. 

14  Digestis  igitur  sanctorum  laudibus  almis, 

Quorum  rumores  sub  cceli  culmine  flagrant; 
Restat,  ut  ingentes  depromant  carmina  pungas, 
Ex  vitiis  procedentes,  virtutibus  atque 
Virginibus  Christi,-quaD  cceli  regna  negabunt, 
Florida  lucifluae  claudentes  liminia  portee.  Ibid.  p.  19. 

18  Ecce  catervatim  glomerant  ad  bella  phalanges, 

Justitiae  comites  et  virtutum  agmina  sancta, 
His  adversantur  vitiorum  castra  maligna, 
Spissa  nefandarum  qua;  torquent  spicula  rerum, 
.SSmula  ceu  pugnat  populorum  pugna  duorum, 
Dum  vexilla  ferunt  et  clangit  classica  salpix.  Ibid.  p.  19. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  323 

Love,  frivolous  deceiver!  and  excess.  CHAP. 

Oh  what  illustrious  men !  how  great,  how  many  !  V, 

Has  this  fierce  enemy  thrust  down  to  hell !  *       *~ — ' 

Yet  could  he  not,  though  mask'd  in  beauty's  shape, 

From  Joseph  tear  the  excelling  palm  of  virtue  ; 

When  the  voluptuous  net  the  fair  one  wove, 

He  spurn'd  her  charms,  and  from  his  garment  fled  ; 

By  this  he  well  deserved  the  throne  of  Memphis.17 

His  declaration  on  avarice  is  in  these  phrases :  — 

Next  avarice  leads  the  war,  and  heads  a  band 
Of  dense  array,  conductress  of  the  fight ; 
She  not  alone  the  public  streets  pervades 
With  blood-stain'd  arms,  and  shafts  in  poison  dipp'd. 
Her  base  companions  follow  —  frauds  and  thefts, 
A  thousand  lies,  and  actions  false  and  vile  ; 
Base  appetites  of  gain,  and  perjuries  throng: 
The  hosts  of  rapine,  stain'd  with  every  crime, 
Heedless  of  oaths,  join  in  an  ardent  band.18 

His  first  verses  on  anger  are  :  — 

Ferocious  wrath  the  fourth  battalion  calls, 
And,  always  raging,  hurries  to  the  fight ; 
He  breaks  the  pious  peace  of  brother's  love, 
And  goads  their  jarring  minds  to  mutual  war  ; 
Hence  impious  slaughters  —  hence  the  shouts  of  rage  — 
And  gnashing  indignation  clamours  loud.19 

Ex  hoc  nascuntur  monstro  turpissima  verba, 
Nee  non  scurrilitas  et  scsevo  ludicra  gestu, 
Frivolus,  et  fallax  amor,  ac  petulantia  luxus. 
O  quantos  qualesve  viros,  et  laude  celebres. 
Haec  Bellona  ferox  sub  tristia  Tartara  trusit ! 
Non  sic  egregium  virtutis  perdere  pal  mam 
Forma  venustatis  valuit  compellerc  Joseph, 
Qui  dominam  sprevet  nectentem  retia  luxus, 
Et  stuprum  fugiens  pepli  velamina  liquit : 
Idcirco  felix  meruit  Memphitica  sceptra. 

Maxima  Bib.  Vet.  Patr.  torn  xiii.  p.  20. 

Post  Philargyria  producit  tertia  bellum, — 
Haec  ductrix  pugnae  stipatur  milite  denso. 
Non  sola  graditur  per  publica  strata  pedestris, 
Arma  cruenta  ferens  et  spicula  lita  veneno. 
Haee  comites  pravos,  itidem  mendacia  mille, 
Fraudes  et  fures,  ac  falsis  frivola  gestis, 
Appetitus  turpls  lucri  et  perjuria  inepta, 
Atque  rapinarum  maculatos  crimine  questus, 
Conglobat  in  cuneutn  cum  falsis  te.stibus  ardens.  Ibid. 

Ast  vero  quartam  trux  congregat  ira  catervam, 
Quae  semper  furibunda  cupit  discrimina  belli: 
Et  ciet  ad  pugnam  menfes  discordia  fratrum, 
Dum  copulata  piae  disrumpit  fo3dera  pacis. 
Ex  hoc  nascuntur  caedes  cum  strage  nefandae 
Et  clamor  vocis,  simul  indignatio  frendens.  Ibid. 

T  2 


324  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK          On  vain -glory  he  exclaims  :  — 
ix.  J 

' , '  How  the  false  thief  his  lying  promise  pours, 

To  darken  all  the  solid  bliss  of  life  ! 

And  can  it  not  suffice  that  this  fair  world, 

Which  round  the  pole  in  devious  motion  glides, 

Exists  to  gratify  all  human  needs  ? 

Must  heav'nly  honours  earth's  frail  children  grasp  ? 

What  crimes,  what  wrong,  to  wretched  mortals  spring 

From  the  vain  passion  of  transcendent  fame!20 

His  -ZEnigmata  may  be  next  considered.  Its  poet- 
ical prologue  presents  to  us  a  curious  instance  of  that 
fantastic  and  difficult  versification  which  some  men 
in  former  times  pursued.  Both  the  beginning  and 
the  final  letters  of  the  thirty-six  hexameters  which 
compose  it,  present  to  us,  in  succession,  one  of  this 
sentence  :  "  Aldhelmus  cecinit  millenis  versibus  odas." 

A  rbiter,  aetherio  Jupiter  qui  regmine  sceptr  A 

L  ucifluum  que  simul  coeli  regale  tribuna  L 

D  isponis,  moderans  aaternis  legibus  illu  D 

H  orrida  nara  multans  torsisti  membra  Behemot  H 

E  x  alto  quondam  rueret  dum  luridus  arc  E 

L  impida  dictanti  metrorum  carmina  prsesu  L 

M  unera  nunc  largire  :  rudis  quo  pandere  reru  M 

V  ersibus  aenigmata  queam  clandestina  fat  U. 

S  i  Deus  indignis  tua  gratis  dona  rependi  S 

C  astalidas  nymphas  non  clamo  cantibus  istu  C 

E  xamen  neque  spargebat  mi  hi  nectar  in  or  E, 

C  inthi  sic  nunquam  perlustro  cacumina,  sed  ne  C 

I  n  Parnasso  procubui,  nee  somnia  vid  I. 

N  am  mihi  versificum  poterit  Deus  adders  carme  N 

I  nspirans  stolidte  pia  gratis  munera  ment  L 

T  angit  si  mentem,  mox  laudem  corda  rependun  T 

M  etrica  :  nam  Moysen  declarant  carmina  vate  M 

J  am  dudum  cecinisse  Celebris  vexilla  tropse  I 

L  ate  per  populos  inlustria,  qua  nitidus  So  L 

L  ustrat  ab  Oceani  jam  tollens  gurgite  .. .  L 

E  t  Psalmista  canens  metrorum  carmina  voc  E 

'*  O  quam  falsa  latro  spondebat  trivola  mendax, 

Ut  eoncessa  rudis  fuscaret  munera  vitse, 
Nonne  satis  foret,  ut  quadro  cum  cardine  mundus, 
Quern  vertigo  poll  longis  anfractibus  ambit, 
TJsibus  hamanis  serviret  rite  per  cevum, 
Infula  terrenes  ni  ca-li  comat  alumnos  ? 
Heu  scelus,  heu  facinus  miseris  mortalibus  ortum  ! 
Et  hoc  ex  vana  praesertim  gloria  fretus  ! 

Maxima  Bib.  Vet.  Patr.  torn.  xiii.  p.  21. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  325 

N  atum  divino  promit  generamine  nume  N  CIIAP. 

I  n  ccelis  prius  exortum,  quam  Lucifer  orb  I  v- 

S  plendida  formatis  fudisset  lumina  sascli  S.  """* 

V  erum  si  fuerint  bene  haec  senigmata  vers  U 

E  xplosis  penitus  nevis  et  rusticitat  E 

R  itu  dactilico  recte  decursa  nee  erro  R 

S  eduxit  vana  specie  molimina  menti  S ; 

I  ncipiam  potiora ;  seu  Deus  arida  serv  I, 

B  elligero  quondam  qui  vires  tradidit  Jo  B, 

V  iscera  perpetui  roris  si  repleat  haust  U. 

S  iccis  nam  laticis  duxisti  cautibus  amne  S 

O  lim,  cum  cuneus  transgresso  marmore  rubr  O 

D  esertum  penetrat :  cecinit  quod  carmine  Davi  D 

A  rce  poli  genitor  servas  qui  secula  cunct  A 

S  olvere  jam  scelerum  noxas  dignare  nefanda  S.21 

These  senigmata  consist  of  twenty  tetrasticha,  or 
stanzas  of  four  lines,  on  various  subjects ;  as  the 
earth,  the  wind,  clouds,  nature,  the  rainbow,  the 
moon,  fortune,  salt,  the  nettle,  and  such  like  —  of 
fourteen  pentasticha  of  five  lines,  of  thirteen  hexa- 
sticha  of  six  lines  each,  nineteen  stanzas  of  seven  lines, 
ten  of  eight  lines,  eleven  of  nine  lines,  and  thirteen  of 
ten  lines  each. 

In  the  collection  of  Boniface's  letters,  there  is  a 
singular  Latin  poem  in  rime,  entitled  the  poem  of 
Aldhelm,  Carmen  Aldhelmi. 

As  the  rimes  of  this  composition  are  more  remark- 
able than  its  poetry,  I  will  cite  the  first  few  lines, 
with  a  prose  translation  in  the  notes  :  — 

Lector  caste  catholice  Elementa  inormia 

Atque  obses  athletice  Atque  facta  informia 

Tuis  pulsatus  precibus  Quassantur  sub  a^therea 

Obnixe  flagitantibus  Convexa  cceli  camera 

Hymnista  carmen  cecini  Dum  tremit  mundi  machina 

Atque  responsa  reddidi  Sub  ventorum  monarchia. 

Sicut  pridem  pepigeram  Ecce  nocturno  tempore 

Quando  profectus  fueram  Orto  brumali  turbine 

Usque  diram  Domnoniam  Quatiens  terram  tempestas 

Per  carentem  Cornubiam  Turbabat  atque  vastitas 

Florulentis  cespitibus  Cum  f'racti  venti  fcedere 

Et  faacundis  graminibus  Baccharentur  in  aethere 

21  Maxima  Bib.  Vet.  Patr.  torn.  xiii.  p.  23. 
T  3 


326 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


BOOK 
IX. 


Latin 
poetry  of 
Bede. 


Et  rupto  retinaculo 
Dessevirent  in  saeculo.22 

This  poem  contains  two  hundred  and  four  lines  in 
this  measure. 

But  Aldhelm  is  also  remarkable  for  having  given 
us  a  direct  testimony  of  the  use  of  rime  in  England 
before  the  year  700.  In  his  treatise  "De  Laudibus 
Virginitatis,"  he  says — 

"  It  may  be  expressed  not  unsuitably  in  rimed  verse  (Carmine 
rythmico)  : 

Christus  passus  patibulo, 
Atque  laeti  latibulo ; 
Virginem  virgo  virgini 
Comrnendabat  tutamini."  23 

This  clear  and  decisive  testimony  destroys  the  fa- 
vourite system  of  our  men  of  letters,  that  the  use  of 
rime  in  Europe  came  from  the  Arabs  in  Spain.  Ald- 
helm used  it  before  they  entered  Spain ;  and  the 
ancient  Welsh  bards  long  before  Aldhelm. 

Our  venerable  Bede  attempted  Latin  poetry,  but 
the  Muses  did  not  smile  upon  his  efforts.  His  com- 
positions comprise  some  hymns,  some  elegiac  poetry 
and  the  life  of  St.  Cuthbert  in  hexameter  verse. 

This  Life  consists  of  a  preface  and  forty-six  chap- 
ters, which  include  nine  hundred  and  seventy-nine 
lines.  It  has  little  other  merit  than  that  of  an  Anglo- 
Saxon  labouring  at  Latin  prosody  in  the  dark  period 
of  the  seventh  century.  It  has  not  the  vigour  or  the 
fancy  which  occasionally  appear  in  Aldhelm's  versifi- 
cation ;  arid  therefore  a  few  passages  only  will  be 
quoted. 

22  "  Chaste  catholic  reader,  and  strenuous  friend ;  urged  by  your  prayers, 
earnestly  intreating  me,  I  have  composed  a  poem,  and  returned  an  answer,  as  I 
formerly  agreed  to  do,  when  I  went  to  dismal  Devonshire,  through  Cornwall,  void 
of  flowering  turfs  and  fruitful  grass.  The  vast  elements  are  shaken  under  the 
Ethereal  convex  chamber  of  the  sky,  while  the  machine  of  the  world  trembles 
under  the  monarchy  of  the  winds.  Lo !  in  the  night,  when  the  wintry  whirlwind 
has  risen,  the  tempest  shakes  the  earth,  and  desolation  terrifies ;  when  the  bursting 
winds  rage  in  the  air,  and,  having  broken  through  their  confinement,  madden  on 
the  earth," 

a  Aldhelm  De  Laud.  s.  7.  p  297.  Whart.  ed.  1693.  See  further  on  this  subject 
the  Essays  on  Rime  in  the  Archeologia,  vol.  xiv.  p.  168—204. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  327 

He  begins  in  this  humble  style  :  —  CHAP. 

That  many  lights  should  shine  in  every  age,  ' « ' 

T'  illume  the  loathsome  shades  of  human  night 

With  his  celestial  flame,  the  Lord  permits  : 

And  tho'  our  light  supreme  is  Christ  divine, 

Yet  God  has  sent  his  saints  with  humbler  rays 

To  burn  within  his  church.     With  sacred  fire, 

Love  fills  their  minds,  and  Zeal  inflames  their  speech. 

He  spreads  his  numerous  torches  thro'  the  world, 

That  the  new  rays  of  burning  faith,  diffused 

With  starry  virtues,  every  land  may  fill.-4 

His  invocation  is  much  inferior  to  Aldhelm's :  — 

Spirit  Supreme!  from  whom  all  gifts  proceed, 
Aid  me ;  for  none  can  fitly  sing  thy  grace 
Without  thy  help.     Oh,  thou  !  who  tongues  of  flame 
Erst  gave,  now  send  the  treasures  of  thy  word 
To  him  who  sings  thy  gifts ! 15 

The  following  legend  is  selected  as  a  specimen  of 
the  general  style  of  the  narration  :  — 

The  youth  now  bent  beneath  a  sudden  pain  '6, 
And  led  his  languid  footsteps  with  a  pine. 

24  Multa  suis  Dominus  fulgescere  lumina  seclis 
Donavit,  tetricas  humanse  noctis  ut  umbras 
Lustraret  divina  poli  de  culmine  flamma. 

Et  licet  ipse  deo  natus  de  lumine  Christus 

Lux  sit  summa,  Deus  sanctos  quoque  jure  lucernae 

Ecclesiae  rutilare  dedit,  quibus  igne  magistro 

Sensibus  instet  amor,  sermonibus  aestuat  ardor, 

Multifidos  varium  lychnos  qui  sparsit  in  orbem. 

Ut  cunctum  nova  lux  fidei  face  fusa  sub  axem 

Omnia  sidereis  virtutibus  arva  repleret.  Smith's  Bede,  p.  268. 

25  Tu,  rogo,  summe,  juva,  donorum  spiritus  auctor, 
Te  sine  nam  digne  fari  tua  gratia  nescit. 
Flammivomisque  soles  dare  qui  nova  famina  linguis 

Munera  da  verbi  linguae  tua  dona  canenti.  Ibid.  p.  263. 

26  Parvulus  interea  subiti  discrimine  morbi 
Plectitur,  atque  regit  vistigia  languida  pino. 
Cumque  die  quadam  sub  divo  fessa  locasset 
Membra  dolens  solus  mitis  puer,  ecce  repente 
Venit  eques  niveo  venerandus  tegmine,  nee  non 
Gratia  cornipedi  similis,  recubumque  salutat, 
Obsequium  sibi  ferre  rogans.     Cui  talia  reddit, 
"  Obsequiis  nunc  ipse  tuis  adsistere  promptus 
Vellem,  ni  diro  premeretur  compede  gressus. 
Nam  tumet  ecce  genu,  nullis  quod  cura  medentum 
Tempore  jam  multo  valuit  mollire  lagonis." 
Desilit  hospes  equo,  palpat  genu  sedulus  segrum, 
Sic  fatus  :  "  Similae  nitidam  cum  lacte  farinam 
Olla  coquat  parifer  ferventis  in  igne  culinse. , 
Hacque  istum  calida  sanandus  inunge  tumorem." 
Ha;c  memorans  conscendit  equum,  quo  venerat,  illo 

y  4 


328  HISTORY    OF   THE 

BOOK  When  on  a  day  as  in  the  air  he  placed 

IX.  His  weary  limbs,  and  meek  yet  mourning  lay, 

* '  A  horseman  clothed  in  snowy  garments  came, 

And  graceful  as  a  courser  :  —  He  saluted 
The  youth  reclined,  who  offered  his  obeisance. 
"  My  prompt  attentions  should  be  gladly  paid 
To  you  —  if  grievous  pains  did  not  withhold  me  : 
See,  how  my  knee  is  swell'd  —  no  leech's  care 
Thro'  a  long  lapse  of  time  has  soothed  the  evil." 

Straight  leaped  the  stranger  from  his  horse,  and  strok'd 
The  part  diseased,  thus  counselling  :  "  The  flour 
Of  wheat  and  milk  boil  quickly  on  the  fire, 
And  spread  the  mixture  warm  upon  the  tumour." 
Remounting  then  he  took  the  road  he  came  ; 
And  Cuthbert  used  his  medicine,  and  found 
That  his  physician  from  th'  exalted  throne 
Of  the  Supreme  had  come,  and  eased  his  pain, 
As  with  the  fish's  gall  he  once  restored 
The  light  to  poor  Tobias. 

There  are  some  hymns  of  Bede  remaining.  The 
hymn  on  the  year  deserves  our  peculiar  notice,  as  it 
shows  that  he  also  used  rime,  and  gives  additional 
support  to  that  column  of  evidence  which  enabled  me 
to  trace  the  use  of  rirne  into  the  fourth  century. 

The  first  part  of  the  hymn  on  the  year  consists  of 
a  few  hexameters,  some  of  which  seem  to  have  been 
meant  to  rime.  These  are  succeeded  by  fifty-eight 
lines,  which  correctly  rime  in  couplets,  and  which  are 
not  hexameters.  They  are  not  worth  a  translation, 
being  only  curious  for  their  rimes.  I  add  the  first 
twelve, 

Annus  solis  continetur  quatuor  temporibus, 
Ac  deinde  adimpletur  duodecim  mensibus. 
Quinquaginta  et  duabus  currit  hebdomadibus 
Trecentenis  sexaginta  atque  quinque  diebus. 
Sed  excepta  quarta  parte  noctis  atque  diei 
Quae  dicrum  superesse  cernitur  serie. 
De  quadrante  post  annorum  bis  binorum  terminum, 
Calculantes  colligendum  decreverunt  bissextum. 

Calle  domum  remeans.     Monitus  medicina  secuta  est, 

Agnovitque  sacer  medicum  venisse  superni 

Judicis  a  solio  sum  mo,  qui  munere  clauses 

Restituit  visus  piscis  de  felle  Tobise.          Smith's  Bede,  p.  269,  270. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  329 

Hinc  annorum  diversantur  longe  latitudines  CHAP. 

Quorum  quidam  embolismi,  quidam  fiunt  communes,  .  V. 

Brevis  quippe  qui  vocant  communis  lunaribus  ' ' 

Solis  semper  duodenis  terminatur  mensibus. 

Longus  autem  qui  omnino  embolismus  dicitur 

Luna3  tribus  atque  decem  cursibus  colligitur 

Brevioris  anui  tot  us  terminatur  circulus 

Trecentenis  quinquaginta  ac  quatuor  diebus, 

Longus  vero  lunae  annus  in  dierum  termino 

Continetur  treceuteno,  octogeno,  quaterno.27 

In  the  same  poem  he  frequently  makes  his  hexa- 
meters rime. 

In  another  part  of  the  same  poem  he  introduces  a 
series  of  middle  rimes  ;  as,  — 

Adventum  domini,  non  est  celebrare  Decembri, 
Post  ternas  nonas,  neque  quintas  ante  calendas, 
Pascha  nee  undenas,  Aprilis  ante  calendas, 
Nee  post  septenas,  Maias  valet  esse  calendas, 
Virgo  puerperio,  dedit  anno  signa  secundo, 
Illius  magni  cycli,  modo  bis  revolvit  .... 
Triginta  que  duos,  quingentos  qui  tenet  annos, 
Illius  angelici,  dantes  paschalia  cycli, 
Qui  constat  denis,  annis  simul  atque  novenis.28 

The  comma  marks  the  position  of  the  middle  rime. 
He  adds  thirty-six  more  lines  of  this  sort. 

We  have  also  of  Bede's  a  long  poem  on  the  martyr 
Justin.  The  beginning  may  be  given  to  show  its 
form. 

Quando  Christus  Deus  noster  Quatenus  totius  orbis 

Natus  est  ex  virgine  Fieret  descriptio. 

Edictum  imperiale  Nimirum  quia  in  carne 

Per  mundum  insonuit,  Tune  ille  apparuit.29 

BONIFACE,   the  Anglo-Saxon  who  went  a  self-de-  Latin 
voted  missionary  to  Germany,  and,  after  converting 
one    hundred    thousand    from    their    idolatry,    was 

27  Bedffi  Opera,  torn.  i.  p.  476.  That  Bede  had  observed  the  middle,  or  what 
have  been  called  Leonine  rimes,  is  clear  from  his  adducing  one  as  a  specimen  how 
poets  use  the  figure  Homseoteleuton :  — 

"  Poetse  hoc  modo ; 

Pervia  divisi,  patuerunt  cserula  ponti."  Tom.  i.  Op.  p.  62. 

18  Ibid.  p.  485.     Simeon  Dun.,  p.  96.,  quotes  a  long  poem  of  Bede,  on  the  day 
of  judgment,  in  hexameter  Latin  verse. 
»  Ibid.  torn.  iii.  p.  367. 


330 


HISTORY    OF   THE 


BOOK 
IX. 


Of  Leob- 
gitba. 


murdered  in  755,  attempted  poetry.  Some  of  the 
verses  which  he  subjoined  to  his  epistolary  corre- 
spondence yet  remain  to  us.  In  the  following,  the 
middle  lines  represent  an  acrostic  of  the  name  of  the 
friend  to  whom  he  writes.  It  is  in  Latin  rimes.  The 
acrostic  begins  when  he  mentions  his  friend's  name : 


Vale  frater,  florentibus 
Juventutis  cum  viribus  : 
Ut  floreas  cum  Domino 
In  sempiterno  solio 
Qua  martyres  in  cuneo 
Regem  canunt  sethereo 
Prophetae  apostolicis 
Consonabunt  et  laudibus 
JVitharde  nunc  nigerrima 
/mi  cosmi  contagia 
Jemne  fauste  Tartarea 
Haze  contra  hunc  supplicia 
Alta  que  super  rethera 
JRimari  petens  agmina 


Dominum  quae  semper  choris 
Ferum  comunt  angelieis. 
Qua  rex  regum  perpetuo 
Gives  ditat  in  saeculo 
Iconisma  sic  cherubin 
Ut  et  gestes  cum  serapliin 
Editus  apostolorum 
Filius  prophetarum 
Summa  sede  ut  gaudeas 
Unaque  simul  fulgeas 
Excelsi  regni  proemia 
Lucidus  captes  aurea 
In  que  throno  asthereo 
Christum  laudes  preconio.30 


On  another  occasion  he  closes  a  letter  to  pope 
Gregory  with  six  complimentary  hexameters.31  Boni- 
face is  once  called  by  a  contemporary  the  client  of 
Aldhelm.32 

Among  the  correspondents  of  Boniface  we  find 
some  poets.  LEOBGITHA,  an  Anglo-Saxon  lady,  closes 
a  letter  to  him  with  these  four  verses,  which  are 
curious,  for  being  rimed  hexameters ; 

Arbiter  omnipotens,  solus  qui  cuncta  creavit 
In  regno  patris,  semper  qui  lumine  fulget. 
Quia  jugiter  flagrans,  sic  regnet  gloria  Christi 
Illassum  servet  semper  te  jure  perenni.33 

Tli'  Almighty  Judge,  who  in  his  Father's  realms 
Created  all,  and  shines  with  endless  light, 
May  he  in  glory  reign,  and  thee  preserve 
In  everlasting  safety  and  delight. 

She  introduces  these  verses  with  a  letter,  of  which  a 
few  paragraphs  may  be  selected.  "  I  ask  your  cle- 
mency to  condescend  to  recollect  the  friendship  which 


80  Maxima  Bib.  Patrum,  xiii.  p.  70.     They  contain  nothing  worth  translating. 
31  Ibid.  p.  126.  *  Ibid.  p.  93.  »  Ibid.  p.  83. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  331 

some  time  ago  you  had  for  my  father.     His  name  was     CHAR 

Tinne ;  he  lived  in  the  western  parts,  and  died  about  ^ 

eight  years  ago.     I  beg  you  not  to  refuse  to  offer  up 

prayers  to  God  for  his  soul.     My  mother  desires  also 

to  be  remembered  to  you.     Her  name  is  Ebbe.     She 

is  related  to  you,  and  lives  now  very  laboriously,  and 

has  been  long  oppressed  with  great  infirmity.     I  am 

the  only  daughter  of  my  parents,  and  I  wish,  though 

I  am  unworthy,  that  I  may  deserve  to  have  you  for 

my  brother  ;  because  in  none  of  the  human  race  have 

I  so  much  confidence  as  in  you.     I  have  endeavoured 

to  compose  these  under-written  verses  according  to 

the  discipline  of  poetical  tradition,  not  confident  with 

boldness,  but  desiring  to  excite  the  rudiments  of  your 

elegant  mind,  and  wanting  your  help.     I  learnt  this 

art  from  the  tuition  of  Eadburga,  who  did  not  cease 

to  meditate  the  sacred  law." 

C-&NA,  an  Anglo-Saxon  archbishop,  another  of  the  ofcaena. 
correspondents  of  the  German  missionary,  annexes  to 
a  letter  which  he  wrote  to  Lullus  six  lines,  which  are 
hexameters,  but  rime  in  the  middle  of  each  line : 

Vivendo  felix  Christ!  laurate  triumphis 
Vita  tuis,  seclo  specimen,  charissime  ccelc, 
Justitiae  cultor,  verus  pietatis  amator, 
Defendens  vigili  sanctas  tutamine  mandras 
Pascua  florigeris  pandens  prsedulcia  campis 
Judice  centenos  portans  venienti  rnaniplos.34 

There  is  no  more  of  his  poetry  extant. 

ETHILWALD,  the  friend  and  pupil  of  Aldhelm,  was  or  Etwi- 
also  a  poet  in  this  period.  There  is  a  letter  from 
'  Aldhelrn  to  his  beloved  son  and  pupil  JEthilwald  yet 
extant.  There  is  another  from  the  disciple  to  his 
master,  conceived  in  terms  of  great  affection  and 
respect,  in  which  he  says  that  he  has  sent  three 
poems  in  two  different  species  of  poetry ;  one  in 
heroic  verse,  the  hexameter  and  pentameter,  in  se- 

"  Maxima  Bib.  Pat.  xiii.  p.  111. 


332  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK  venty  verses;  another  not  formed  on  quantity,  but 

, __ .  consisting  of  eight  syllables  in  every  line,  and  one  and 

the  same  letter,  adapted  to  similar  cross  paths  of 
lines ;  the  third  made  in  similar  lines  of  verses  and 
syllables,  on  the  transmarine  journey  of  Boniface.35 

There  are  no  poems  immediately  subjoined  to  the 
letter,  but  within  three  pages  some  poems  follow 
which*seem  to  be  some  of  those  described  by  -ZEthil- 
wald.  We  infer  this,  because  the  last  purports  by  its 
contents  to  be  written  by  Ethilwald36,  and  the  one 
preceding  it  speaks  of  Aldhelm37,  as  if  it  were  ad- 
dressed to  him.  Both  are  in  the  singular  sort  of 
verse  above  described. 

This  singular  versification  seems  to  be  a  peculiar 
alliteration,  which  these  passages  illustrate  :  — 

Summum  satorem  solia  Curvato  colli  cervicem 

Sedet  qui  per  aethralia —  Capitis  atque  verticem, 

Cuncta  cernens  cacumine  Titubanti  tutamina 

Ccelorum  summo  lumine —  Tribuat  per  solamina 

Sacro  sancta  sublimiter  Neque  nocet  nitoribus 

Suffragans  manus  fortiter. —  Nemorosis  cespitibus 

Caput  candescens  crinibus  Ruris  rigati  rivulo 

Cingunt  capilli  nitidis  :  —  Roscidi  roris  sedulo — 

These  poems  are  more  remarkable  for  these  syl- 
labic difficulties  of  versification  than  for  any  other 
quality,  except  the  absence  of  the  true  poetical 
genius. 

The  rimed  poems  which  we  have  cited  from  Ald- 
helm, Bede,  Boniface,  Leobgitha,  Caana,  and  Ethilwald, 

85  Maxima  Bib.  Pat.  xiii.  p.  93. 

36  Vale,  vale,  fidissime, 

Phile  Christ!  charissime 

Quern  in  cordis  cubiculo 

Cingo  amoris  vinculo  — 

Salutatis  supplicibus 

JEtbelwaldi  cum  vocibus. 

Farewell,  farewell,  most  faithful  friend,  most  dear  to  Christ ;  whom  in  the 
chamber  of  my  heart  I  surround  with  the  bond  of  love  —  the  humble  voice  of 
Ethilwald  having  saluted  thee.  Ibid.  p.  98. 

87  Althelmum  nam  altissimum 

Cano  atque  clarissimum. 
For  I  sing  Aldhelm,  the  most  lofty  and  most  illustrious.  Ibid. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  333 

all  Anglo-Saxons  who  wrote  before  and  between  700      CHAP. 

v. 
and  750,  show  that  the  use  of  rime  was  a  favourite   • 

amusement  among  the  Anglo-Saxons,  at  this  period, 
in  their  Latin  poetry. 

ALCUIN,  called  also  Albinus,  was  another  poet  who 
contributed  to  adorn  the  eighth  century.  Some  of 
his  poems  have  been  printed  among  those  of  Walafrid 
Strabo,  which  his  editor,  Du  Chesne,  has  noticed. 
He  has  left  many  poetical  compositions,  among 
which  his  verses  to  Charlemagne,  and  his  religious 
and  moral  poetry,  form  the  principal  part.  He  some- 
times rimes,  as  in  this  poem,  of  which  the  loose 
measure  reminds  us  of  Swift's  petition  :  — 

Quam  imprimis  speciosa  quadriga :  homo,  leo,  vitulus  et  aquila. 
Septuaginta  unum  per  capitula  colloquuntur  de  domino  paria. 
In  sccunda  subsequuntur  protinus  homo,  leo  loquitur  et  vitulus 
Quibus  inest  ordinate  positus  decimus  atque  not  em  numerus.38 

Sixteen  more  lines  follow,  riming  in  the  same  manner. 
The  following  poem  we  may  call  a  religious  sonnet. 
I  quote  it,  because,  as  all  the  lines  but  two  rime 
together  at  different  distances,  I  think  it  an  early 
specimen  of  that  sort  of  rime  which  afterwards  be- 
came improved  into  the  sonnet : 

Qui  coeli  cupit  portas  intrare  patentes, 

Saepius  hunc  pedibus  intret  et  ipse  suis. 

Hzec  est  perpetua?  venienti  porta  salutis, 

Hoc  est  lucis  iter  et  via  jam  veniae. 

Haec  domus  alma  Dei,  hie  sunt  thesaura  tonantis, 

Sanctorum  multae  reliquiae  que  patrum. 

Idcirco  ingrediens  devota  mente  viator, 

Sterne  solo  membra,  pectore  carpe  polum. 

Hie  Deus,  hie  sancti  tibi  spes,  hie  terra  salutis. 

Sit  conjuncta  tuo  pectore  firma  fides.39 

"Who  seeks  to  enter  heaven's  expanded  gates, 
Must  oft  within  these  sacred  walls  attend  ; 
Here  is  the  gate  of  ever-during  bliss, 
The  path  of  light,  of  pardon,  and  of  peace 

38  Alb.  Opera,  ed.  Du  Ch.  p.  1686. 
»  Ibid.  p.  1697. 


334  HISTORY   OP    THE 

BOOK  The  house  of  God,  the  treasures  of  his  power, 

IX.  And  num'rous  relics  of  the  holiest  men. 

*— — » '  With  mind  devoted,  traveller,  enter  here, 

Here  spread  your  limbs,  and  nil  your  heart  with  heav'n  ; 
Here  sacred  hopes,  here  God  himself  awaits  thee, 
If  stedfast  faith  thy  humble  mind  control. 

In  another  poem,  on  a  lady  building  a  temple,  who 
was  one  of  the  correspondents  of  Boniface,  he  men- 
tions Ina,  the  Saxon  king,  in  his  way :  — 

A  third  ruler  received  the  supreme  sceptre, 

Whom  the  nations  call  In  with  uncertain  cognomen, 

Who  now  governs  by  right  the  kingdom  of  the  Saxons. 

There  is  another,  which  seems  to  have  been  meant 
to  rime  at  different  distances :  — 

O  mortalis  homo  mortis  reminiscere  casus 
Nil  pecude  distas  si  tantum  prospera  captas. 
Omnia  qute  cernis  vaviarum  gaudia  rerum 
Umbra  velut  tenuis  veloci  fine  recedunt. 
Praecave  non  felix  ne  te  dum  nescis  et  audis 
Quassans  praecipiti  dissolvat  turbine  finis. 
Porrige  poscenti  victum,  vel  conteq:e  nudum 
Et  te  post  obitum  sic  talia  facta  beabunt.40 

Mortal !  the  casualties  of  death  remember  ! 
If  wealth  alone  we  seek,  we  are  but  cattle. 
Know  !  all  the  various  joys  which  charm  below, 
Like  a  light-flying  shade  will  soon  depart. 
Beware  !  lest  in  the  hour  of  careless  mirth 
The  final  whirlwind  shake  thee  into  ruin. 
Go,  feed  the  hungry  and  the  naked  clothe ! 
Such  deeds  will  bless  thee  in  the  grave  we  loathe. 

Some  of  his  poetry  is  pleasing.  The  following  is 
his  address  to  his  cell,  when  he  quitted  it  for  the 
world41 :  — 

40  Alb.  Opera,  ed.  I>u.  Ch.  p.  1721. 

41  O  mea  cella  mihi  habitetio  dulcis  amata 

Semper  in  aeternum,  O  mea  cella,  vale. 
Undique  te  cingit  ramis  resonantibus  arbos 

Silvula  florigeris  semper  onusta  comis. 
Prata  salutiferis  florebunt  omnia  et  herbis 

Quas  medici  quaerit  dextra  salutis  ore. 
Flumina  te  cingunt  florentibus  undique  rlpis, 

Retia  piscator  qua  sua  tendit  ovans. 
Pomiferis  redolent  ramis  tua  claustra  per  hortos, 

Lilia  cum  rosulis  Candida  mixta  rubris. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  335 

O  my  loved  cell,  sweet  dwelling  of  my  soul,  CHAP 

Must  I  for  ever  say,  Dear  spot,  farewell !  v. 

Round  thee  their  shades  the  sounding  branches  spread  Y      -» 

A  little  wood  with  flow'ring  honours  gay ; 

The  blooming  meadows  wave  their  healthful  herbs, 

Which  hands  experienced  cull  to  serve  mankind ; 

By  thee,  'mid  flowery  banks,  the  waters  glide 

Where  the  glad  fishermen  their  nets  extend ; 

Thy  gardens  shine  with,  apple-bending  boughs, 

Where  the  white  lilies  mingle  with  the  rose  ; 

Their  morning  hymns  the  feather'd  tribes  resound, 

And  warble  sweet  their  great  Creator's  praise. 

Dear  cell !  in  thee  my  tutor's  gentle  voice 

The  lore  of  sacred  wisdom  often  urged  ; 

In  thee  at  stated  times  the  Thunderer's  praise 

My  heart  and  voice  with  eager  tribute  paid. 

Lov'd  cell!  with,  tearful  songs  I  shall  lament  thee, 

WTith  moaning  breast  I  shall  regret  thy  charms  ; 

No  more  thy  poet's  lay  thy  shades  will  cheer, 

No  more  will  Homer  or  thy  Flaccus  hail  thee  ; 

No  more  my  boys  beneath  thy  roof  will  sing, 

But  unknown  hands  thy  solitudes  possess. 

Thus  sudden  fades  the  glory  of  the  age, 

Thus  all  things  vanish  in  perpetual  change. 

Naught  rests  eternal  or  immutable : 

The  gloomy  night  obscures  the  sacred  day  ; 

The  chilling  winter  plucks  fair  autumn's  flowers  ; 

The  mournful  storm  the  placid  sea  confounds  ; 

Youth  chases  wild  the  palpitating  stag, 

While  age  incumbent  totters  on  its  staff. 


Omne  genus  volucrum  matutinas  personal  odas 

Atque  Creatorem  laudat  in  ore  deum. 
In  te  personuit  quondam  vox  alma  magistri, 

Quae  sacrosophiae  tradidit  ore  libros. 
In  te  temporibus  certis  laus  sancta  tonantis 

Pacificos  sonuit  vocibus  atque  animis. 
Te  mea  cella  modo  lacrymosis  plango  camcenis, 

Atque  gemens  casus  pectore  plango  tuos. 
Tu  subito  quoniam  fugisti  carmina  satum, 

Atque  ignota  manus  te  modo  tota  tenet. 
Te  modo  nee  Flaccus  nee  fatis  Homerus  habebit 

Nee  pueri  Musas  per  tua  tecta  canunt. 
Vertitur  omne  decus  secli  sic  namque  repente, 

Omnia  mutantur  ordinibus  variis. 
Nil  manet  aeternum,  nil  immutabile  vere  est, 

Obscurat  sacrum  nox  tenebrosa  diem. 
Decutit  et  flores  subito  hyems  frigida  pulchros 

Perturbat  placidum  et  tristior  aura  mare. 
Qua;  campis  cervos  agitabat  sacra  juventus 

Ineumbit  fessos  nunc  baculo  senior. 
Nos  miseri  cur  te  fugitivum  mundus  amamus  ? 

Tu  fugis  a  nobis  semper  ubique  ruens. 

Alb.  Opera,  ed.  Du  Ch.  p.  1731. 


336  HISTORY   OF    THE 

BOOK  Ah  !  wretched  we  !  who  love  thee,  fickle  world  ! 

IX.  Thou  flyest  our  grasp,  and  hurriest  us  to  ruin. 

One  of  Alcuin's  fancies  in  versification  was  to  close 
his  second  line  with  half  of  the  first : 

Praesul  amate  precor,  hac  tu  diverte  viator 
Sis  memor  Albini  ut,  prsesul  amate  precor.42 

There  are  several  poems,  some  short,  others  longer, 
in  this  kind  of  composition. 

Many  of  Alcuin's  poems  are  worthy  of  a  perusal. 
Some  exhibit  the  flowers  of  poetry,  and  some  attempt 
tenderness  and  sensibility  with  effect.  They  are  all 
distinguished  by  an  easy  and  flowing  versification. 
Several  poem's  are  addressed  to  his  pupil  Charlemagne, 
and  mention  him  under  the  name  of  David,  with  a 
degree  of  affection  which  seldom  approaches  the 
throne.  The  adulation  of  a  courtly  poet,  however, 
sometimes  appears  very  gross,  as  in  these  lines,  in 
which,  alluding  to  Charlemagne's  love  of  poetry,  he 
ventures  to  address  him  by  the  venerable  name  of 
the  Chian  bard : 

Dulcis  Homere  vale,  valeat  tua  vita  per  sevum, 
Semper  in  geternum  dulcis  Homere  vale. 

This  appears  in  the  same  poem  with  two  other  child- 
ish lines  : 

Semper  ubique  vale,  die,  die,  dulcissime  David, 
David  amor  Flacci,  semper  ubique  vale.43 

One  of  his  poems  consists  of  six  stanzas,  each  of 
six  lines.  The  two  first  are  quoted,  because  this 
poem  is  very  like  one  of  the  most  common  modes  of 
versifying  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  poetry  :  — 

Te  homo  laudet,  Sed  tibi  sancte 

Alme  Creator,  Solus  imago 

Pectore  mente,  Magna  Creator, 

Pacis  amore,  Mentis  in  arce 

Non  modo  parva,  Pectore  puro 

Pars  quia  mundi  est.  Dum  pie  vivit.44 

42  Alb.  Opera,  ed.  Du  Ch.  p.  1740.  «  Ibid.  p.  1742,  1743. 

44  Ibid.  p.  780. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  337 

Of  the  other  Latin  poetry  of  the  Anglo-Saxons,      CHAP. 
little    need  be    said.     We  have  a  few  fragments  of         '     . 
some  authors,  but  they  deserve  a  small  degree  of  con- 
sideration.    Malmsbury  has  preserved  to  us  part  of 
a  poem  made  on   Athelstan,  probably  by  a  contem- 
porary, of  which  the  only  curiosity  is,   that  it  is  a 
mixture  of  final  rimes  and  middle  rimes.     Where  the 
poet  ceases  to  rime  at  the  end  of  his  lines,  he  pro- 
ceeds to  rime  in  the  middle ;  and  where  he  desists 
from  middle  rimes,  he  inserts  his  final  ones.45 

There  is  some  poetry  on  Edgar  preserved  by  Ethel- 
werd46 ;  and  the  Vedastne  MS.  of  the  life  of  Dunstan 
contains  some  riming  lines.47 

45  The  twelve  first  lines  may  be  quoted  as  a  specimen : 
Regia  progenies  produxit  nobile  stemma 
Cum  tenebils  nostris  illuxit  splendida  gemma, 
Magnus  JEthelstanus  patriae  decus,  orbita  recti, 
Illustris  prqbitas  de  vero  nescia  flecti. 
Ad  patris  edictum  datus  in  documenta  scholarum, 
Extimuit  rigidos  ferula  crepitante  magistros  : 
Et  potans  avidis  doctrinae  mella  medullis 
Decurrit  teneros,  sed  non  pueriliter  annos 
Mox  adoleseentis  vestitus  flore  juventaj 
Armorum  studium  tractabat,  patre  jubente. 
Sed  nee  in  hoc  segnem  senserunt  bellica  jura 

Idquoque  posterius  juravit  publica  cura.  Malmbs.  lib.  ii.  p.  49.- 

48  Ethelw.  lib.  iv.  c.  9.  "'  Acta  Sanct.  May. 


VOL.  III. 


\ 

338  HISTORY    OF    THE 


CHAP.  VI. 

Of  the  general  Literature  of  the  ANGLO-SAXONS. 

BOOK  THAT  every  nation  improves  as  fast  as  the  means  and 
— ^ — -  causes  of  improvement  within  it,  and  the  external 
agencies  that  are  operating  upon  it  can  effect  or 
allow,  all  anterior  history  proves  ;  but  the  modes  and 
paths  of  the  progress  of  each  country  will  be  as 
different  as  its  circumstances  are  dissimilar:  in  one 
age  or  state  some  directions  will  be  taken  peculiar 
to  itself,  and  distinct  from  those  of  its  predeces- 
sors or  contemporaries.  In  their  paths  of  excel- 
lence it  may  be  pausing,  but  it  will  be  found  to  be 
forcing  other  channels  of  its  own.  The  movement  is 
always  either  preparation  for  advance,  or  a  diffusion 
of  attained  improvements,  or  clear  and  steady  pro- 
gression. If  its  career  seems  on  some  points  to  be 
questionable,  or  retrograde,  it  will,  on  a  more  scruti- 
nising examination,  be  found  to  be  decided  and  pros- 
perous in  others. 

The  Anglo-Saxon  nation  is  an  instance  that  may 
be  adduced  in  verification  of  these  principles.  It  did 
not  attain  a  general  or  striking  eminence  in  literature. 
But  society  wants  other  blessings  besides  these.  The 
agencies  that  affected  our  ancestry  took  a  different 
course :  they  impelled  them  towards  that  of  political 
melioration,  the  great  fountain  of  human  improve- 
ment ;  and,  during  the  period  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
dynasty,  laid  firmly  the  foundations  of  that  political 
constitution,  and  began  the  erection  of  that  great 
social  fabric,  which  Danes  and  Normans  afterwards 
did  not  overthrow,  but  contributed  to  consolidate  and 
complete. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  339 

There  were  no  causes  in  action  of  sufficient  energy     CHAP. 
at  that  time  to  make  the  Anglo-Saxons  a  literary  • 

people.  They  had  not,  like  the  Gauls  or  Britons,  the 
benefit  of  Roman  instruction  to  educate  them;  for  both 
the  Roman  legions  and  settlers  had  quitted  the  island 
before  they  carne.  From  the  Britons  they  could  gain 
nothing,  because  assailing  them  as  invaders,  and  either 
enslaving  or  exterminating  them,  there  was  no  chance 
of  any  sympathy  of  mental  cultivation.  Nor  were  the 
Britons  much  qualified  to  have  been  their  intellectual 
teachers.  Luxury,  civil  factions,  merciless  wars  with 
each  other,  and  the  Scotch  and  Irish  depredations,  were 
fast  barbarising  the  island,  while  the  Saxons  were 
fighting  for  its  occupation.  The  songs  of  the  British 
bards  were  engrossed  by  encomiums  on  martial 
slaughter,  drunken  carousals,  or  the  mystical  tra- 
ditions of  expiring  Druidism,  in  which  but  a  few 
gleams  of  intelligent  thought  were  at  any  time  inter- 
mixed. Their  historical  events  were  twisted  into  the 
strange  form  of  unnatural  triads ;  and  though  they 
possessed  many  adages  of  moral  wisdom  and  acute  and 
satirical  observation  of  life  and  manners,  yet  apho- 
risms without  reasoning  are  but  the  sentences  of  a 
dictator,  which  impress  the  memory  without  cultivat- 
ing the  understanding ;  and  even  these  could  rarely 
benefit  the  Saxons,  from  the  extreme  dissimilarity  to 
their  own,  of  the  language  in  which  they  were  pre- 
served. Hence,  till  Gregory  planted  Christianity  in 
England,  there  were  no  means  or  causes  of  intellec- 
tual improvement  to  our  fierce  and  active  ancestors. 
•  But  Christianity  was  necessarily  taught  at  first  as  a 
system  of  belief  of  certain  doctrines,  and  of  practice  of 
certain  rites  and  duties.  The  length  of  time  requisite 
to  inculcate  and  imbibe  these  left  no  opportunity  for 
the  diffusion  of  literature.  The  monks  from  Rome  in- 
troduced some  ;  but  they  had  not  only  to  bring  it  into 
the  island,  but  to  raise  among  the  Anglo-Saxons  the 

z  2 


340  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK  state  of  mind  and  capacity  requisite  to  understand  it, 
•  as  well  as  the  desire  to  attain  it.  No  effects  can  take 
place  without  adequate  causes.  It  was  only  among  the 
monasteries  that  the  new  taste  could  be  at  first  intro- 
duced, and  among  that  part  of  the  nation  which  de- 
voted itself  to  religion.  The  rest  neither  felt  the  want 
of  it,  nor  the  value,  nor  had  the  leisure  or  the  means 
of  attending  to  it.  The  great  majority  of  the  popu- 
lation was  in  the  working  or  servile  state ;  and  hus- 
bandry being  imperfectly  understood  or  practised,  too 
much  labour  was  required  to  raise  the  produce  they 
needed,  and  too  little  was  obtained,  with  all  their 
efforts,  to  give  that  leisure  and  comfort  without  which 
no  nation  or  individual  will  study.  The  higher  classes 
being  all  independent,  and  either  assailing  or  depre- 
dating on  others,  or  watching  and  defending  them- 
selves, or  pursuing  their  vindictive  feuds,  or  attend- 
ing their  kings  and  chiefs  in  expeditions,  witena- 
gemots,  and  festivities,  or  employing  their  time  in 
learning  the  use  of  arms,  or  in  pilgrimages,  penances, 
and  superstitions,  or  attending  county  and  baronial 
courts,  performing  suit  and  service,  and  transacting 
that  frequent  civil  business  of  life  which  their  free 
institutions  were  always  creating,  had  as  little  surplus 
leisure  for  the  cultivation  of  literature  as  the  vassal, 
peasant,  or  the  interior  domestic.  Their  dependent 
jurisdictions  and  franchises  furnished  also  their  thegns, 
or  barons,  with  continual  employment.  The  clergy 
only  were  accessible  to  it ;  and  these  were,  as  a  body, 
too  poor  to  have  books  from  which  to  learn  it,  and  in 
their  parochial  villages  had  neither  inducement  nor 
opportunities  to  gain  it.  It  was  into  the  monasteries 
only  that,  under  the  circumstances  of  the  day,  the 
liberal  studies  could  make  any  entrance.  Nor  at 
first  even  here.  The  monks  were  long  occupied  in 
building  their  churches  and  cloisters,  and  putting 
their  ground  into  a  state  of  cultivation,  and  of  raising 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  341 

from  it  the  means  of  subsistence.     Most  of  them  for     CHAP. 
some  time  could  barely  do  this.     It  was  only  as  some  - 

became  gradually  affluent  that  they  could  afford  to 
purchase  manuscripts,  or  were  at  leisure  to  study 
them.  Literature  was  not  then  generally  wanted 
for  preferment,  business,  distinction,  occupation,  or 
amusement  in  the  world.  There  was  too  much  for 
all  classes  to  do  and  suffer.  But  as  the  more  favoured 
monasteries  acquired  wealth,  libraries,  and  leisure, 
some  few  individuals  began  to  derive  enjoyment  from 
literature ;  and  as  fast  as  the  means  of  obtaining  it 
accrued,  the  taste  and  pursuit  of  it  arose  and  was 
diffused.  The  neglect  of  it  did  not  proceed  from  the 
barbarism  or  incapacity  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  mind, 
but  from  its  energies  being  necessarily  absorbed  by 
more  indispensable  occupations.1  Our  ancestors  were 
clever  and  active  men  in  all  the  transactions  and 
habits  of  their  day,  and  were  exerting  in  all  their 
concerns  as  much  awakened  intellect  as  their  gross 
system  of  feeding  and  habits  of  drinking  permitted 
to  be  developed.  We  have  estimated  them  too  low, 
because  we  have  too  highly  appreciated  the  general 
condition  of  Roman  society,  and  too  much  compared 
our  forefathers  with  ourselves.  Absence  of  literature 
has  been  too  often  mistaken  for  absence  of  intellect. 
It  is  usually  forgotten  that  illiteracy  has  been  the 
general  character  of  the  mass  of  all  people,  whether 
Egyptian,  Phoanician,  Greek,  or  Roman,  as  much  as 
of  the  Goths  or  Anglo-Saxons.  In  the  most  celebrated 
countries  of  antiquity  it  was  a  portion  only,  and  that 


1  I  observe  a  passage  in  Bede  which  shows  that  even  the  Anglo-Saxon  clergy 
made  their  literature  subservient  to  their  business.  He  says,  "  I  have  known 
many  clerici  placed  in  school,  for  this  chiefly,  that  they  might  acquire  a  knowledge 
of  secular  letters,  which  teach  their  auditors  most  studiously  to  seek  carnal  things  ; 
to  contend  for  obtaining  the  glory  of  the  world  ;  and  to  learn  the  subtleties  of  syllo- 
gisms and  arguments,  that  they  may  triumph  over  the  unlearned,  who  are  circum- 
vented with  a  verbosity  of  this  sort."  Again,  "As  many  scholars  exercise  them- 
selves in  secular  letters  for  the  love  of  secular  life,  so  I  shall  exercise  myself  in 
sacred  letters."  Bed.  Op.  vol.  viii.  p.  1063,  1064. 

z  3 


342  HISTORY    OF   THE 

BOOK  but  a  small  one,  of  their  population  which  possessed 
^_^___,  either  books  or  literature.  It  is  only  in  our  own 
times  that  these  are  becoming  the  property  of  nations 
at  large.  When  our  Anglo-Saxons  applied  to  litera- 
ture they  showed  the  strength  of  their  intellectual 
powers,  and  a  rapidity  of  progress  that  has  never  been 
surpassed.  Bede,  Alcuin,  and  Erigena  may  be  com- 
pared with  any  of  the  Roman  or  Greek  authors  who 
appeared  after  the  third  century.  But  that  within 
a  hundred  years  after  knowlege,  for  the  first  time, 
dawned  upon  the  Anglo-Saxons,  such  a  man  as  Bede 
should  have  arisen,  writing  so  soundly  on  every  branch 
of  study  that  had  been  pursued  by  the  Romans,  and 
forming  in  his  works  a  kind  of  cyclopedia  of  almost 
all  that  was  then  known,  is  a  phenomenon  which  it  is 
easier  to  praise  than  to  parallel. 

The  natural  direction  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  mind, 
when  first  led  to  study,  was  necessarily  to  religious 
literature,  because  its  tuition  and  its  tutors  were  of 
this  description.  To  attain  knowlege,  it  was  re- 
quisite that  our  ancestors  should  become  acquainted 
with  the  Latin  language  ;  and  this  was  the  first  state 
of  their  intellectual  progress. 

When  St.  Augustin  had  entered  England  teaching 
Christianity,  the  pope  sent  to  him  many  books,  some 
of  which  are  now  extant  in  our  public  libraries.  This 
missionary,  and  the  monks  who  accompanied  him, 
occasioned  a  desire  of  knowlege  to  spread  among  the 
Anglo-Saxons  in  the  seventh  century.  In  a  short 
time  afterwards,  Sigebert,  one  of  the  princes  of  East 
Anglia,  imbibed  this  feeling  during  his  residence  in 
France,  to  which  he  had  fled  from  his  brother  Red- 
wald.  When  he  attained  the  crown  of  East  Anglia, 
he  established  a  school  in  his  dominions  for  the  in- 
struction of  youth,  in  imitation  of  those  which  he  had 
seen  among  the  Franks.  He  was  assisted  in  this 
happy  effort  of  civilisation  by  Bishop  Felix,  who  came 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  343 

to  him  out  of  Kent,  and  who  supplied  him  with 
teachers  from  that  part  of  the  octarchy  which  Chris- 
tianity and  literature  had  first  enlightened.2 

At  this  period  Ireland  was  distinguished  for  its 
religious  literature,  and  many  of  the  Anglo-Saxons, 
both  of  the  higher  and  lower  ranks,  retired  into  it  to 
pursue  their  studies  or  their  devotions.  While  some 
assumed  the  monastic  life,  others,  seeking  variety  of 
knowlege,  went  from  one  master's  cell  to  another. 
The  hospitable  Irish  received  them  all,  supplied  them 
with  daily  food,  with  books,  and  gratuitous  instruc- 
tion.3 

Many  persons  in  England  are  mentioned  at  this 
time  by  Bede  as  reading  and  studying  the  Holy 
Scriptures.  To  the  Anglo-Saxons,  as  to  all  nations, 
the  Jewish  and  Christian  Scriptures  must  have  been 
invaluable  accessions.  From  these  we  learn  the  most 
rational  chronology  of  the  earth,  the  most  correct 
history  of  the  early  states  of  the  East,  the  most  in- 
telligent piety,  the  wisest  morality,  and  every  style  of 
literary  composition.  Perhaps  no  other  collection  of 
human  Avritings  can  be  selected,  which,  in  so  moderate 
a  compass,  presents  so  much  intellectual  benefit  to 
mankind.  We  shall  feel  all  their  value  and  import- 
ance to  our  ancestors,  if  we  compare  them  with  the 
Edda,  in  which  the  happiest  efforts  of  the  Northern 
genius  are  deposited.4 

It  has  been  mentioned,  that  Alfred  lamented  very 
impressively  the  happy  times  which  England  had 
known  before  his  reign,  and  the  wisdom,  knowlege, 
«ind  books  which  then  abounded. 

The  period  of  intellectual  cultivation  to  which  he 
alluded  began  to  dawn  when  Christianity  was  first 
planted ;  but  was  advanced  to  its  meridian  lustre 

2  Bede,  iii.  18.  *  Ibid.  28. 

*  No  one  who  has  read  them  can  put  the  Vedas,  the  Puranas,  or  the  Zendavesta, 
in  competition  with  the  Scriptures,  unless  he  has  that  unfortunate  taste  for  compa- 
rative nonsense  which  we  should  lament  rather  than  censure.  The  Koran  has  some 
good  passages. 

z  4 


344  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK  towards  the  end  of  the  seventh  century,  by  two  eccle- 
.  IX>  ,  siastics,  whom  the  pope  sent  into  England. 

About  the  year  668,  the  English  archbishop,  who 
went  to  Rome  for  the  papal  sanction,  happening  to 
die  there,  the  pope  resolved  to  supply  his  dignity  by 
a  person  of  his  own  choice.  He  selected  for  this 
purpose  Adrian,  an  abbot  of  a  monastery  near  Naples, 
and  an  African  ;  the  unambitious  Adrian  declined  the 
honour,  and  recommended  Theodore,  a  monk  at  Rome, 
but  a  native  of  Tarsus,  the  Grecian  city  illustrious  by 
the  birth  of  St.  Paul.  The  pope  approved  his  choice, 
and  at  the  age  of  sixty-six,  Theodore  was  ordained 
archbishop  of  Canterbury.  His  friend  Adrian  accom- 
panied him  to  England. 

Nothing  could  be  more  fortunate  for  the  Ano;lo- 

o  o 

Saxon  literature  than  the  settlement  of  these  men  in 
England.  Both  were  well  versed  in  sacred  and  pro- 
fane literature,  and  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the 
Greek  and  Latin  languages.  Their  conversation  and 
exhortations  excited  among  the  Anglo-Saxons  a  great 
emulation  for  literary  studies.  A  crowd  of  pupils 
soon  gathered  round  them,  and,  besides  the  Scriptures 
and  divinity,  they  taught  the  Greek  and  Latin  lan- 
guages, astronomy,  arithmetic,  and  the  art  of  Latin 
poetry5;  a  remarkable  instance  of  the  natural  affinity 

*  Bede,  iv.  c.  1.  —  We  have  a  curious  specimen  how  the  Anglo-Saxons  pro- 
nounced Greek,  in  their  manner  of  repeating  the  Lord's  Prayer  in  that  language. 
In  the  Cotton  Library  a  MS.  has  preserved  this  prayer  in  the  Greek  language, 
written  in  Saxon  characters.  It  is  probably  a  correct  example  of  the  pronunciation 
of  Greek  as  introduced  into  England  by  Adrian  and  Theodore  in  the  seventh 
century  ;  but  it  certainly  shows,  in  the  division  of  the  words,  how  little  the  writer 
understood  of  the  language.  I  will  transcribe  it,  placing  the  original  by  its  side :  — 

Pater    imon   oyntys    uranis  agias-  ndrep  iffjiuv  6  tv  rots  ovpavois  ayiaa- 

tituto    onomansu.     elthetu    ebasilia  Syra  rb  ovo^d  ffov.      'E\6eru  r]  fia<n\tia 

s    genithito  to  theli  mansu.   OS  sen-  aov  yevrjfrtiTu    rb    &f\T]/j.d    ffov,  us  tv 

u    uranti     Keptasgis    tonartonimon.  ovpavca,  Kal  eV!  rrjs  yvs.    Tbv  aprov  r,fj.aiv, 

tonepi  ussion.  dos  simin  simero  Keaffl  -rbv  eirio uaiov  Sos  rjfuv  o-t)nfpov.  Kala<pts 

simin.    to  offllemata    imon    oskeimis  fifuv  rd  opeiATjjuara  i)n£v,  us  KOI  •tjfj.f'is 

affiomen.    tus  ophiletas    imon  Kemi-  a^itnev  ro'is  oipti\fTais  i)f*uv.      Kal  /t}) 

es    ininkis    imas.    isperas    mon.    ala  elfffveyKt]S    ri/j.as    els    -rreipafffj.oi',    a\\d 

ryse  imas  aptou  poniru.  —  MS.  Cott.  pvaai  rinds  airo  TOV  irovypov. 
Lib.   Galba,  A.    18.      The  character 
which    I  express  by    the    K    seems 
placed  for  Kal. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  345 

of  the  human  mind  for  knowlege,  and  of  the  conta-      CHAP. 
gious  sympathy  with  which  it  always  spreads  when   >      <L — < 
neither  the  civil  nor  ecclesiastical  powers  oppose  it. 

Theodore  held  his  archiepiscopal  station  twenty- 
one  years.  He  appointed  Adrian  to  the  monastery 
of  St.  Peter  at  Canterbury,  who  lived  there  thirty- 
nine  years ;  and  their  presence  made  Kent  the  foun- 
tain of  knowlege  to  all  the  rest  of  England.  Bede 
extols  the  happy  times  which  the  island  enjoyed 
under  their  tuition,  and  mentions  that  some  of  their 
scholars  were  alive  in  his  time,  as  well  versed  in  the 
Greek  and  Latin  tongues  as  in  their  own.6 

Among  the  men  to  whom  Anodo-Saxon  literature 

C1  o 

was  greatly  indebted,  Benedict,  who  founded  the  abbey 
at  Weremouth,  must  be  mentioned  with  applause. 
He  went  several  times  from  England  to  Rome,  and 
brought  back  with  him  an  innumerable  quantity  of 
books  of  every  description,  given  to  him  by  his 
friends,  or  purchased  at  no  small  expense.  One  of 
his  last  instructions  was  to  keep  with  care  the  library 
that  he  had  collected,  and  not  to  let  it  be  spoilt  or 
scattered  by  negligence. 7  The  importance  of  his 
attention  to  the  arts  is  also  noticed. 

Egbert,  who  was  archbishop  of  York  in  712,  had 
celebrity  in  his  day.  He  was  descended  from  the 
royal  family  of  Northumbria,  and  is  highly  extolled 
by  Malmsbury  as  an  armoury  of  all  the  liberal  arts. 
He  founded  a  very  noble  library  at  York.  Alcuin 
speaks  with  gratitude  of  this  circumstance  :  "  Give 
me  (says  he,  in  a  letter  to  Charlemagne)  those 
•exquisite  books  of  erudition  which  I  had  in  my  own 
country  by  the  good  and  devout  industry  of  my 
master  Egbert,  the  archbishop."  To  this  Egbert 
our  Bede  addresses  a  long  letter,  which  remains.8 
We  have  one  treatise  of  Egbert  remaining:  it  is  a 
series  of  answers  to  some  ecclesiastical  questions 

6  Bede,  iv.  c.  2.  '  Bede,  Hist.  Abb.  293 — 295 

8  Bede,  305. 


346 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


BOOK 
IX. 


Wilfrid  was  another  benefactor  to  Anglo-Saxon 
literature,  by  favouring  the  collection  of  books  :  he 
also  ordered  the  four  Evangelists  to  be  written,  of 
purest  gold,  on  purple-coloured  parchments,  for  the 
benefit  of  his  soul,  and  he  had  a  case  made  for  them 
of  gold,  adorned  with  precious  stones.9 

We  have  a  catalogue  of  the  books  in  the  library  at 
York,  collected  chiefly  by  Egbert.  They  consisted 
of  the  following :  — 

Ancient  Fathers  :  — 

Jerom,  Fulgentius, 

Hilarius,  Basil, 

Ambrosius,  Chrysostom, 

Austin,  Lactautius, 

Athanasius,  Eutychius, 

Gregory,  Clemens, 

Leo,  Paulinus. 

Ancient  classics  :  — 

Aristotle,  Lucan, 

Pliny,  Boetius, 

Cicero,  Cassiodorus, 

Virgil,  Orosius, 

Statius,  Porapeius. 

Ancient  grammarians  and  scholiasts  :  — 

Probus,  Servius, 

Donatus,  Pompeius, 

Priscian,  Comminianus. 

Other  poets  :  — 

Victorinus  Fortunatus10, 

Sedulius,  Prosper, 

Juvencus,  Arator. 

This  was  the  library  which  Alcuin  calls  the  trea- 
sures of  wisdom  which  his  beloved  master  Egbert 
left,  and  of  which  he  says  to  Charlemagne,  "  If  it 
shall  please  your  wisdom,  I  Avill  send  some  of  our 
boys,  who  may  copy  from  thence  whatever  is  neces- 
sary, and  carry  back  into  France  the  flowers  of 
Britain  ;  that  the  garden  may  not  be  shut  up  in 
York,  but  the  fruits  of  it  may  be  placed  in  the  Para- 
dise of  Tours."11 


9  Eddius,  Vita  Wilf. 
11  Malmsb.  i.  24—26. 


10  Gale,  iii.  p.  730. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  347 

The  studies  which  were  pursued  at  York  may  be      CHAP, 
also  stated,  as  those  which  they  who  cultivated  lite-       VL    . 
rature  generally  attended  to. 

They  were, 

Grammar,  Astronomy, 

Rhetoric,  and 

Poetry,  Natural  Philosophy. 

which  are  thus  described  :  — 

"  The  harmony  of  the  sky,  the  labour  of  the  sun  and  moon,  the 
five  zones,  the  seven  wandering  planets.  The  laws,  risings,  and 
setting  of  the  stars,  and  the  aerial  motions  of  the  sea  ;  earthquakes  ; 
the  natures  of  man,  cattle,  birds,  and  wild  beasts ;  their  various 
species  and  figures.  The  sacred  Scriptures."  12 

These  were  the  subjects  of  the  scholastic  education 
at  York  in  the  eighth  century. 

But  though  literature  in  the  seventh  and  eighth 
centuries  was  striking  its  roots  into  every  part  of 
England,  yet,  from  the  causes  already  noticed,  it  was 
principally  in  the  monasteries.  The  illiteracy  of  the 
secular  part  of  society  continued :  even  some  of  our 
kings  were  unable  to  write.  "Wihtred,  king  of  Kent, 
about  the  year  700,  says,  at  the  end  of  a  charter,  "  I 
have  put  the  sign  of  the  holy  cross,  pro  ignorantia 
literarum  13,  on  account  of  my  ignorance  of  writing." 
Among  the  kings  of  the  seventh  and  eighth  century, 
however,  some  exceptions  appear  :  there  are  several 
letters  extant  from  the  Anglo-Saxon  kings  at  this 
period 14,  which  show  some  mental  cultivation.  Of  these 
sovereigns,  none  were  more  distinguished  than  Alfred 
of  Northumbria,  whose  voluntary  exile  in  Ireland 
^for  the  sake  of  study,  and  whose  literary  attainments 
;md  celebrity,  we  have  already  recorded.15  But  the 
improvements  of  those  who  sought  ecclesiastical 
duties  must  have  operated  with  considerable  effect 
on  all  who  were  within  the  circle  of  their  influence  ; 

12  Gale,  iii.  728.  la  Astle's  Charters,  No.  1. 

14  See  Mag.  Bib.  Pat.  xvi.  64.  82,  83.  88.          K  See  our  first  vol.  p.  333. 


348  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK  they  mingled  with  every  order  of  society  ;  they  were 
.  everywhere  respected,  and  often  emulated. 

From  among  the  Anglo-Saxon  students  in  the 
century  preceding  Alfred  the  Great,  we  may  select 
for  our  peculiar  notice,  as  best  illustrating  the  lite- 
rary progress  of  the  nation,  Aldhelm,  Bede,  and 
Alcuin. 

Aldhelmus,  as  he  calls  himself  in  his  Latin  poems, 
or,  as  Alfred  spells  it,  Ealdhelm 16,  Old  Helmet, 
whose  poems  we  have  noticed  before,  was  of  princely 
extraction  ;  a  kinsman  of  Ina  was  his  father.  He 
received  his  first  tuition  from  the  Adrian  already 
noticed,  and  he  continued  his  studies  at  Malmsbury, 
where  Maildulf,  an  Irishman,  had  founded  a  monas- 
tery. He  became  thoroughly  versed  in  Greek  and 
Latin  under  this  tutor,  who,  charmed  by  the  sylvan 
beauties  of  the  place,  led  an  hermit's  life  there,  and 
supported  himself  by  teaching  scholars.  He  re- 
turned to  Kent,  and  resumed  his  studies  under 
Adrian,  till  his  feverish  state  of  health  compelled 
him  to  relinquish  them.  He  mentions  some  of 
these  circumstances  in  a  kind  letter  to  his  old  pre- 
ceptor.17 

"  I  confess,  my  dearest,  whom  I  embrace  with  the  tenderness  of 
pure  affection,  that  when,  about  three  years  ago,  I  left  your  social 
intercourse  and  withdrew  from  Kent,  my  littleness  still  was  inflamed 
with  an  ardent  desire  for  your  society.  I  should  have  thought  of 
it  again,  as  it  is  my  wish  to  be  with  you,  if  the  course  of  tilings 
and  the  change  of  time  would  have  suffered  me ;  and  if  divers  ob- 
stacles had  not  prevented  me.  The  same  weakness  of  my  corporeal 
infirmity  boiling  within  my  emaciating  limbs,  which  formerly  com- 
pelled me  to  return  home,  when,  after  the  first  elements,  I  had 
rejoined  you  again,  still  delays  me." 

In  another  letter  he  expresses  his  love  of  study, 
and  mentions  the  objects  to  which  his  attention  was 
directed.  These  were  the  Roman  jurisprudence,  the 

J6  Alfred's  Bede,  v.  c.  1 8. 

17  Alfred's  Bede,  v.  c.  1 8.     Malmsb.  de  Pont.  Gale,  iii.  338. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  349 

metres  of  Latin  poetry,  arithmetic,  astronomy,  and      CHAP. 
its  superstitious  child,  astrology.18  . 

He  became  abbot  of  Malmsbury,  and  his  govern- 
ment was  distinguished  by  the  numerous  arid  splen- 
did donations  of  land  with  which  the  great  men  of 
his  time  endowed  his  monastery.  In  705  he  was 
made  bishop  of  Sherborn,  and  in  709  he  died. 

It  is  amusing  to  read  the  miracles  that  were 
ascribed  to  him.  A  beam  of  wood  was  once  length- 
ened by  his  prayers ;  the  ruins  of  the  church  he 
built,  though  open  to  the  skies,  were  never  wet  with 
rain  during  the  worst  weather  ;  one  of  his  garments, 
when  at  Rome,  once  raised  itself  high  in  the  air,  and 
was  kept  there  a  while,  self-suspended  ;  a  child,  nine 
days  old,  at  his  command,  once  spake  to  clear  the 
calumniated  pope  from  the  imputation  of  being  its 
father.19  Such  were  the  effusions  of  monastic  fancy, 
which  our  ancestors  were  once  enamoured  to  read, 
and  eager  to  believe. 

We  will  now  pass  on  to  his  literary  character. 

He,  while  abbot,  addressed  a  letter  to  Geraint, 
king  of  Cornwall,  whom  he  styles  "  the  most  glorious 
lord  governing  the  sceptre  of  the  western  kingdom," 
on  the  subject  of  the  proper  day  of  celebrating 
Easter,  which  yet  exists20 ;  but  which  has  nothing 
in  it  to  deserve  further  notice.  He  addressed  a 
learned  book  to  Alfred,  the  intelligent  king  of  North- 
umbria,  on  the  dignity  of  the  number  7,  on  paternal 
charity,  on  the  nature  of  insensible  things  which  are 
used  in  metaphors,  on  the  rules  of  prosody,  on  the 
•  metres  of  poetry.21 

Aldhelm  was  highly  estimated  by  Malmsbury,  in 
the  twelfth  century,  who  places  him  above  both  Bede 
and  Alcuin.  Bede,  his  contemporary,  described  him 

18  Gale,  iii.  338.     Henry  has  given  almost  the  whole  of  it  in  his  history,  vol.  iv. 
p.  14. 

19  Gale,  iii.  351.  2°  Mag.  Bib.  xvi.  Pat.  p.  65. 
21  Gale,  iii.  339. 


350  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK  as  a  man  in  every  respect  most  learned ;  neat  in  his 
-  style,  and  wonderfully  skilled  in  secular  and  eccle- 
siastical literature.  Alfred  translates  Bede's  "  nitidus 
in  sermone"  into  "on  wordum  hluttor  and  scinende," 
clear  and  shining  in  his  words.22  Malrnsbury  closes 
his  panegyric  on  his  style  with  asserting,  that  from 
its  acumen  you  would  think  it  to  be  Greek ;  from  its 
splendor,  Roman  ;  and  from  its  pomp,  English.23 
After  these  lavish  commendations,  it  will  be  necessary 
to  consider  of  their  applicability. 

His  letter  to  Eahfrid  contains  a  most  elaborate  spe- 
cimen of  Latin  alliteration.  Fifteen  words  begin  with 
the  same  letter  in  the  first  paragraph. 

"  Primitus  (pantorum  procerum  pretorumque  pio 
potlssimum  paternoque  prassertim  privilegio)  panegy- 
ricum  poemataque  passim  prosatori  sub  polo  promul- 
gantes  stridula  vocum  symphonia  ac  melodic  can- 
tilenaeque  carmine  modulaturi  hymnizenus." 

In  the  same  letter  we  have  afterwards,  "torrenda 
tetra3  tortionis  in  tartara  trusit."  The  whole  epistle 
exhibits  a  series  of  bombastic  amplification.24 

His  treatise  in  praise  of  virginity  is  his  principal 
prose  work,  and  is  praised  by  Malrnsbury  for  its  rhe- 
torico  lepore.  It  is  unfortunate  for  human  genius,  that 
the  taste  and  judgment  of  mankind  vary  in  every  age, 
and  that  so  defective  are  our  criterion s  of  literary 
merit,  that  even  in  the  same  age  there  are  nearly  as 
many  critical  opinions  as  there  are  individuals  who 
assume  a  right  to  judge.  Some  things,  however, 
please  more  permanently  and  more  universally  than 
others ;  and  some  kinds  of  merit,  like  that  of 
Aldhelm,  are  only  adapted  to  flourish  at  a  particular 
period. 

This  singular  treatise  contains  a  profusion  of  epi- 
thets, new  created  words,  paraphrases,  and  repetitions 

22  Alfred's  Bede,  v.  1 8.  ffl  Gale,  iii.  342. 

24  Usher  Syll.  Jlib.  Ep.  p.  37. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  351 

conveyed  in  long  and  intricate  periods.  He  clouds  CHAP. 
his  meaning  by  his  gorgeous  rhetoric25:  never  content  v__^J — > 
with  illustrating  his  sentiment  by  an  adapted  simile, 
he  is  perpetually  abandoning  his  subject  to  pursue 
his  imagery.  He  illustrates  his  illustrations  till  he 
has  forgotten  both  their  meaning  and  applicability. 
Hence  his  style  is  an  endless  tissue  of  figures,  which 
he  never  leaves  till  he  has  converted  every  metaphor 
into  a  simile,  and  every  simile  into  a  wearisome 
episode.  In  an  age  of  general  ignorance,  in  which 
the  art  of  criticism  was  unknown,  his  diction  pleased 
and  informed  by  his  magnificent  exuberance.  His 
imagery  was  valued  for  its  minuteness,  because, 
although  usually  unnecessary  to  its  subject,  and  to  us 
disgusting,  as  a  mere  mob  of  rhetorical  figures,  yet, 
as  these  long  details  contained  considerable  inform- 
ation for  an  uncultivated  mind,  and  sometimes  pre- 
sented pictures  which,  in  a  poem,  might  not  have 
been  uninteresting26,  it  was  read  with  curiosity  and 
praised  with  enthusiasm. 

That  the  style  of  Aldhelm's  prose  work  is  the 
injudicious  adoption  of  the  violent  metaphors  and 
figures  of  northern  poetry  so  like  the  swollen  style  of 
modern  Persia,  the  following  instances,  but  a  sample 
of  several  pages  of  the  book,  will  show ;  we  have  not 
only, 

"  The  golden  necklace  of  the  virtues  ;  the  white  jewels  of  merit ; 
the  purple  flowers  of  modesty ;  the  transparent  eyeballs  of  virginal 
bashfulness ;  the  grapes  of  iniquity ;  the  swan-like  hoariness  of 
age  ;  the  shrubbery  of  pride  ;  the  torrid  cautery  of  the  dogmas  ; 
the  phlebotomy  of  the  Divine  Word ;  unbarring  the  folding  doors 
•of  dumb  taciturnity  ;  the  helmet  of  grammar  ;  the  tenacious  knot 

25  Yet  its  editor,  Henry  Wharton,  in  1693,  praises  its  eximiara  elegantiam. 
Aldhelm  addresses  it  to  several  religious  ladies,  his  friends ;  as  Hildelitha,  Justina, 
Cuthberga,  Osburga,  Aldgida,  Hidburga,  Burrigida,  Eulalia,  Scholastica,  and  Tecla. 
S.  1. 

28  It  frequently  digresses  into  such  descriptions  as  this  :  — "  The  various-coloured 
glory  of  the  peacock  excels  in  the  perfect  rotundity  of  its  circles.  Beauty  in  its 
feathers  at  one  time  assumes  a  saffron  tinge,  at  another  glows  with  purple  grace  ; 
it  now  shines  in  cerulean  blue,  and  now  radiates  like  the  yellow  gold." 


352  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK       of  memory ;    the   importunate  dragon   of  gluttony  ;    the  shining 
IX.          lamps  of  chastity  burning  with  the  oil  of  modesty  ;  the  plenteous 

' * '    plantations  of  the  apple  tree  fecundating  the  mind  with  flourishing 

leaf;  and  the  fetid  sink  of  impurity  lamentably  overwhelming  the 
ships  of  the  soul." — 

• 

But  we  have  also  long  paragraphs  of  confused 
figures :  — 

"  O  illustrious  grace  of  virginity,  which  as  a  rose  rises  from 
twigs  of  briars,  reddens  with  a  purple  flower,  and  never  putrifies 
in  the  dire  decay  of  mortality,  although  it  is  tied  to  the  weary 
frailness  of  death,  and  grows  old  with  down-bending  and  crooked 
age." 

"  The  leaky  bark  of  our  feeble  ingenuity,  shaken  by  the  whirl- 
wind of  a  dire  tempest,  may  attain  late  its  port  of  silence  by  labo- 
rious rowing  of  the  arms  ;  yet  we  trust  that  the  sails  of  our  yards, 
swelling  with  the  blasts  of  every  wind,  will,  notwithstanding  their 
broken  cables,  navigate  happily  between  the  Scyllas  of  solecism  and 
the  gulph  of  barbarism,  dreading  the  rocky  collisions  of  vain-glory 
and  the  incautious  whirlpools  of  self-love." 

"  Resembling  the  industry  of  the  most  sagacious  bees  which, 
when  the  dewy  dawn  appears,  and  the  beams  of  the  most  limpid 
sun  arise,  pour  the  thick  armies  of  their  dancing  crowds  from  the 
temple  over  the  open  fields  ;  now  lying  in  the  honey-bearing  leaves 
of  the  marigolds,  or  in  the  purple  flowers  of  the  mallows,  they  suck 
the  nectar,  drop  by  drop,  with  their  beaks;  now  flying  round  the 
yellowing  willows  and  purplish  tops  of  the  broom,  they  carry  their 
plunder  on  numerous  thighs  and  burthened  legs,  from  which  they 
make  their  waxen  castles;  now  crowding  about  the  round  berries 
of  the  ivy,  and  the  light  springs  of  the  flourishing  linden  tree,  they 
construct  the  multiform  machine  of  their  honeycombs  with  angular 
and  open  cells,  whose  artificial  structure  the  excellent  poet  with 
natural  eloquence  has  sung  in  catalectic  verse ;  so,  unless  I  mis~ 
take,  your  memorising  ingenuity  of  mind,  in  like  manner  wander- 
ing through  the  flourishing  fields  of  letters,  runs  with  a  bibulous 
curiosity."  27 

Every  page  exhibits  some  strong  effusions  of  fancy 
and  high  poetical  feeling,  but  overloading  their  sub- 
jects ;  frequently  inapplicable  ;  never  placed  with  taste 
nor  limited  by  judgment,  nor  singly  and  distinctly 
used.  The  whole  is  a  confused  medley  of  great  and 

27  Dr.  Parr  has  condescended,  in  our  own  days,  to  mention  "  the  battering  ram 
of  political  controversies  ; "  but  Aldhelm  preceded  him  with  the  figure  :  "  the  bul- 
wark of  the  Catholic  faith,  shaken  by  the  balists  of  secular  argument,  and  over- 
thrown by  the  battering  rams  of  atrocious  ingenuity."  S.  36. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  353 

exuberant  genius,  wasting  and  burlesqueing  uncom-     CHAP. 

9ft  VI. 

mon  powers.  • 

The  celebrated  BEDE,  surnamed  the  Venerable29, 
was  a  priest  in  the  monastery  at  Weremouth,  in  the 
kingdom  of  Northumbria.  His  simple  life  will  be  best 
told  in  his  own  unaffected  narration.  He  was  born 
in  673. 

"  Born  in  the  territory  of  the  same  monastery,  when  I  was  seven 
years  of  age,  I  was,  by  the  care  of  my  relation,  committed  to  the 
reverend  abbot  Benedict  to  be  educated,  and  then  to  Ceolfrid.  I 
passed  all  the  time  of  my  life  in  the  residence  of  this  monastery, 
and  gave  all  my  labours  to  the  meditation  of  the  Scriptures,  and  to 
the  observance  of  regular  discipline,  and  the  daily  care  of  singing 
in  the  church.  It  was  always  sweet  to  me  to  learn  to  teach  and  to 
write. 

"  In  my  19th  year  I  was  made  deacon  ;  in  my  30th,  a  priest ; 
both  by  the  ministry  of  the  most  reverend  bishop  John,  by  the 
direction  of  the  abbot  Ceolfrid. 

"  From  the  time  of  my  receiving  the  order  of  priesthood,  to  the 
59th  year  of  my  life,  I  have  employed  myself  in  briefly  noting  from 
the  works  of  the  venerable  fathers  these  things  on  the  Holy  Scrip- 
tures, for  the  necessities  of  me  and  mine,  and  in  adding  something 
to  the  form  of  their  sense  and  interpretation." 

The  works  which  he  then  enumerates,  are, 

"  Commentaries  on  most  of  the  books  of  the  Old  and  New  Testa- 
ment, and  the  Apocrypha. 

Two  books  of  Homilies. 

A  book  of  letters  to  different  persons ;  one  on  the  Six  Ages  —  on 
the  Tabernacles  of  the  Children  of  Israel —  on  a  passage  in 
Isaiah  —  on  the  Bissextile  —  on  the  Equinox  according  to 
Anatoli  us. 

. ffl  His  encomiastical  periphrasis  on  the  Virgin,  though  placed  as  prose,  seems 
meant  to  rime.     It  is  in  the  same  rhetorical  style.     He  says,  that  she, 
Beata  Maria  Sanctarum  socrus  animarum, 

Virgo  perpetua ;  Supernorum  regina  civium  — 

I lovi 'is  conclusus,  —  Obsidem  seculi, 

Fons  signatus  :  Monarcham  mundi, 

Virgula  radicis  :  Kectorem  poli ; 

Gerula  floris  :  Redemptorem  soli ; 

Aurora  solis  :  Archangelo  promentrante, 

Nurus  patris.  Paracleto  adumbrante ; 

Genetrix  et  Germana  S.  40. 

Filii  simul  que  spoiisa ; 
deserved  to  be  expatiated  upon. 

29  They  who  desire  to  know  when  the  name  Venerable  was  applied  to  Bede,  may 
consult  the  Appendix  to  Smith's  Bede,  p.  106. 

VOL.  III.  A    A 


354 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


BOOK       The  Life  and  Passion  of  St.  Felix  the  Confessor,  translated  into 

IX-  prose  from  the  metrical  work  of  Paulinus. 

""""  The  Life  and  Passion  of   St.   Anastasius,  corrected  from   a  bad 

translation  of  the  Greek. 

The  Life  of  St.  Cuthbert  in  verse  and  prose. 

The  History  of  the  Abbots,  Benedict,  Ceolfrid,  and  Huaetberct. 

The  Ecclesiastical  History  of  England. 

A  Martyrology. 

A  book  of  Hymns  in  various  metre  or  rythm. 

A  book  of  Epigrams  in  heroic  or  elegiac  metre. 

Book  on  the  Nature  of  Things  and  Times. 

Another  book  on  Times. 

A  book  on  Orthography. 

A  book  on  the  Metrical  Art. 

And  a  book  on  the  Tropes  and  Figures  used  in  Scripture."  30 

Besides  these  works,  Bede  wrote  others,  on 
Grammar,  Arithmetic,  Music,  Astronomy,  and  As- 
trology. 

His  theological  works  occupy  nearly  six  folio  vo- 
lumes out  of  eight.  He  has  commented  on  every  book 
of  the  Scriptures,  from  Genesis  to  the  Revelations;  and 
he  introduces  on  each  as  much  learning  and  know- 
lege  as  any  one  individual  could  then,  by  the  most 
patient  research,  accumulate. 

His  treatise  on  the  Trinity  is  a  commentary  on  the 
tract  of  Boethius  on  that  subject.  His  homilies  and 
sermons  occupy  the  seventh  volume.  His  meditations 
on  the  last  words  of  our  Saviour  display  great  devo- 
tional sensibility. 

All  his  remarks  show  a  calm  and  clear  good  sense, 
a  straight-forward  mind,  occasionally  misled  to  imitate 
or  adopt  many  of  the  allegorical  interpretations  of  the 
Greek  fathers,  but  usually  judging  soundly.  They 
evince  a  most  extensive  reading,  and  presented  his  age 
with  the  best  selections  from  the  best  authors  on  the 
passages  which  he  expounds. 

His  moral  taste  and  wisdom  appear  in  his  excellent 
selection  of  moral  sentences  from  the  works  of  the  an-i 
cients.      He  has  collected  all  that  was  known  of  the 

30  Smith's  Bede,  p.  222. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  355 

theory  and  practice  of  chronology,  of  natural  philoso-      CHAP. 
phy,  of  the  popular  part  of  astronomy,  and  of  the  theory  > ..     — , 
and  practice  of  music;  the  laws  of  Latin  prosody;  the 
chief  topics  of  grammar,  rhetoric,  and  arithmetic31 ; 
and  the  main  facts  and  dates  of  general  history.32    His 
calculations  for  the  calendar  are  very  elaborate;  his 
treatise  on  blood-letting  displays  some  of  the  univer- 
sal superstitions  of  his  countrymen,  as  to  proper  days 
and  times33 ;   and  in  another  work,  he  tells  us  that 
trees  ought  to  be  cut  in  the  third  week  of  the  moon, 
or  they  will  be  corroded  by  worms34 ;  but  it  is  St.  Am- 
brose, not  himself,  who  is  responsible  for  this  fancy.  He 
states  of  tides,  that  they  followed  the  moon  ;  and  that 
as  the  moon  rises  and  sets  every  day  four  fourths  or 
four  fifths  of  an  hour  later  than  the  preceding,   so 
do  the  tides  ebb  and  flow  with  a  similar  retardation.35 
The  style  of  Bede  in  all  his  works  is  plain  and  un- 
affected.    Attentive  only  to  his  matter,  he  had  little 
solicitude  for  the  phrase  in  which  he  dressed  it.     But 
though  seldom  eloquent,  and  often  homely,  it  is  clear, 
precise,  and  useful.     His  treatise  on  the   Six  Ages 
gives  a  regular  series  of  Jewish  chronology,  and  then 
of  general  chronology,  carried  down  to  the  year  729. 
His  History  of  England  is  the  only  contemporary 
document  we  have  of  the  transactions  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  octarchy,  and  it  furnishes  us  with  many  parti- 
culars  not   to   be   found    elsewhere.     His    Lives   of 
Religious  Persons  are  disfigured  with  those  legends 
which  degrade  his  history;  but  as  they  were  the  ob- 
ject of  general  admiration  and  belief  in  his  day,  his 
credulity  was  the  credulity  of  his  age.     His  works 

31  In  his  Tract  on  Arithmetic,  p.  104.,  he  gives  the  Mensa  Pythagorica,  which 
is,  in  fact,  the  multiplication  table,  invested  with  so  proud  &  title.  His  notation  is 
the  Roman.  He  says,  that  what  the  Latins  called  numerus,  and  the  Hebrews 
monna,  the  Macedonians  named  calculus,  from  the  little  stones  which  they  held 
in  their  hands  when  they  reckoned,  p.  113.  Hence  our  calculation. 

33  Bede  also  teaches  the  indigitatio,  or  the  manner  of  telling  and  computing  with 
the  fingers,  p.  167. 

83  Op.  vol.  i.  p.  472.  "  Ibid.  vol.  ii.  p.  115.  3S  Ibid.  vol.  ii.  p.  116. 

A  A  2 


356 


HISTORY   OF   THE 


BOOK 
IX. 


His  death. 


poured  an  useful  flood  of  matter  for  the  exercise  and 
improvement  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  mind,  and  collected 
into  one  focus  all  that  was  known  to  the  ancient 
world,  excepting  the  Greek  mathematicians,  and  some 
of  their  literature  and  philosophy  which  he  had  not 
much  studied.  To  have  written  them  in  such  a 
period  of  ignorance,  with  means  so  imperfect,  displays 
an  ardent  intellect,  unwearied  in  its  exertions ;  and 
by  their  popularity  among  the  clergy,  contributed  to 
diffuse  a  taste  for  literature,  which  other  causes  in 
due  time  matured.  His  life  was  of  great  importance 
to  his  age,  in  his  scholars ;  for  he  educated  four  men, 
who  greatly  promoted  literature  in  France  in  the 
following  age:  Alcuin,  Claudius,  Rabanus,  and  Eri- 
gena. 

He  died  in  the  year  735,  and  his  death  is  thus 
described  by  his  pupil  Cuthbert:  — 

"  He  was  attacked  with  a  severe  infirmity  of  frequent  short 
breathing,  yet  without  pain,  about  two  weeks  before  Easter  day ; 
and  so  he  continued,  joyful  and  glad,  and  giving  thanks  to  Al- 
mighty God  day  and  night,  indeed  hourly,  till  the  day  of  Ascen- 
sion. He  gave  lessons  to  us  his  disciples  every  day,  and  he 
employed  what  remained  of  the  day  in  singing  of  psalms.  The 
nights  he  passed  without  sleep,  yet  rejoicing  and  giving  thanks,  un- 
less when  a  little  slumber  intervened.  When  he  waked,  he  resumed 
his  accustomed  devotions,  and  with  expanded  hands  never  ceased 
returning  thanks  to  God.  Indeed  I  never  saw  with  my  eyes,  nor 
heard  with  my  ears,  any  one  so  diligent  in  his  grateful  devotions. 
O  truly  blessed  man  !  He  sang  the  passage  in  St.  Paul,  '  It  is  a 
fearful  thing  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  living  God;'  and  many 
other  things  from  the  Scripture,  in  which  he  admonished  us  to 
arouse  ourselves  from  the  sleep  of  the  mind.  He  also  recited 
something  in  our  English  language ;  for  he  was  very  learned  in 
our  songs  ;  and,  putting  his  thoughts  into  English  verse,  he  spoke 
it  with  compunction.  'For  this  necessary  journey  no  one  can  be 
more  prudent  than  he  ought  to  be,  to  think  before  his  going  hence 
what  of  good  or  evil  his  spirit  after  death  will  be  judged  worthy  of.' 
He  sang  the  Antiphonas  according  to  our  custom  and  his  own,  of 
which  one  is  '  O  King  of  Glory,  Lord  of  virtues,  leave  us  not 
orphans,  but  send  the  promise  of  the  Father,  the  Spirit  of  Truth, 
upon  us.  Alleluia.'  When  he  came  to  the  words  Spirit  of  Truth, 
he  burst  into  tears,  and  wept  much  ;  and  we  with  him.  We  read 
and  wept  again  ;  indeed  we  always  read  in  tears."  After  mention- 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  357 

ing  that  he  was  occupied  in  translating   St.  John's  Gospel  into       CHAP. 
Saxon,  liis  pupil  adds  :  "  When  he  came  to  the  third  festival  before         VI- 
the  Ascension  Day,  his  breathing  began  to  be  very  strongly  affected,  * 

and  a  little  swelling  appeared  in  his  feet.  All  that  day  he  dictated 
cheerfully,  and  sometimes  said,  among  other  things,  '  Make  haste 
—  I  know  not  how  long  I  shall  last.  My  Maker  may  take  me 
away  very  soon.'  It  seemed  to  us  that  he  knew  well  he  was  near  his 
end.  He  passed  the  night  watching  and  giving  thanks.  When 
the  morning  dawned  he  commanded  us  to  write  diligently  what  we 
had  begun.  This  being  done,  we  walked  till  the  third  hour  with 
the  relics  of  the  saints,  as  the  custom  of  the  day  required.  One  of 
us  was  with  him,  who  said,  'There  is  yet,  beloved  master,  one 
chapter  wanting;  will  it  not  be  unpleasant  to  you  to  be  asked  any 
more  questions?'  He  answered,  'Not  at  all;  take  your  pen,  pre- 
pare it,  and  write  with  speed.'  He  did  so.  At  the  ninth  hour  he 
said  to  me,  '  1  have  some  valuables  in  my  little  chest.  But  run 
quickly  and  bring  the  presbyters  of  our  monastery  to  me,  that  I 
may  distribute  my  small  presents.' — He  addressed  each,  and  ex- 
horted them  to  attend  to  their  masses  and  prayers.  They  wept 
when  he  told  them  they  would  see  him  no  more  ;  but  he  said  it  was 
time  that  he  should  return  to  the  Being  who  had  formed  him  out 
of  nothing.  He  conversed  in  this  manner  cheerfully  till  the  even- 
ing, when  the  boy  said,  '  Dear  master,  one  sentence  is  still  wanting.' 
'  Write  it  quick,'  exclaimed  Bede.  When  it  was  finished,  he  said, 
'  Take  my  head  in  your  hands,  for  I  shall  delight  to  sit  opposite  the 
holy  place  where  1  have  been  accustomed  to  pray,  and  where  I 
can  invoke  my  Father.'  When  he  was  placed  on  the  pavement, 
lie  repeated  the  Gloria  Patri,  and  expired  in  the  effort."30 

Bede  was  very  highly  respected  in  his  day.  Boni- 
face, whose  life  we  shall  next  detail,  asks  for  his 
works,  and  speaks  of  him  as  a  man  enriched  by  the 
divine  grace  with  a  spiritual  intellect,  and  as  irradi- 
ating his  country.  Pope  Sergius  MTished  his  presence 
in  Rome,  for  the  benefit  of  his  counsel. 

Boniface,  the  Anglo-Saxon  missionary,  whose  Latin  Boniface, 
poems  have  been  before  alluded  to,  and  who,  in  the 
eighth  century,  founded  the  principal  bishoprics,  and 
ftie  abbey  of  Fulda,  and  several  monasteries  in  Ger- 
many, was  born  in  Devonshire.  His  name  was 
Winfrith.37  He  calls  himself  German  Legate  of  the 
Apostolic  See38,  and  mentions  that,  "  born  and 
nourished  in  the  nation  of  the  English,  we  wander 

36  Smith's  Bede,  793. 

37  Bon.  Ep.     Mag.  Bib.  xvi.  p.  71.  ffi  Ibid.  51. 

A  A    3 


358  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK  here  by  the  precept  of  the  Apostolic  Seat."39  From 
.  another  letter,  we  find  that  he  had  visited  Rome,  to 
give  an  account  of  his  mission,  and  that  the  pope  had 
exhorted  him  to  return  and  persevere  in  his  efforts.40 
He  was  in  the  archiepiscopal  dignity  from  745  to  754. 
His  activity  was  exerted  with  the  greatest  success 
between  the  Weser  and  the  Rhine.  He  anointed 
Pepin  king  of  the  Francs  in  752.  During  his  absence 
abroad  he  kept  up  an  extensive  correspondence  in 
England.  We  have  several  of  his  letters  to  the  kings 
of  the  Anglo-Saxon  octarchy.  He  wrote  to  Ethelbakl, 
king  of  Mercia,  begging  his  assistance  to  the  friend 
who  carried  his  letter,  and  sending  him  some  presents. 
To  the  same  king  he  addressed  a  longer  letter  of 
moral  rebuke  and  religious  exhortation.  Ethelbert, 
the  king  of  Kent,  sent  to  him  a  complimentary  letter, 
mentioning  his  rumoured  successes  in  the  conversion 
of  the  Germans,  and  presenting  him  with  a  bowl  of 
silver  gilt.  Sigebald,  a  king  of  the  octarchy,  wrote 
to  him  to  request  that  he  would  be  one  of  his  bishops ; 
and  zKbuald,  king  of  East  Anglia,  also  addressed  him 
in  a  very  kind  and  respectful  manner.41 

His  letters  to  Nothelm,  archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
to  the  Anglo-Saxon  bishops,  Daniel  and  Ecberth,  and 
to  several  abbots  and  abbesses,  are  yet  preserved. 
His  correspondence  with  the  son  of  Charles  Martel, 
with  Pepin,  King  of  France,  and  with  the  Popes 
Gregory  II.  and  III.,  and  Zachary,  also  exists.  He 
appears  to  have  been  a  man  of  considerable  attain- 
ments, of  earnest  piety,  and  the  most  active  benevo- 
lence. His  last  Christian  labours  were  in  East  Fries- 
land,  where  he  was  killed  with  fifty  companions.42 

39  Bon.  Ep.     Mag.  Bib.  xvi.  p.  52.  *•  Ibid.  60. 

41  See  these  letters,  Mag.  Bib.  Pat.  xvi. 

4-  Three  of  the  books  that  he  had  then  with  him  are  still  preserved  in  the  mon- 
astery of  Fulda.  The  Gospels  in  his  own  hand-writing ;  an  harmony  of  the  New 
Testament  ;  and  a  volume  stained  with  his  blood,  containing  a  letter  of  Pope  Leo, 
St.  Ambrose,  on  the  Holy  Ghost,  with  his  treatise  De  Bono  Mortis,  "  On  the  Ad- 
vantage of  Death."  Alb.  Butler's  Lives,  vol.  vi.  p.  88. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  359 

Eddius,  surnamed  Stephanas,  is  described  by  Bede  43, 
as  the  first  singing  master  in  the  churches  of  North- 
umbria,  and  as  having  been  invited  from  Kent  by 
Wilfrid.  He  flourished  about  720,  and  wrote  the  life 
of  Bishop  Wilfrid :  he  addresses  his  work  to  bishop 
Acca  and  the  abbot  Tatbert.  Eddius  begins  it  with 
a  ridiculous  prodigy.  While  the  mother  of  Wilfrid 
was  in  labour  with  him,  the  house  where  she  lay 
seemed  to  those  without  to  be  in  flames.  The  neigh- 
bours hastened  with  water  to  extinguish  them.  But 
the  fire  was  not  real :  it  was  only  a  type  of  Wilfrid's 
future  sanctity  and  honour.  The  miracles  of  his 
mature  age  were  of  course  not  less  extraordinary. 
To  restore  a  dead  child  to  life,  and  to  heal  another 
with  his  arms  and  thighs  broken  by  a  fall  from  a 
scaffold  ;  a  dark  dungeon  supernaturally  illuminated  ; 
St.  Michael  coming  from  heaven  to  cure  him  of  a 
malady  ;  a  withered  hand  restored  by  touching  the 
cloth  in  which  his  corpse  had  been  laid;  an  angel 
appearing  with  a  golden  cross  to  hinder  his  chamber 
from  being  burnt;  are  some  of  the  effusions  of 
Eddius's  fancy,  with  which  he  feebly  attempts  to 
adorn  his  composition  and  its  object.44 

The  style  is  not  so  plain  as  Bede,  nor  so  affected  as 
Aldhelm  ;  but  is  seldom  above  mediocrity. 

Among  the  pupils  formed  by  Bede,  Alcuin  (or 
Albinus),  the  literary  friend  and  preceptor  of  Charle- 
magne, is  entitled  to  the  most  honourable  notice  of 
all  the  Saxon  literati  of  the  eighth  century.  He  was 
born  in  Northumbria,  and  studied  at  York  under 
Bgbert.  He  says  of  himself,  that  he  was  nourished 
and  educated  at  York45,  and  that  he  went  in  his 
youth  to  Rome,  and  heard  Peter  of  Pisa  dispute  on 
Christianity  with  a  Jew. 

He  was  sent  on  an  embassy  from  Offa  to  Charle- 

43  Bede,  lib.  iv.  c.  2. 

44  See  his  Life  of  Wilfrid,  in  Gale  Scrip.  Hi.  p.  40. 
44  Malmsb.  de  Gcst.  Reg.  p.  24. 

A  A  4 


360  HISTORY    OF   THE 

BOOK  magne,  and  after  this  period  the  emperor  was  so  highly 
.  attached  to  him,  that  in  790  he  went  to  France,  and 
settled  there.  Here  he  composed  many  works  on  the 
sciences  and  arts,  which  were  valued  in  that  day  for 
the  use  and  instruction  of  Charlemagne.  These  still 
exist,  and  a  number  of  letters  and  poems  also  appear 
in  his  works,  addressed  to  Charlemagne,  on  a  variety 
of  topics,  under  the  name  of  David,  and  written  in 
the  most  affectionate  language.  He  was  indefatigable 
in  exciting  the  emperor  to  the  love  and  encourage- 
ment of  learning,  and  in  the  collection  of  MSS.  for 
its  dissemination.  His  efforts  spread  it  through 
France,  and  his  reputation  contributed  much  to 
establish  it  in  Europe.  After  the  enjoyment  of  im- 
perial affection  and  confidence  to  a  degree  which  lite- 
rature has  never  experienced  in  any  other  instance, 
he  retired  to  the  abbey  of  Saint  Martin,  at  Tours, 
where  he  died  in  804. 46 

He  attained  great  affluence  from  the  favour  of  his 
imperial  friend.  He  remarks  that  a  Spanish  ecclesi- 
astic, whose  erring  opinions  he  had  censured,  blamed 
him  for  the  multitude  of  his  riches,  and  for  the 
number  of  his  servi,  or  bondsmen,  being  20,000. 
Alcuin  does  not  contradict  the  fact,  but  denies  that  it 
had  corrupted  his  mind:  "It  is  one  thing  to  possess 
the  world;  it  is  another  to  be  possessed  by  it."47 

He  seems  to  have  been  much  afflicted  with  illness, 
for  he  often  mentions  his  headachs,  the  daily  pains  of 
his  weak  body,  and  a  species  of  continual  fever.48 

The  merit  of  Alcuin's  poetry  we  have  already  ex- 
hibited. His  prose  is  entitled  to  the  praise  of  learn- 
ing, eloquence,  and  more  judgment  than  any  of  his 


48  See  his  works,  published  by  Du  Chesne,  at  Paris,  in  1617. 

47  Alb.  Op.  p.  927. 

48  Op.  p.  1505  — 1511.;  and  "the  wicked  fever  scarcely,  scarcely  suffers  me  to 
live  on  earth.     It  seeks  to  open  for  me  the  road  to  heaven.      Health  leads  me 
to  seek  its  precious  treasures  amid  the  fields  and  hills,  and  verdant  meadows." 
P.  1509. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  361 

contemporaries  exhibited.  He  had  a  correct  and  high  CHAP. 
feeling  of  morals  and  piety;  his  taste  was  of  an  im-  /  > 
proved  kind,  and  his  mind  was  clear  and  acute.  But 
it  must  be  recollected  of  him,  as  of  all  the  writers  of 
the  Anglo-Saxon  period,  that  their  gr'eatest  merit 
consisted  in  acquiring,  preserving,  and  teaching  the 
knowlege  which  other  countries  and  times  had  ac- 
cumulated. They  added  little  to  the  stock  themselves. 
They  left  it  as  they  found  it.  But  they  separated  its 
best  parts  from  the  words  arid  lumber  with  which 
these  were  connected,  and  thus  prepared  the  ground 
for  further  improvement ;  and  their  efforts,  examples, 
and  tuition,  contributed  to  excite  the  taste,  and  to 
diffuse  the  acquisition.  Unless  such  men  had  existed, 
the  knowlege,  which  the  talents  of  mankind  had  been 
for  ages  slowly  acquiring,  would  have  gradually 
mouldered  away  with  the  few  perishing  MSS.  which 
contained  it.  Europe  would  have  become  what 
Turkey  is,  and  mankind  would  have  been  now  slowly 
emerging  into  the  infancy  of  literature  and  science, 
instead  of  rejoicing  in  that  noble  manhood  which  we 
have  attained.  Several  Irish  ecclesiastics  at  this  time 
attained  eminence,  and  assisted  to  instruct  both 
France  and  Italy.  Of  these  Claudius,  also  a  disciple 
of  Bede,  and  friend  of  Albinus,  Dungal,  and  Duncan, 
were  the  most  conspicuous.  All  these  were  patro- 
nised by  Charlemagne. 

Another  disciple  of  Bede,  and  one  of  the  literary  Erigena. 
companions  of  Alfred,  Johannes  Erigena,  or  John  the 
Irishman,  was  distinguished  by  the  acumen  of  his  in- 
tellect and  the  expanse  of  his  knowlege.  Though  a 
native  of  the  west  of  Europe,  he  was  well  skilled  in 
Grecian  literature49,  for  he  translated  from  the  Greek 

49  Boquet,  in  his  recueil  of  the  ancient  French  chronicles,  says,  that  after 
Charlemagne  had  obtained  the  empire  of  the  West,  and  an  epistolary  intercourse 
had  taken  place  between  the  Franks  and  Greeks,  "  Coepit  occidentalibus  nosci  et 
in  usu  esse  lingua  Graeca."  T.  viii.  p.  107. 


362  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK  language  a  work  of  Dionysius,  called  the  Areopagite60, 
.  IX-  .  and  the  Scholia  of  Maximus,  on  Gregory  the  theolo- 
gian.51 He  dedicated  this  last  work  to  Charles,  the 
French  king,  at  whose  command  he  had  undertaken 
both.52  At  the  request  of  Hincmar,  the  archbishop, 
and  another,  he  wrote  on  Predestination  against 
Gotheschalcus53;  he  composed  also  a  book  De  Yisione 
Dei54 ;  and  another,  De  Corpore  et  Sanguine  Domini.55 
This  last  was  written  at  the  request  of  Charles  the 
Bald,  who  was  a  great  patron  of  letters.56  This  book 
was  peculiarly  unfortunate.  It  was  nssailed  by 
several  ecclesiastics,  and  adjudged  to  the  flames.57 

His  principal  work  was,  his  Treatise  De  Divisione  Naturae,  a 
dialogue  which  is  distinguished  for  its  Aristotelian  acuteness,  and 
extensive  information.  In  his  discussions  on  the  nature  of  the 
Deity,  and  in  considering  how  far  his  usual  attributes  describe 

50  That  the  works  ascribed  to  Dionysius,  the  Areopagite,  are  supposititious,  and 
were  written  after  the  fourth  century,  see  Dupin,  vol.  i.  p.  100 — 111.  ed.  Paris, 
1688.      They  suited  the  genius  of  Eri"ena,  for  their  "  principal  but  est  de  parler 
des  mysteres  d'une   maniere  curieuse  et  recherchee,  de  les  expliquer  srnvant  les 
principes  de  la  philosophic  de  Platon  et  en  des  termes  platoniciens."  p.  104. 

51  This  was  Gregory  Nazianzen.      Maximus,  opposing  some  theological  opinions 
which  the  imperial  court  approved,  perished  662.  Dupin,  t.  vi.     John's  translation 
was  published  by  Dr.  Gale,  at  the  end  of  his  treatise  De  Divisione  Nature,  ed.  Ox. 
1681. 

52  So  he  declares  in  his  dedication.     He  tells  the  king,  "  Difficillimum  prorsus 
(orthodoxissime  regum)   servulo  vestro    imbecilli  valde  etiam    in    Latinis  quanto 
magis  in  Grsecis,  laborem  injunxistis."     lie  states,  that  what  he  found  in  Dionysius 
obscure  and  incomprehensible,  Maximus  had  very  lucidly  explained.     He    par- 
ticularizes instances  which  are  certainly  among  the  most  recondite,  and  happily 
most  useless  topics  of  theological  logic. 

53  Fab.  Bib.    Med.  1.  ix.  c.  401.     This  brought  upon  John,  besides  Prudentius 
Tricassimus,   Florus  of  Lyons,  who  attacked  him  in  the  name  of  the  Church  at 
Lyons.     Fab.  1.  iv.  c.  194.;  and  Cave,  Hist.  Lit.  447. 

54  Mabillon  found   this  in  MS.     It  begins,  "  Omnes  sensus  corporei  ex    con- 
junctione  nascuntur  animae  et  corporis."  Fab.  Med.  1.  ix.  p.  401. 

45  -Fab.  p.  404. 

56  Heric,  the  bishop  of  Austin,  says,  in  his  letter  to  Charles  in  876,  "  Quidquid 
igitur  litcra  possunt,  quidquid  assequuntur  ingenia  vobis  debent."     Bouquet,  vii. 
p.  563.     The  editor  quotes  a  monk  of  Saint  Denys,  in  the  same  age,   who  says, 
"Karolus — disciplinas  adeo  excoluit  ut  earum  ipse  quarundam  munere  sagacissime 
fungeretur,"  ibid.     A  passage  of  Heric's  letter  deserves  quotation,  because  what  he 
hints  of  the  emigration  of  Irish  literature  may  account  for  Erigena's  being   in 
France:    "Quid  Iliberniam   memorem,  contempto  pelagi  discrimine,  pene  totam 
cum  grege  philosophorum  ad  littora  nostra  migrantem  —  quorum  quisque  perltior 
est,  ultro  sibi  indicit  exilium   ut  Solomoni  sapientissimo  famuletur  ad    votum." 
Bouq.  vii.  p.  563. 

57  In  1050  and  in  1059,  an  old  Chronicler  speaks  apparently  of  this  book,  when 
he  says  of  Berengarius,  "Joannem  Scotum  igni  comburens,  cujus  lectione  ad  hanc 
nefariam  devolutus  fuerat  sectam."  Fab.  p.  404. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  363 

his  nature,  or  but  metaphorically  allude  to  it,  he  manifests  great       CHAP. 
subtlety.58     On  the  applicability  of  the  categories  of  Aristotle,  to         VI. 

the  same  Being,  he  is  also  very  acute  and  metaphysical  ;  and  he    ' » ' 

concludes  that  none  of  the  categories  are,  in  this  case,  applicable, 
except,  perhaps,  that  of  relation,  and  even  this  but  figuratively/'9 
In  his  consideration,  whether  the  category  place,  be  a  substance 
or  an  accident,  he  takes  occasion  to  give  concise  and  able  defi- 
nitions of  the  seven  liberal  arts,  and  to  express  his  opinion  on  the 
composition  of  things.60  In  another  part,  he  inserts  a  very  elabo- 
rate discussion  on  arithmetic,  which,  he  says,  he  had  learnt  from 
his  infancy.61  He  also  details  a  curious  conversation  on  the  ele- 
ments of  things,  on  the  motions  of  the  heavenly  bodies,  and  other 
topics  of  astronomy  and  physiology.  Among  these,  he  even  gives 
the  means  of  calculating  the  diameters  of  the  lunar  and  solar 
circles.62  Besides  the  fathers,  Austin,  the  two  Gregorys,  Chry- 
sostom,  Basil,  Epiphanius,  Origen,  Jerome,  and  Ambrosius,  of 
whose  works,  with  the  Platonising  Dionysius,  and  Maximus,  he 
gives  large  extracts  ;  he  also  quotes  Virgil,  Cicero,  Aristotle, 
Pliny,  Plato,  and  Boetius  :  he  details  the  opinions  of  Eratosthenes63, 
and  of  Pythagoras  on  some  astronomical  topics 64  ;  he  also  cites 
Hartianus  Capella.65  His  knowlege  of  Greek  appears  almost  in 
every  page. 

The  De  Divisione  Naturae  certainly  indicates  great 
curiosity  and  research  of  mind,  though  it  rather 
exercises  ingenuity  than  conveys  information.  In  a 
future  age,  when  such  disquisitions  were  offensive  to 
that  anti-christian  despotism  which  was  spreading  its 
clouds  over  the  European  hemisphere,  a  pope,  Hono- 
rius  III.,  issued  a  bull  to  declare,  that  it  "  abounded 
with  the  worms  of  heretical  depravity."  He  com- 

ss  De  Divisione  Naturae,  p.  6—11.  *  Ibid.  p.  13. 

60  Ibid.  p.  18,  19.  «  Ibid.  p.  111. 

62  Ibid.  p.  144—149.  6i  Ibid.  p.  146,  147.  149. 
64  Ibid.  p.  145 — 149. 

63  Ibid.  p.  147,  148.     This  ancient  author,  whose  era  is  not  ascertained  (though 
he  must  have  preceded  Gregory  of  Tours,  who  mentions  him),  left  nine  books,  two 
De  Nuptiis  Philologiae,  the  other  seven  on  the.  seven  liberal  arts.     His  work  was 
twice  printed   with  innumerable  mistakes.     Grotius,  in  his  fourteenth  year,  asto- 
nished the  world,  by  correcting  justly  almost  all  the  errors.    The  recollection  of  this 
induced  Vossius  to  say,  "  Quo  Batavo  —  nihil  nunc  unriique  eruditius,  vel  sol  videt, 
vel  solum  sustinet."  Hist.  Lat.  713.     How  highly  Capella  was  once  esteemed,  may  be 
inferred  from  the  panegyric  of  Gregory  of  Tours,  lib.  x.  c.  31.  p.  243.     Barthius, 
one  of  those  great  scholars  whose  race  is  now  extinct,  says  of  him,  "  Jam  ante  ipsos 
mille  annos  tanta  Capellae  hujus  auctoritas,  ut  qui  cum  teneret,  videretur  omnium 
artium   arcana   nosse."     Adversaria,  c.  23.   p.  409.     Barthius  describes   his  work 
thus :   "  Tota  fere  ibi  Cyclopedia  novem  chartis  absoluta  est,  cum  innumeris  in- 
tcrioris  sapientia;  mysteriis  versu  atque  prosa  oratione  indicatis  et  proposilis,"  ib. 
p.  960.     For  what  is  known  of  Capella,  see  Fab.  Bib.  Lat.  iii.  p.  213 — 224. 


364  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK     plains,  that  it  was  received  into  monasteries,  and  that 

TX 

-  "  scholastic  men,  more  fond  of  novelty  than  was 
expedient,  occupied  themselves  studiously  in  reading 
it."  He  therefore  commands,  that  they  "  solicitously 
seek  for  it  every  where ;  and,  if  they  safely  could, 
that  they  send  it  to  him  to  be  burnt,  or  to  burn  it 
themselves."  He  excommunicates  all  such  as  should 
keep  a  copy  fifteen  clays  after  notice  of  this  order. GG 
As  all  inquiries  of  the  human  mind  must  be  accom- 
panied by  many  errors,  it  is  a  lamentable  abuse  of 
power  to  pursue  the  speculative  to  death  or  infamy 
for  efforts  of  thinking,  which,  if  wrong,  the  next 
critic  or  literary  opponent  is  best  fitted  to  detect  and 
overthrow.  No  error,  if  left  to  itself,  will  be  a  pe- 
rennial plant.  No  power  can  prevent,  though  it  may 
retard,  the  growth  of  truth. 

Erigena  was  in  great  favour  with  Charles.  The 
king,  one  day  as  they  were  feasting  opposite  to  each 
other,  took  occasion  to  give  him  a  gentle  rebuke  for 
some  irregularity,  by  asking  him,  "  what  separates  a 
Scot  from  a  sot  ?  "  The  philosopher,  with  ready  wit, 
retorted,  "the  table."67  The  king  had  the  good 
sense  and  friendship  to  smile  at  the  turn. 

At  another  time,  when  he  was  at  table,  the  ser- 
vants brought  in  a  dish  containing  two  large  fishes, 
and  a  very  small  one.  John  was  a  thin  little  man, 
and  was  sitting  near  two  ecclesiastics  of  vast  size. 
The  king  bade  him  divide  the  fish  with  them.  John, 
whose  cheerful  mind  was  always  alive  to  pleasantry, 
conveyed  the  two  large  fishes  into  his  own  plate,  and 
divided  the  little  one  between  the  ecclesiastics.  The 
king  accused  him  of  an  unfair  partition.  "  Not  so," 
says  John.  "  Here  are  two  large  fishes,"  pointing  to 

66  See  this  bull  at  length  in  F;ib.  Bib.  Med.  lib.  ix.  402.     It  is  dated  10  Kill. 
Feb.  1225. 

67  Matt.  West.  333.  Malmsb.  3  Gale  360.      The  Latin  words  which  John  so 
readily  converted  into  a  pun  that  retorted  the  king's  sarcasm  upon  himself,   are 
"  Quid  distat  inter  sottum  et  Scottum  ?  " 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  Ob 

his  plate,  "with  a  small  one,"  alluding  to  himself.  CHAP. 
"  There  are  also  two  large  ones, "  looking  at  the  . — ^_ 
divines,  "  and  a  little  one,"  pointing  to  their  plates.68 

After  Charles's  death,  he  was  invited  to  England 
by  Alfred,  whose  munificence  rewarded  his  talents ; 
he  placed  him  at  Malmsbury69,  and  also  at  Ethe- 
lingey. 

The  life  of  John  ended  unfortunately;  he  was 
stabbed  by  the  boys  he  taught.70  That  he  died 
violently,  will  not  be  questioned ;  but  a  controversy 
accompanies  the  catastrophe.71 

The  proficiency  and  examples  of  Bede  and  Alcuin, 
and  their  pupils  and  friends,  seemed  to  promise  an 
age  of  literary  cultivation ;  and  the  prosperity  of 
Egbert's  reign,  which  immediately  followed,  was  fa- 
vourable to  the  realisation  of  this  hope.  But  the 

68  Malmsb.  Gale,  iii.  361.     That  John  was  an  inmate  in  Charles's  palace,  we  also 
learn  from  his  contemporary,  Pardulus,  who  says,  "  Scotum  ilium  qui  est  in  palatio 
regis  Johannem  nomine."     Testim.  prefixed. 

69  Venitque  ad  regem  Elfredum  cujus  munificentia  illectus  et  magisterio  ejus,  ut 
ex  scriptis  regis  intellexi,  sublimis  Melduni  resedit.   Malmsb.  361. 

70  So  Malmsb.  361.     The  same  words  are  in  Matt.  West.  334.;  and  Hoveden, 
419.;  and  Fordun,  670. 

71  The  question  is,  whether  Erigena,  whom  William  kills  at  Malmsbury,  is  the 
same  of  whom  Asser  says,  that  he  was  placed  by  Alfred  over  his  new  monastery  at 
Ethelingey,  and  that  some  malicious  monks  hired  two  lads  to  kill  him  at  midnight, 
when  he  came  to  pray  alone  at  the  altar,  p.  61.     My  own  opinion  is,  that  they  are 
not  two  persons ;   1st.   Asser,  in  page  47.,  talks  of  a  John,  who,  by  the  traits  he 
gives,    was   Erigena.     He  there  styles  him  merely    "  Johannem   presbyterum  et 
monachum,"  and  he  has  the  same  phrases  of  the  John  killed  at  Ethelingey,  in 
p.  61.     2rt.  Ingulf  expressly  places  Erigena  at  Ethelingey,  p.  27.     3d.  Asser  says, 
the  John  of  Ethelingey  was  stabbed  by  two  French  lads,  "  duos  servulos,"  62  ;  and 
it  is  rather  improbable  that  another  John  should  at  the  same  time  be  killed  In  the 
same  place  by  lads.     4th.   The  ancient  epitaph  quoted  by  Malmsbury  says  he  was 
martyred,  which  is  an  expression  very  suitable  to    Asser's  account  of  his  being 
stabbed  at  the  altar  when  praying,  and  of  the  assassins  intending  to  drag  his  body 
to  a  prostitute's  door.     5t.h.  Asser's  account  agrees  with  Malmsbury's,  as  to  his 
assassins  being  lads,  whom  he  taught;  for  Asser  says,  that  Alfred  placed  in  that 
monastery  French  children  to  be  taught.     6th.  The  mode  of  the  assassination  is 
the    same    in    both.     Malmsbury  says,  361.,    "  Animam  exuit  tormento  gravi  et 
acerbo  ut  dum  iniquitas  valida  et  manusinfirma  saepe  frustaretur  et  saepe  impeteret, 
amarem  mortem  obiret."     I  understand  this  to  imply  many  wounds,  and  not  im- 
mediate death.     Asser  says,  "  Et  crudelibus  afficiunt  vulneribus,"  p.  63.,  and  that 
the  monks  found  him  not  dead,  and  brought  him  home  so,  "  semivivum  colligentes 
cum  gemitu  et  merore  domum  reportaverunt,  p.  64.     I  think  it  is  improbable  that 
two  persons  of  the  same  name  and  station  should  at  the  same  time  have  experienced 
the  same  singular  catastrophe.     I  would  rather  suppose  that    Erigena  had   been 
abbot  of  both  places,  and  therefore  the  memory  of  the  crime  was  preserved  at  both. 
Asser  had  the  property  of  two  monasteries  given  to  him  hy  Alfred,  p.  50. 


366  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK      fierce  invasions  of  the  Northmen  now  began.     Their 
.    desolating  bands  spread  fire  and  sword  over  the  most 
cultivated  parts  of  the  country.     Monasteries   and 
their  libraries  were  burnt.     The   studious  were  dis- 
persed or  destroyed.     The  nation  was  plundered  and 
impoverished ;  and  warfare,   avenging  or  defensive, 
became   the  habit  of  the  better  conditioned.     One 
man,  our  Alfred,  made  the  efforts  already  noticed  tc 
revive  literature  in  the  island,  in  the  midst  of  these 
destructive  storms ;  but  even  he  could  not  obtain  a 
sufficient  interval  of  peace  for   its    diffusion.     The 
attack  of  Hastings  in  the  latter  part  of  his  life,  when 
he  could  have  done  most  for  letters,  again  renewed 
through  his  kingdom  the  necessity  of  great  martial 
exertions ;  and  his  earls,  thanes,  and  knights,  as  well 
as  their  dependents,  were,  for  their  own  preservation, 
compelled  to  make  warlike  education  and  exercises 
the  great  business  of  life.     The  occupation  of  one 
third   of  England  by  the    Northmen    colonisers    of 
Northumbria  and  East  Anglia ;  their  hostile  move- 
ments, and  the  attempts  of  similar  adventurers,  kept 
the  country  in  the  same  state  of  martial  efficiency 
and  employment,  which  precluded  that  enjoyment  of 
peaceful  leisure  in  which  letters  flourish,    and   they 
accordingly  declined.     The  monastic  friends  of  Edgar 
endeavoured  to  revive  them ;  but  scarcely  had  Edgar 
acquired  and  transmitted  a  full  and  prosperous   so- 
vereignty,   in    which   the    Anglo-Danes  and  Anglo- 
Saxons    had    become  melted  into  one    nation ;    and 
Dunstan,  and  his  friends  Ethelwald  and  Oswald,  were 
exerting  themselves  to  revive  literature,  and  to  mul- 
tiply its  best  asylums,  the   monastic   establishments, 
when,  under  his  second  son,  the  calamities  of  desolat- 
ing invasions  of  Danes  and  Norwegians  again  over- 
spread the  country,  and  ended  in  the  establishment  of 
a  Danish   dynasty  on   the  throne  of  Alfred.     This 
event  spread  a  race  of  Danish  lords  over  the  English 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  367 

soil,  and  the  mutual  jealousy  and  bickerings  between  CHAP. 
them  and  the  old  Saxon  proprietary  body  kept  all  . — ^ — > 
the  country  in  an  armed  state,  which  made  warlike 
accomplishment  and  exercises  still  the  first  necessity 
and  occupation  of  all.  The  reign  of  Edward  the 
Confessor  began  a  new  era  of  peace  and  harmony, 
and  literature  would  have  again  raised  her  head 
among  the  Anglo-Saxons;  but,  in  the  next  succession, 
their  dynasty  was  destroyed.  Thus,  though  impor- 
tant political  benefits  resulted  from  the  invading 
fanaticism  of  the  North,  yet  their  continued  attacks, 
and  the  consequences  that  attended  them,  intercepted 
and  diverted,  for  above  a  century  and  a  half,  the 
intellectual  cultivation  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  nation. 

Hence  the  historian  has  no  progressive  develop- 
ment to  display  in  the  farther  contemplation  of  the 
Anglo-Saxon  mind.  The  sufferings  of  the  nation 
carried  the  thinking  students  of  the  day  strongly 
towards  religious  literature:  and  little  else  than 
sermons  and  homilies72,  penitentiaries  and  confes- 
sions73, lives  of  saints74,  and  translations  and  exposi- 
tions of  the  Scriptures75,  with  some  authentic  but 
plain  and  meagre  chronicles76,  formularies  of  super- 
stitions77, and  medicinal  tracts78,  were  produced  in 
the  century  preceding  the  Norman  conquest.  The 
only  individuals  who  are  entitled  to  be  selected  from 

72  The  Anglo-Saxon  MSS.  of  these  are  enumerated  by  Wanley  in  his  Catalogue, 
pp.  1 — 48.  £2 — 63.69.  72.  81.  86 — 88.  90.92.97.  111.  116.  122.  131—144.  154. 
— 176.  186 — 211,  &c.  &c.  &c.      Their  number  exceeds  by  far  all  the  other  topics. 

73  As  p.  50.  112.  145.  and  the  Rule  of  Benedict,  91.  122. 

74  Wanley's  MSS.  p.  79.      Martyrologies,  &c.  106.  185. 

75  As  MSS.  of  the  Gospels,  p.  64.  76.  211.;  the  Heptateuch,  67.  ;  Psalter,  76. 
152.  ;  Paraphrases  of  the  Lord's  Prayer,  Creed,  Gloria  Patri,  p.  48.  61.  81.  147, 
148.;    Prayers,  64.  147,  202.;  Jubilate,  76.    168.    182,  183.;  Hymns,  98,   99. 
243.  ;  Judith,  98. ;  and  the  Pseudo-Gospel  of  Nicodemus,  96. 

76  As  the  MS.  Chronicles  mentioned,  p.  64.  84.  95.  130,  &c. 

77  Their  expositions  of  dreams,  prognostications,  charms,  exorcisms,  and_  predic- 
tions on  the  moon,  thunder,  birth,  health,  &c.  abound.     See  p.  40.  44.  88,  89,  90. 
98.  110.  1U.  194.  &c. 

78  As  the  MS.  in  p.  72 — 75.  and  176—180.     See  also  Apuleius  de  Herbis,  p.  92. 
This  latter  is  very  valuable  from  the  English  or  Saxon  names  of  the  plants  which  are 
given  to  the  Latin  ones  of  the  original. 


368  HISTORY    OF    THE 


BOOK  ^]ie  general  inferiority  and  uniformity  are  the  two 
r-  —  '  Elfrics  ;  Elfric  Bata,  and  his  scholar  Elfric,  the 
abbot  and  bishop,  of  whom  the  latter  only  deserves 
notice  here  ;  for  whose  works,  chiefly  grammars, 
translations  from  the  Scriptures,  homilies,  and  lives 
of  saints,  we  refer  the  reader  to  Wanley's  Catalogue 
of  the  Anglo-Saxon  MSS.  But  his  exhortations  to 
his  fellow-clergymen,  to  study  and  to  diligence  in 
their  duties,  ought  to  be  remembered  to  his  honour 
To  the  archbishop  Wulstan  he  writes  :  — 

"  It  becomes  us  bishops  that  we  should  unclose  that  book-learning 
which  our  canons  teach,  and  also  the  book  of  Christ  to  yon,  priests  ! 
in  English  speech,  because  all  of  you  do  not  understand  Latin."  79 

To  bishop  Wulfsin  he  wrote  :  — 

"  You  ought  often  to  address  your  clergy,  and  reprove  their 
negligence,  because,  by  their  perversity  the  statutes  of  the  canons 
and  the  religious  knowlege  of  the  holy  church  is  almost  de- 
stroyed." 80 

His  translations  from  the  Heptateuch  into  Anglo- 
Saxon  he  addressed  to  the  ealdorman  Ethel  werd.81 
His  letter,  with  other  religious  treatises,  to  Wulfget, 
and  another  to  Sigwerd,  show  that  the  Anglo-Saxon 
language  had  acquired  the  name  of  ENGLISH  in  his 
time  :  — 

"I,  Elfric,  abbot,  by  this  English  writing,  friendly  greet 
Wulfget,  at  Ylmandune,  in  this,  that  we  now  here  speak  of  those 
English  writings  which  I  lend  thee.  The  meaning  of  those 
writings  pleased  thee  well,  and  I  said  that  I  would  yet  send  thee 
more."  82  — 

"  -ZElfric,  abbot,  greets  friendlily  Sigwerd  at  East  Heolon.  I 
say  to  thee  truly  that  he  is  very  wise  who  sp?aketh  in  works;  and 
I  turned  these  into  English,  and  advise  you,  if  you  will,  to  read 
them  yourself."83  — 

"  I,  Elfric,  would  turn  this  little  book  (his  grammar)  to  the 
English  phrase  from  that  rcsep-cpaepte  (art  of  letters)  which  is 
called  grammatica,  because  ptaip-cpaepte  is  the  key  that  unlocks 
the  meaning  of  books."  84 

79  Elfric  MSS.  Wanley,  p.  22.  M  Ibid.  p.  58. 

81  This  was  printed  by  Thwaite.  K  Elfric  MSS.  Wanley,  p.  69. 

83  Ibid.  «'  Ibid.  p.  84. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  369 

His  anxiety  for  the  good  and  correct  writing  of  his      CHAP. 
books  is  thus  expressed  :  —  -        —  » 

"  Look  !  you  who  write  this  book  :  write  it  by  this  example  ; 
and  for  God's  love  make  it  that  it  be  less  to  the  writer's  credit  for 
beauty  than  for  reproach  to  nie.^5 

"  I  pray  now,  if  any  one  will  write  this  book,  that  he  make  it 
well  from  this  example,  because  I  would  not  yet  bring  into  it  any 
error  through  false  writers.  It  will  be,  then,  his  fault,  not  mine. 
The  un-writer  doth  much  evil,  if  he  will  not  rectify  his  mis- 
take."86 


Among  the  Anglo-Saxon  MSS.  that  remain  may 
be  remarked  the  History  or  rather  Romance  of  Apol-  mance  of 
lonius,  king  of  Tyre.87     It  is  a  prose  composition  in  AP°llonius- 
our  ancient  language,  but  the  present  author  has  not 
yet  had  an  opportunity  of  consulting  it.88 

85  Elfric  MSS.  Wanley,  p.  69. 

86  Ibid.  p.  85.     He   begins   his  letter   prefixed   to   his   translation   of  Genesis, 
thus:  —  "Elfric,  monk,  humbly  greets  ^Ethelwserd,  ealdorman.     You  bade  me, 
dear,  that  I  should  turn  from  Latin  into  English  the  book  Genesis.     I  thought  it 
would  be  a  heavy  thing  to  grant  this,  and  you  said  that  I  need  not  translate  more 
of  the  book  than  to  Isaac,  the  son  of  Abraham,  because  some  other  man  had  trans- 
lated this  book  from  Isaac  to  the  end,"  &c.     Of  his  translations  from  the  first  seven 
books  of  the  Old  Testament,  he  says,  "  Moses  wrote  five  books  by  wonderful  ap- 
pointment.     We  have  turned  them  truly  into  English.      The  book  that    Joshua 
made  I  turned  also  into  English  some  time  since,  for  Ethelwerd,  ealdorman.     The 
hook  of  Judges  men  may  read  in  the  English  writing,  into  which  I  translated  it." 
He  adds  of  Job,  "  I  turned  formerly  some  sayings  from  this  into  English."     Elfric 
de  Vet.  Testam.  MS.,  and  cited  by  Thwaites. 

87  It  is  among  the  MSS.  at  Cambridge.     It  is  mentioned  by  Wanley,  p.  147., 
and  is  there  said  to  have  been  first  written  in  Greek,  and  then  turned  into  Latin 
during  the  time  of  the  emperors.     A  Greek  MS.  of  it  is  said  to  be  at  Vienna,  with 
a  version  in  modern  Greek.    Since  the  Fifth  Edition  of  this  History,  Mr.  B.  Thorpe 
has  published,  from  the  Cambridge  MS.,  this  work,  with  an  English  translation. 
He  entitles  it  "The  Anglo-Saxon  Version  of  the  Story  of  Apollonius  of  Tyre,  upon 
which  is  founded  the  Play  of  Pericles,  attributed  to   Shakspeare."     Lond.,  1  834. 
He  mentions  in  his  preface,  "  The  Latin  Version,  of  which  the  Saxon  is  a  Trans- 
lation, forms  the  153rd  Chapter  of  Gesta  Romanorum  ;  but  a  more  ancient  and 
better  Text  is  that  given  by  Welser,   from  a   Manuscript  in   the  Library  of  the 
Abbey  of  St.  Ulric  and   St.  Afra,   at  Augsberg.     M.  Velseri   Op.  Hist,  et  Philol. 
Novemb.  1682." 

9  Mr.  Thorpe,  besides  a  Translation,  of  Cedmon,  has  also  published  a  valuable 
selection,  in  prose  and  verse,  from  Anglo-Saxon  authors  of  various  ages,  in  his 
Analecta  Anglo-  Saxonica,  with  a  Glossary.  Lond.,  1834. 

88  While  we  admit  that  our  Anglo-Saxon  ancestors  neither  generally  cultivated 
literature  nor  attained  much  eminence  in  it,  we  must,  in  justice  to  them,  at  the 
same  time  intimate,  that  neither  France  nor  Italy,  during  their  dynasties,  appear 
to  have  excelled  them.     When  Pope  Gregory  II.,  who  died    73!,  appointed  his 
legates    to  attend  a  council,  he  wrote  this  excuse  for  their  palpable  ignorance  : 
"  We    send  them    for  the  obedience  we  owe,  and  not  (or  our  confidence  in  their 
knowlege  :   for  how  can  the  knowlege  of  the  Scriptures  be  fully  found  among  men 
who  are  placed  in  the  middle  of  Gentiles,  and  who  seek  their  daily  bread  by  their 
bodily  labour."     Muratori,  Alls.   Ital.  810.     An  epistle  of  Pope  Hadrian  I.,  who 

VOL.  III.  B    B 


370 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


BOOK        died  795,  betrays  such  an  ignorance  of  grammar,  as  to  use  prepositions  without 

IX.  changing  the  cases  of  nouns  they  were  to  govern ;  as,  una  cum  indiculum  ;  una 

'     cum  omnes  benebentani.      The  pontiff  also  put  for  Latin  such  strange  words  as 

these,  "eorumque  novilissimis  sui  voles."  Mur.  ib.  811.     Hence,  though  Muratori 

fairly  says,  "  I  do  not  mean  to  state  that  Italy  was  turned  into  Lapland  when  the 

Lombards  conquered  it,  or  that  letters  were  so  destroyed  that  no  one  could  read  or 

write,"  yet  he  admits  that  "  if  any  of  the  clergy  spoke  to  the  people,  you  had 

nothing  but  what  was  trite  and  vulgar,  or  puerile  and  silly."  p.  810. 

France  was  not  then  in  a  better  state.  It  is  mentioned  by  the  Monach.  En- 
golism.,  that  "  before  Charlemagne  there  was  in  Gaul  no  study  of  the  liberal  arts," 
though  some  few  of  the  superior  clergy  endeavoured  to  excite  the  taste.  Thus  a 
bishop  in  796,  in  his  donation  of  a  church  to  a  priest,  directed  part  of  the  benefit 
to  be  applied  "  in  schola  habenda  et  pueris  educandis."  Murat.  811.  The  patronage 
of  Charlemagne  to  letters  had  great  effects,  but  not  universal  ones  ;  for  in  823 
Lotharius  I.,  in  his  capitulary  on  learning,  states,  that  "  from  the  neglect,  and  sloth 
of  the  governors,  it  was  in  all  places  entirely  extinguished  (funditus  extincta)." 
To  remedy  this,  he  desires  that  every  exertion  should  be  used  to  give  scholars  the 
instruction  they  needed.  And  he  established  schools  in  eight  cities  of  his  kingdom 
for  the  reception  of  those  who  would  resort  to  them.  "  That  all  may  have  the 
opportunity,  we  have  provided  fit  places  for  this  exercitium,  in  order  that  poverty 
may  be  an  excuse  to  no  more  from  the  difficulties  of  distant  stations."  Such  truly 
royal  benefactions  could  only  do  good  ;  yet  not  very  long  afterwards,  Lupus,  the 
abbot  of  Ferrara,  declares  that  the  study  of  literature  was  still  almost  obsolete  in 
France.  "  Who,"  he  exclaims,  "  does  not  deservedly  complain  of  the  inability  of 
the  masters,  the  penury  of  books,  and  the  want  of  sufficient  leisure  ?  "  ib.  829.  So 
learning  continued  in  as  bad  a  state  in  Italy  ;  for  the  council  held  at  Rome  in  the 
year  826  declared  that  Italy  abounds  with  unlearned  presbyters,  deacons,  and  sub- 
deacons,  whom  therefore  the  sacred  synod  for  a  time  has  suspended  from  the  divine 
offices,  that  learned  persons  may  be  made  fit  to  come  to  the  due  discharge  of  their 
ministry."  Ib. 

The  Anglo-Saxons  were  therefore  not  inferior  to  their  neighbours.  It  will  be 
nearer  the  truth  to  say,  that  from  the  year  700  to  900  the  literary  characters  whom 
this  work  notices  to  have  emerged  in  England  may  claim,  on  the  whole,  a  su- 
periority over  the  intellectual  produce  of  the  Continent  during  the  same  period. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  371 


CHAP.  VII. 

The  Sciences  of  the  ANGLO-SAXONS. 

THE  most  enlightened  nations  of  antiquity  had  not      CHAP. 
made  much  progress  in  any  of  the  sciences  but  the  • 

mathematical.  During  the  Anglo-Saxon  period,  the 
general  mind  of  Europe  turned  from  their  cultivation, 
to  other  pursuits  more  necessary  and  congenial  to 
their  new  political  situation.  Happily  for  mankind, 
they  were  attended  to  during  this  period  more  effici- 
ently in  the  Mahomedan  kingdoms.  The  Arabian 
mind  being  completely  settled  in  fertile  countries  and 
mild  climates,  enjoyed  all  the  leisure  that  was  wanted 
for  the  cultivation  of  natural  knowlege ;  its  acuteness 
and  activity  took  this  direction,  and  began  preparing 
that  intellectual  feast  which  we  are  now  lavishly  en- 
joying, and  perpetually  enlarging. 

The  history  of  the  sciences  among  the  Anglo- 
Saxons  can  contain  little  more  information  than  that 
some  individuals  successively  arose,  as  Aldhelm, 
Bede,  Alcuin,  Johannes  Scotus,  and  a  few  more, 
who  endeavoured  to  learn  what  former  ages  had 
known,  and  who  freely  disseminated  what  they  had 
acquired.  Besides  the  rules  of  Latin  poetry  and 
rhetoric,  they  studied  arithmetic  and  astronomy  as 
laborious  sciences. 

In  their  arithmetic,  before  the  introduction  of  the  Arithmetic. 
Arabian  figures,  they  followed  the  path  of  the  an- 
cients, and  chiefly  studied  the  metaphysical  distinc- 
tions of  numbers.  They  divided  the  even  numbers 
into  the  useless  arrangement  of  equally  equal,  equally 
unequal,  and  unequally  equal ;  and  the  odd  numbers 
into  the  simple,  the  composite,  and  the  mean.  They 


BB    2 


372  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK  considered  them  again,  as  even,  or  odd,  superfluous, 
•  defective,  or  perfect,  and  under  a  variety  of  other 
distinctions,  still  more  unnecessary  for  any  practical 
application,  which  may  be  seen  in  the  little  tracts  of 
Cassiodorus  and  Bede.  Puzzled  and  perplexed  with 
all  this  mazy  jargon,  Aldhelm  might  well  say,  that 
the  labour  of  all  his  other  acquisitions  was  small  in 
the  comparison  with  that  which  he  endured  in  study- 
ing arithmetic.  But  that  they  attained  great  prac- 
tical skill  in  calculation,  the  elaborate  works  of  Bede 
sufficiently  testify. 

As  all  human  ideas  occur  to  the  mind  in  some 
natural  order  of  succession,  and  always  connected 
with  some  previous  remembrances  and  associations, 
the  Anglo-Saxons  could  not  become  attached  to  the 
investigations  of  natural  science,  before  preceding 
agencies  had  led  them  to  attend  to  it.  But  all  the 
impulses  which  were  acting  on  their  minds  were 
operating  in  very  different  directions ;  and  no  general 
current  in  the  world  around  them  led  them  to  anti- 
cipate the  Arabs  in  the  rich  and  unexplored  country 
of  experimental  knowlege. 

Yet  our  venerable  Bede  made  some  attempts  to 
enter  this  new  region ;  and  his  treatise  on  the  nature 
of  things1  shows  that  he  endeavoured  to  introduce 
the  study  of  natural  philosophy  among  the  Anglo- 
Saxons. 

This  work  has  two  great  merits.  It  assembles 
into  one  focus  the  wisest  opinions  of  the  ancients  on 
the  subjects  he  discusses,  and  it  continually  refers 
the  phenomena  of  nature  to  natural  causes.  The 
imperfect  state  of  knowlege  prevented  him  from  dis- 
cerning the  true  natural  causes  of  many  things,  but 
the  principal  of  referring  the  events  and  appearances 
of  nature  to  its  own  laws  and  agencies  displays  a 

1  This  is  printed  in  the  second  volume  of  his  works,  p.  1.,  with  the  glosses  of 
Bridferth  of  Ramsey,  Joannes  Noviomagus,  and  another. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  373 

mind  of  a  sound  philosophical  tendency,  and  was  CHAP. 
calculated  to  lead  his  countrymen  to  a  just  mode  of  *L  . 
thinking  on  these  subjects.  Although  to  teach  that 
thunder  and  lightning  were  the  collisions  of  the 
clouds,  and  that  earthquakes  were  the  effect  of  winds 
rushing  through  the  spongy  caverns  of  the  earth 
were  erroneous  deductions,  yet  they  were  light  itself 
compared  with  the  superstitions  which  other  nations 
have  attached  to  these  phenomena.  Such  theories 
directed  the  mind  into  the  right  path  of  reasoning, 
though  the  correct  series  of  the  connected  events  and 
the  operating  laws  had  not  then  become  known.  The 
work  of  Bede  is  evidence  that  the  establishment  of 
the  Teutonic  nations  in  the  Eoman  empire  did  not 
barbarise  knowlege.  He  collected  and  taught  more 
natural  truths  with  fewer  errors  than  any  Roman 
book  on  the  same  subjects  had  accomplished.  Thus 
his  work  displays  an  advance,  not  a  retrogradation  of 
human  knowlege;  and  from  its  judicious  selection 
and  concentration  of  the  best  natural  philosophy  of 
the  Roman  empire,  it  does  high  credit  to  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  good  sense.  The  following  selections  will 
convey  a  general  idea  of  the  substance  of  its  con- 
tents :  — 

Expressing  the  ancient  opinion,  that  the  heavens  turned  daily 
round,  while  the  planets  opposed  them  by  a  contrary  course  2 :  he 
taught  that  the  stars  borrowed  their  light  from  the  sun  ;  that  the  sun 
was  eclipsed  by  the  intervention  of  the  moon,  and  the  moon  by  that  of 
the  earth  ;  that  comets  were  stars  with  hairy  flames,  and  that  the  wind 
was  moved  and  agitated  air.3  He  said  that  the  rainbow  is  formed  in 
clouds  of  four  colours,  from  the  sun  being  opposite,  whose  rays  being 
Parted  into  the  cloud  are  repelled  back  to  the  sun.  The  rain  is  the 
cloud  compressed  by  the  air  into  heavier  drops  than  it  can  support, 
and  that  these  frozen  make  the  hail.  Pestilence  is  produced  from  the 
air,  either  by  excess  of  dryness,  or  of  heat,  or  of  wet.4  The  tides 
of  the  ocean  follow  the  moon,  as  if  they  were  drawn  backwards  by 
its  aspiration,  and  poured  back  on  its  impulse  being  withdrawn. 
The  earth  is  surrounded  by  the  waters  ;  it  is  a  globe.  Hence  we 
see  the  northern  stars  but  not  the  southern,  because  the  globous 

2  De  Rer.  Nat.  p.  6.  3  Ibid.  p.  28.  30,  31.  4  Jbid.  p.  38. 

B  B    3 


374  HISTORY   OF   TfiE 

BOOK       figure  of  the  earth  intercepts  them.5     The  volcano  of  Etna  was  the 
IX.         effect  of  fire  and  wind  acting  in  the  hollow  sulphureous  and  bitu- 

v      |, '    minous  earth  of  Sicily,  and  the  barking  dogs  of  Scylla  were  but 

the  roaring  of  the  waves  in  the  whirlpools  which  seamen  hear.6 
He  had  remarked  the  sparkling  of  the  sea  on  a  night  upon  the 
oars,  and  thought  it  was  followed  by  a  tempest.  So  the  frequent 
leaping  of  porpoises  from  the  water  had  caught  his  notice,  and  he 
connected  it  with  the  rise  of  wind,  and  the  clearing  of  the  sky.7 
He  remarks,  in  another  work,  that  sailors  poured  oil  on  the  sea  to 
make  it  more  transparent.8  He  describes  fully  his  ideas  on  the 
influence  of  the  moon  on  the  tides,  and  intimates  that  it  also 
affects  the  air.9  He  speaks  again  of  the  roundness  of  the  earth 
like  a  ball,  and  ascribes  the  inequality  of  days  and  nights  to  this 
globular  rotundity.10  He  thinks  the  Antipodes  a  fable  ;  but  from 
no  superstition,  but  because  the  ancients  had  taught  that  the 
torrid  zone  was  uninhabitable  and  impassable.  Yet  he  seems  to 
admit,  that  between  this  and  the  parts  about  the  South  Pole, 
which  he  thought  was  a  mass  of  congelation,  there  was  some 
habitable  land.11  It  was  the  probability  of  human  existence  in 
such  circumstances,  not  such  a  local  part  of  the  earth,  which  Bede 
discredite  1. 12 

For  the  credit  both  of  Bede  and  the  Anglo-Saxons, 
I  should  have  been  glad  to  have  been  convinced  that 
the  four  books  De  Elementis  Philosophise,  printed  as 
is  in  his  works,  were  actually  his  composition  ;  for 
they  display  a  spirit  of  investigation,  a  soundness  of 
philosophical  mind,  and  a  quantity  of  just  opinions 

*  De  Her.  Nat.  p.  39.  41.  43.  '  Ibid.  p.  49. 

7  Ibid.  p.  37.     He  adds  his  presages  on  the  weather.     "If  the  sun  arise  spotted 
or  shrouded  with  a  cloud,  it  will  be  a  rainy  day  ;  if  red,  a  clear  one  :  if  pale,  tern- 
pestuous  ;  if  it  seem  concave,  so  that,  shining  in  the  centre,  it  emits  rays  to  the  south 
and  north,  there  will  be  wet  and  windy  weather ;  if  it  fall  pale  into  black  clouds, 
the  north  wind  is  advancing ;  if  the  sky  be  red  in  the  evening,  the  next  day  will 
be  fine ;  if  red  in  the  morning,  the  weather  will  be  stormy ;  lightning  from  the 
north,  and  thunder  in  the  east,  imply  storm ;  and  breezes  from  the  south,  announce 
heat ;  if  the  moon  in  her  last  quarter  look  like  gold,  there  will  be  wind  ;  if  on  the 
top  of  her  crescent  black  spots  appear,  it  will  be  a  rainy  month  ;  if  in  the  middle, 
her  full  moon  will  be  serene." 

8  De  Temporum  Ratione,  p.  56. 

9  Ibid.  p.  110.  115.  lo  Ibid.  p.  125. 

11  Ibid.  p.  132.     St.  Austin    had   also  denied  the  Antipodes,  or   persons  with 
their   feet   below   us,    and    their  heads  in   the  sky,  as  an  incredible  thing.     He 
thought  that  this  part  of  the  globe  was  either  covered  with  sea,  or,  if  dry  land, 
was  nofe  inhabited.     De  Civ.  Dei.  L.  16.  c.  9. 

12  There  are  some  tracts  printed  as  Bede's,  which  would  seem  not  to  be  his. 
As  the  Mundi  Constitutio,  in  which  he  is  himself  quoted  "  Secundum  Bedam  de 
temporibus,"  vi.  p.  375.     And  in  the  Argumenta  Lunse,  the  calculation  is  made  for 
the  year  936,  or  two  hundred  years  after  he  lived,  p.  197.     The  Astrolabium, 
p.  468.,  contains  Arabic  names,  and  the  Prognostica  foretells  battles  and  pestilence 
at  Corduba,  p.  463. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  375 

on  natural  philosophy,  that  would  do  credit  to  any     CHAP. 
age  before  that  of  friar  Bacon.     But  its  merit  com-  . 

pels  us  to  suspect  the  possibility  of  its  belonging  to 
the  eighth  century. 13 

Their  astronomy  was  such  as  they  could  compre-  Their  as- 
hend  in  the  Greek  and  Latin  treatises  which  fell  into  *' 
their  hands  on  this  subject.  Bede  was  indefatigable 
in  studying  it,  and  his  treatises  were  translated  into 
the  Anglo-Saxon,  of  which  some  MSS.  exist  still  in 
the  Cotton  Library.  He  appropriated  all  the  prac- 
tical results  and  reasonings  of  the  Roman  world,  but 
did  not  cultivate  the  mathematical  investigations  of 
the  Alexandrian  Greeks.  All  the  studious  men 
applied  to  it  more  or  less,  though  many  used  it 
for  astrological  superstitions.  It  was  indeed  then 
studied  by  all  men  of  science  in  two  divisions,  and 
that  which  we  call  astrology,  the  legacy  of  the 
Chaldeans,  was  for  a  long  time  the  most  popular. 
It  was,  perhaps,  on  this  account,  rather  than  from  a 
love  of  the  nobler  directions  of  the  science,  that  our 
ancient  chroniclers  are  usually  minute  in  noticing 
the  eclipses  which  occurred,  and  the  comets  and 
meteors  which  occasionally  appeared.  u 

13  The  author  speaks  of  England,  p.  333.,  as  if  he  belonged  to  it ;  but  he  also 
mentions  the  Antipodes  as  if  he  believed  their  existence,  p.  336.     He  also  says  that 
a  comet  is  not  a  star,  p.  333. :  both  these  opinions  are  different  from  Bede's.      I 
have  since  observed  that  Fabricius  ascribes  it  to  Guilielmus  de  Conchis,  Bib.  Med. 
p.  502.,  a  Norman  who  lived  in  the  reign  of  Henry  II. 

14  Even  Bede  says,  the  comet  portends  "  change  of  kingdoms,  or  pestilence,  or 
wars,  or  tempest,  or  drought."     De  Nat.  Her.  p.  30.     Alcuin  thus  describes  an 
astronomical  table  sent  to  him  by  Charlemagne  :  "  A  round  form  like  a  table,  re- 
sembling the  sun,  was  brought  to  me.     It  had  twenty-seven  semicircles,  which,  if 
doubled,  would  make  fifty-four.     These  were  for  the  hours  of  the  lunar  course, 
which  is  accustomed  to  run  through  every  sign.     It  had  a  round  circle  in  the 
middle  for  the  perpetual  rotundity  of  the  sun,"  p.  1490.     He  says  of  astronomy, 
"  Philosophers  were  not  the  founders  of  these  arts,  but  the  finders  of  them  ;  for 
the  Creator  of  all  things  has  concealed  them  in  nature  as  He  pleased.     They  who 
have  been  wisest  in  the  world  have  discerned  those  sciences  in  the  nature  of  things, 
which  you  may  easily  understand  of  the  sun,  moon,  and  stars.     But  what  else 
ought  we  to  admire  in  these  bodies,  but  the  wisdom  of  their  Creator,  and  their 
natural  movements  ?     But  if  the  wise  have  found  out  these  things,  it  would  be  a 
great  disgrace  to  us  if  we  should  suffer  them  to  perish  in  our  days,"  p.  1492.     He 
answers  Charlemagne's  questions  about  them.     From  his  Epist.  5.  we  find  that 
Charlemagne  had  read  our  Bede's  work  De  Temporibus. 

B    B    4 


376 


HISTORY   OF   THE 


BOOK 
IX. 


Their 
geography. 


The  astronomical  opinions  which  they  had  imbibed 
from  their  classical  masters  were  probably  as  good  as 
their  books  could  supply,  or  their  scholars  under- 
stand. Elfric  has  transmitted  to  us,  out  of  Alcuin, 
their  acquired  opinions  on  the  motions  of  the  heavens, 
which  may  be  thus  translated  :  — 

"  The  earth  consists  of  four  creatures,  or  elements ;  fire,  air, 
water,  and  earth.  The  nature  of  fire  is  hot  and  dry ;  of  air, 
warm  and  wet ;  of  water,  cold  and  wet  ;  of  earth,  cold  and  dry. 
Heaven  is  of  the  nature  of  fire,  and  it  is  always  turning  the  stars. 
Foreign  writers  have  said  that  it  would  fall,  on  account  of  its 
swiftness,  if  the  seven  wandering  stars  (dweligenclan  steorran)  did 
not  resist  its  course.  The  stars  of  heaven  are  always  turning 
round  the  earth  from  east  to  west,  and  strive  against  the  seven 
wandering  stars.  These  are  called  erring  or  wandering  stars 
(dweligende  or  worigende),  not  because  of  any  error,  but  because 
each  of  them  goeth  on  in  its  own  course,  sometimes  a  hove,  sometimes 
below,  and  are  not  fast  in  the  firmament  of  heaven,  as  the  other 
stars  are.  The  farthest  the  heathen  calls  Saturnus ;  he  fulfilleth 
his  course  in  thirty  years.  The  one  beneath  Saturn  they  call 
Jove,  and  he  fulfilleth  his  course  in  twelve  years.  The  third, 
that  goeth  beneath  Jove,  they  call  Mars ;  and  he  fulfilleth  his 
course  in  two  years.  The  fourth  is  the  Sun  ;  she  fulfilleth  her 
course  in  twelve  months ;  that  is,  three  hundred  and  sixty-five 
days.  The  fifth  is  called  Venus  ;  she  fulfilleth  her  course  in  three 
hundred  and  sixty-eight  days.  The  sixth  is  Mercury,  great  and 
bright ;  he  fulfilleth  his  course  in  three  hundred  and  twenty-nine 
days.  The  seventh  is  the  Moon,  the  lowest  of  all  the  stars ;  she 
fulfilleth  her  course  in  twenty-seven  days  and  eight  hours.  These 
seven  stars  move  to  the  east,  in  opposition  to  the  heavens,  and  are 
stronger  than  they  are."  15 

Their  geographical  knowlege  must  have  been 
much  improved  by  Adarnnan's  account  of  his  visit 
to  the  Holy  Land,  which  Bede  abridged ;  and  by  the 
sketch  given  of  general  geography  in  Orosius,  which 
Alfred  made  the  property  of  all  his  countrymen,  by 
his  translation  and  masterly  additions.  The  eight 
hides  of  land  given  by  his  namesake  for  a  MS.  of 
cosmographical  treatises16,  of  wonderful  workmanship, 
may  have  been  conceded  rather  to  the  beauty  of  the 
MS.  than  to  its  contents.  But,  notwithstanding  these 

15  Elfric's  Lives  of  the  Saints,  MS.  Cott.  Julius,  E.  7. 

16  Be-le,  ?99. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  377 

helps,  the  most  incorrect  and  absurd  notions  seem  to     CHAP. 

have  prevailed  among  our  ancestors  concerning  the   , — • 

other  parts  of  the  globe,  if  we  may  judge  from  the 
MS.  treatises  on  this  subject,  which  they  took  the 
trouble  to  adorn  with  draAvings,  and  sometimes  to 
translate.  Two  of  these  are  in  the  Cotton  Library ; 
and  a  short  notice  of  their  contents  may  not  be 
uninteresting,  as  a  specimen  of  their  geographical 
and  physical  knowlege. 

The  MS.  Tib.  B.  5.  contains  a  topographical  description  of  some 
eastern  regions,  in  Latin  and  Saxon.  From  this  we  learn  there  is 
a  place  in  the  way  to  the  Red  Sea,  which  contains  red  hens,  and 
that  if  any  man  touches  them,  his  hand  and  all  his  body  are  burnt 
immediately :  also,  that  pepper  is  guarded  by  serpents,  which  are 
driven  away  by  fire,  and  this  makes  the  pepper  black.  We  read 
of  people  with  dog's  heads,  boars'  tusks,  and  horses'  manes,  and 
breathing  flames.  Also  of  ants  as  big  as  dogs,  with  feet  like  gras- 
hoppers,  red  and  black.  These  creatures  dig  gold  for  fifteen  days. 
Men  go  with  female  camels,  and  their  young  ones,  to  fetch  it, 
which  the  ants  permit,  on  having  the  liberty  to  eat  the  young 
camels. l7 

The  same  learned  work  informed  our  ancestors  that  there  was  a 
white  human  race  fifteen  feet  high,  with  two  faces  on  one  head, 
long  nose,  and  black  hair,  who  in  the  time  of  parturition  went  to 
India  to  lie  in.  Other  men  had  thighs  twelve  feet  long,  and 
breasts  seven  feet  high.  They  were  cannibals.  There  was  ano- 
ther sort  of  mankind  with  no  heads,  who  had  eyes  and  mouths  in 
their  breasts.  They  were  eight  feet  tall,  and  eight  feet  broad. 
Other  men  had  eyes  which  shone  like  a  lamp  in  a  dark  night.  In 
the  ocean  there  was  a  soft-voiced  race,  who  were  human  to  the 
navel,  but  all  below  were  the  limbs  of  an  ass.  These  fables  even 
came  so  near  as  Gaul :  for  it  tells  us  that  in  Liconia,  in  Gaul, 
there  were  men  of  three  colours,  with  heads  like  lions,  and  mouths 
like  the  sails  of  a  windmill.  They  were  twenty  feet  tall.  They 
ran  away,  and  sweat  blood,  but  were  thought  to  be  men.  Let  us, 
however,  in  justice  to  our  ancestors,  recollect  that  most  of  these 
fables  are  gravely  recorded  by  Pliny.  The  Anglo-Saxons  were, 
therefore,  not  more  credulous  or  uninformed  than  the  Roman 
population. 

The  descriptions  of  foreign  ladies  were  not  very  gallant.  It  is 
stated  that  near  Babylon  there  were  women  with  beards  to  their 
breasts.  They  were  clothed  in  horses'  hides,  and  were  great 
hunters,  but  they  used  tigers  and  leopards  instead  of  dogs.  Other 

17  This  was  probably  a  popular  notion ;  for  it  is  said  among  their  prognostics, 
that  if  the  sun  shine  on  the  fourth  day,  the  camels  will  bring  much  gold  from  the 
ants,  who  keep  the  gold  hoards.  MSS.  CCC.  Cant.  Wanl.  110. 


378  HISTORY    OF   THE 

BOOK       women  had  boars'  tushes,  hair  to  their  heels,  and  a  cow's  tail.  They 

Ix-        were  thirteen  feet  high.     They  had  a  beautiful  body,  as  white  as 

*       '    marble,  but  they  had  camel's  feet.     Black  men  living  on  burning 

mountains  ;  trees  bearing  precious  stones ;  and  a  golden  vineyard 

which  had  berries  one  hundred  and  fifty  feet  long,  which  produced 

jewels ;  gryphons,  phrenixes,  and  bensts  with  asses'  ears,  sheep's 

wool,  and  birds'  feet,  are  among  the  other  wonders  which  instructed 

our  ancestors.     The  accounts  in  the  MS.  Vitellius,  A.  15.,  rival 

the  phenomena  just  recited,  with  others  as  credible,  and  are  also 

illustrated  with  drawings. 

We  find  from  Alcuin's  letter,  that  the  students  in  Charlemagne's 
institutions  began  the  year  from  the  month  of  September.  He  says 
he  wonders  why  they  did  so,  p.  1496. 

We  cannot  now  get  at  the  national  opinions  of  the 
Anglo-Saxons  on  physical  subjects  in  any  other  way 
than  by  observing  what  things  they  thought  worthy 
to  be  committed  to  writing.  They  who  could  write 
were  among  the  most  informed  part  of  the  Saxon 
society,  and  as  their  parchment  materials  were  scanty, 
it  seems  reasonable  to  suppose  that  what  they  em- 
ployed themselves  in  writing  stood  high  in  their 
estimation.  We  will  add  a  few  things  which  are  in 
Anglo-Saxon  in  a  MS.  in  the  Cotton  Library. 

"  Istorius  said  that  this  world's  length  is  twelve  thousand  miles, 
and  its  breadth  six  thousand  three  hundred,  besides  the  islands. 
There  are  thirty-four  kinds  of  snakes  on  the  earth  ;  thirty-six 
kinds  of  fish,  and  fifty-two  kinds  of  flying  fowls.  The  name  of  the 
city  to  which  the  sun  goes  up  is  called  Jaiaca ;  the  city  where  it 
sets  is  Jainta.  Asguges,  the  magician,  said  that  the  sun  was  of 
burning  stone.  The  sun  is  red  in  the  first  part  of  the  morning, 
because  he  comes  out  of  the  sea ;  he  is  red  in  the  evening,  because 
he  looks  over  hell.  The  sun  is  bigger  than  the  earth,  and  hence 
he  is  hot  in  every  country.  The  sun  shines  at  night  in  three 
places ;  first  in  Leviathan  the  whale's  inside.  He  shines  next  in 
hell,  and  afterwards  on  the  islands  named  Glith,  and  there  the 
souls  of  holy  men  remain  till  doomsday.  Neither  the  sun  nor  the 
moon  shines  on  the  Red  Sea,  nor  does  the  wind  blow  upon  it." 

Some  excellent  moral  and  prudential  maxims  fol- 
low in  the  MS. 18 

Their  views  The  Anglo-Saxon  scholars,  though  defective  in 
actual  knowlege,  had  just  conceptions  of  the  objects 
of  philosophy.  Thus  Alcuin  defines  it  to  be  the 

18  MS.  G'ott  Lib.  Julius,  A.  2. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  379 

research   into  natural  things,  and  the  knowlege  of     CHAP. 
divine  and  human  affairs.     He  distinguishes  it  into         ,  '   / 
knowlege  and  opinion.     He  describes  it  to  be  know- 
lege, when  a  thing  is  perceived  with  certainty,  as 
that  an  eclipse  of  the  sun  is  caused  by  the  interven- 
tion of  the  moon ;  but  that  it  is  only  opinion  when 
it  is  uncertain,   as  the  magnitude  of  heaven  or  the 
depth  of  the  earth.19 

He  divides  philosophy  into  three  branches ;  physics, 
ethics,  and  logic.  But  in  his  further  considerations 
he  exhibits  not  so  much  the  deficiencies  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  mind,  as  the  imperfect  state  of  the  knowlege 
which  former  times  had  handed  down  to  it ;  for  all 
the  subjects  which  he  comprises  in  physics  are,  arith- 
metic, geometry,  music,  and  astronomy.  That  ex- 
tensive field  of  science  to  which  we  now  almost 
exclusively  apply  the  name  of  physics,  natural  phi- 
losophy, had  not  been  discovered  or  attended  to  by 
the  Greeks  and  Romans;  and  still  less  chemistry, 
mineralogy,  and  the  analogous  sciences.  The  Anglo- 
Saxon  scholars  formed  themselves  chiefly  on  the 
Roman  writers,  and  in  general  did  not  go  beyond 
them.  Alcuin  gives  us  another  train  of  definitions 
in  physics :  — 

"  Physic  is  nature ;  physica  is  natural :  it  discusses  the  nature 
and  contemplation  of  all  things.  From  physica  proceed  arithmetic, 
astronomy,  astrology,  mechanics,  medicine,  geometry,  and  music. 

Arithmetic  is  the  science  of  numbers. 

Astronomy  is  the  law  of  the  stars,  by  which  they  rise  and  set. 

Astrology  is  the  reason,  and  nature,  and  power  of  the  stars,  and 
the  conversion  of  the  heavens. 

Mechanics  is  the  first  skilfulness  of  the  art  of  working  in  metals, 
wood,  and  stones. 

Medicine  is  the  knowlege  of  remedies  discovered  for  the  tem- 
perament and  health  of  the  body. 

Geometry  is  the  science  of  measuring  spaces,  and  the  magnitudes 
of  bodies. 

Music  is  the  division  of  sounds,  the  varieties  of  the  voice,  and 
the  modulation  of  singing."  20 

111  Ale.  Dialectics,  p.  1356.  !0  Alb.  Op.  p.  1353. 


HISTOKY   OF    THE 

BOOK          It  is  amusing  to  observe,  in  the  absence  of  solid 

TIT 

,  knowlege,  on  what  elaborate  trifling  the  Anglo- 
Saxons  sometimes  employed  themselves.  The  fol- 
lowing is  a  dialogue  of  Alcuin,  with  prince  Pepin, 
the  son  of  Charlemagne:  —  it  is  the  scholar  who 
questions:  — 

"  What  is  a  letter  ?  —  The  keeper  of  history. 

What  is  a  word  ?  —  The  betrayer  of  the  mind. 

What  produces  words  ?  —  The  tongue. 

What  is  the  tongue  ?  —  The  scourge  of  the  air. 

What  is  air  ?  —  The  preserver  of  life. 

What  is  life  ?  —  The  gladness  of  the  blessed ;  the  sorrow  of  the 
wretched  ;  the  expectation  of  death. 

What  is  death  ?  —  the  inevitable  event;  the  uncertain  pilgrimage; 
the  tears  of  the  living ;  the  confirmation  of  our  testament ;  the  thief 
of  man. 

What  is  man  ?  —  The  slave  of  death  ;  a  transient  traveller ;  a 
local  guest. 

What  is  man  like  ?  —  An  apple. 

How  is  man  placed  ?  —  As  a  lamp  in  the  wind. 

Where  is  he  placed  ?  —  Between  six  walls. 

What  ?  —  Above,  below,  before,  behind,  on  the  right,  and  on  the 
left. 

How  many  companions  has  he  ?  —  Four. 

Whom  ?  —  Heat,  cold,  dryness,  wet. 

In  how  many  ways  is  he  changeable  ?  —  Six. 

Which  are  they?  —  Hunger,  fulness;  rest,  labour;  watchings 
and  sleep. 

What  is  sleep  ?  —  The  image  of  death. 

What  is  man's  liberty  ?  —  Innocence. 

What  is  the  head  ?  —  The  crown  of  the  body. 

What  is  the  body  ?  —  The  home  of  the  mind. 

What  are  the  hairs  ?  —  The  garments  of  the  head. 

What  is  the  beard  ?  —  The  discrimination  of  sex ;  the  honour  of 
age. 

What  is  the  brain  ?  —  The  preserver  of  the  memory. 

What  are  the  eyes  ?  —  The  leaders  of  the  body ;  vessels  of  light ; 
the  index  of  the  mind. 

What  are  the  ears  ?  —  The  collators  of  sounds. 

What  is  the  forehead  ?  —  The  image  of  the  mind. 

What  is  the  mouth  ?  —  The  nourisher  of  the  body. 

What  are  the  teeth  ?  —  The  millstones  of  our  food. 

What  are  the  lips  ?  —  The  doors  of  the  mouth. 

What  is  the  throat  ?  —  The  devourer  of  the  food. 

What  are  the  hands  ?  —  The  workmen  of  the  body. 

What  is  the  heart  ?  —  The  receptacle  of  life. 

What  is  the  liver  ?  —  The  keeper  of  our  heat. 

What  is  the  spleen  ?  —  The  source  of  laughter  and  mirth. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  381 

What  are  the  bones  ?  —  The  strength  of  the  body.  CHAP. 

"What  are  the  thighs  ?  —  The  capitals  of  our  pillars.  "VII. 

What  are  the  legs  ?  —  The  pillars  of  the  body.  ' « ' 

What  are  the  feet  ?  —  Our  moveable  foundation. 

What  is  the  blood  ?  —  The  moisture  of  the  veins ;  the  aliment  of 
life. 

What  are  the  veins  ?  —  The  fountains  of  flesh. 

What  is  heaven  ?  —  A  rotatory  sphere. 

What  is  light  ?  —  The  face  of  all  things. 

What  is  day  ?  —  The  incitement  of  labour. 

What  is  the  sun  ?  —  The  splendour  of  the  world  ;  the  beauty  of 
heaven  ;  the  grace  of  nature  ;  the  honour  of  day  ;  the  distributor 
of  the  hours. 

What  is  the  moon  ?  —  The  eye  of  night  ;  the  giver  of  dew  ;  the 
prophetess  of  the  weather. 

What  are  the  stars  ?  —  The  paintings  of  the  summit  of  nature  ; 
the  seaman's  pilots  ;  the  ornaments  of  night. 

What  is  rain  ?  —  The  earth's  conception  ;  the  mother  of  corn. 

What  is  a  cloud  ?  —  The  night  of  day  ;  the  labour  of  the  eyes. 

What  is  wind  ?  —  The  perturbation  of  air ;  the  moving  principle 
of  water  ;  the  dryer  of  earth. 

What  is  the  earth  ?  —  The  mother  of  the  growing  ;  the  nurse  of 
the  living  ;  the  storehouse  of  life  ;  the  devourer  of  all  things. 

What  is  the  sea  ?  —  The  path  of  audacity ;  the  boundary  of  the 
earth  ;  the  divider  of  regions ;  the  receptacle  of  the  rivers  ;  the  foun- 
tain of  showers  ;  the  refuge  in  danger  ;  the  favourer  of  pleasures. 

What  are  rivers  ?  —  Motion  never-ceasing ;  the  refection  of  the 
snn  ;  the  irrigators  of  the  earth. 

What  is  water  ?  —  The  ally  of  life ;  the  washer  of  filth. 

What  is  fire  ?  —  Excess  of  heat ;  the  nourisher  of  the  new-born  ; 
the  maturer  of  fruits. 

What  is  cold  ?  —  The  ague  of  the  limbs. 

What  is  frost  ?  —  The  persecutor  of  herbs ;  the  destroyer  of 
leaves  ;  the  fetter  of  the  earth ;  the  source  of  the  waters. 

What  is  snow  ?  —  Dry  water. 

What  is  winter  ?  —  The  banishment  of  summer. 

What  is  spring  ?  —  The  painter  of  the  earth. 

What  is  summer  ?  —  The  re-clothing  of  earth  ;  the  ripener  of 
corn. 

What  is  autumn  ? —  The  granary  of  the  year. 

What  is  the  year  ?  —  The  chariot  of  the  world. 

What  does  it  carry  ?  —  Night  and  day  ;  cold  and  heat. 

Who  are  its  drivers  ?  —  The  sun  and  moon. 

How  many  are  its  palaces  ?  —  Twelve. 

What  is  a  ship  ?  —  A  wandering  house ;  a  perpetual  inn  ;  a  tra- 
veller without  footsteps  ;  the  neighbour  of  the  sands. 

What  is  the  sand  ?  —  The  wall  of  the  earth. 

What  makes  bitter  things  sweet  ?  —  Hunger. 

What  makes  men  never  weary  ?  —  Gain. 

What  gives  sleep  to  the  watching  ?  —  Hope. 


382 


HISTORY    OF   THE 


BOOK 
IX. 


Their  che- 
mistry. 


What  is  a  wonder  ?  —  I  saw  a  man  standing ;  a  dead  man  walk- 
ing who  never  existed. 

How  could  this  be  ?  —  An  image  in  water. 

An  unknown  person,  without  tongue  or  voice  spoke  to  me,  who 
never  existed  before,  nor  has  existed  since,  nor  ever  will  be  again : 
and  whom  I  neither  heard  nor  knew  ?  —  It  was  your  dream. 

I  saw  the  dead  produce  the  living,  and  by  the  breath  of  the 
living  the  dead  were  consumed  ?  —  From  the  friction  of  trees  fire 
was  produced,  which  consumed. 

I  saw  fire  pause  in  the  water  unextinguished  ?  —  From  flint. 

Who  is  that  whom  you  cannot  see  unless  you  shut  your  eyes  ? 
—  He  who  sneezes  will  show  him  to  you. 

I  saw  a  man  with  eight  in  his  hand,  he  took  away  seven,  and 
six  remained  ?  —  School-boys  know  this. 

Who  is  he  that  will  rise  higher  if  you  take  away  his  head  ?  — 
Look  at  your  bed  and  you  will  find  him  there. 

I  saw  a  flying  woman  with  an  iron  beak,  a  wooden  body,  and  a 
feathered  tail,  carrying  death  ?  —  She  is  a  companion  of  soldiers. 

What  is  that  which  is,  and  is  not  ?  —  Nothing. 

How  can  a  thing  be,  yet  not  exist  ?  —  In  name  and  not  in  fact. 

What  is  a  silent  messenger  ?  —  That  which  I  hold  in  my  hand. 

What  is  that  ?  —  My  letter."  2l 

It  would  be  absurd  to  talk  about  their  chemistry, 
as  they  had  none ;  but  their  methods  of  preparing 
gold  for  their  gold  writing  may  be  mentioned,  as 
they  were  in  fact  so  many  chemical  experiments. 

One  method.  "  File  gold  very  finely,  put  it  in  a  mortar,  and 
add  the  sharpest  vinegar ;  rub  it  till  it  becomes  black,  and  then 
pour  it  out.  Put  to  it  some  salt  or  nitre,  and  so  it  will  dissolve. 
So  you  may  write  with  it,  and  thus  all  the  metals  may  be  dis- 
solved." 

The  gold  letters  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  MSB.  are  on 
a  white  embossment,  which  is  probably  a  calcareous 
preparation.  Modern  gilding  is  made  on  an  oil  size 
of  yellow  ochre,  or  on  a  water  size  of  gypsum,  or 
white  oxide  of  lead,  or  on  similar  substances.  For 
gilding  on  paper  or  parchment,  gold  powder  is  now 
used  as  much  as  leaf  gold.  Our  ancestors  used  both 
occasionally. 

Another  method  of  ancient  chrysography  :  "  Melt  some  lead,  and 
frequently  immerge  it  in  cold  water.  Melt  gold,  and  pour  that 
into  the  same  water,  and  it  will  become  brittle.  Then  rub  the  gold 

21  Alb.  Op.  p.  1385—1392. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  383 

filings  carefully  with  quicksilver,  and  purge  it  carefully  while  it  is       CHAP, 
liquid.    Before  you  write,  dip  the  pen  in  liquid  alum,  which  is  best         VII. 
purified  by  salt  and  vinegar."  * 

Another  method :  — 

"  Take  thin  plates  of  gold  and  silver,  rub  them  in  a  mortar  with 
Greek  salt  or  nitre  till  it  disappears.  Pour  on  water  and  repeat 
it.  Then  add  salt,  and  so  wash  it.  When  the  gold  remains  even, 
add  a  moderate  portion  of  the  flowers  of  copper  and  bullock's  gall ; 
rub  them  together,  and  write  and  burnish  the  letters." 

Other  methods  are  mentioned,  by  which  even 
marble  and  glass  might  be  gilt.  These  descriptions 
are  taken  by  Muratori  from  a  MS.  of  the  ninth 
century,  which  contains  many  other  curious  receipts 
on  this  subject.22 

They  had  the  art  of  secret  writing,  by  substituting 
other  letters  for  the  live  vowels :  thus, 
b         f         k         p         x 
a         e         i          o         u 

The  MS.  in  the  Cotton  Library  gives  several  ex- 
amples of  this 23 :  — 

nyr  chkf  FPK5Fn  Fi^kc  thknc  co  paebpnnr. 
pmnkxm  knkmkcprxm  sxprxm  dpmknbktxr 
kn  npmknf  dk  sxmmk. 

Which  are, 

nyp  chir  fpejen  ryllic  chine  co  peebpnne 
omnium  inimicorum  suorum  dominabitur. 
In  nomine  Di  summi. 

Among  the  disorders  which  afflicted  the  Anglo-  Their  me- 
Saxons,  we  find  instances  of  the  scrofula,  the  gout, 
or  foot  adl;  fever,  or  gedrif;  paralysis,  hemiplegiav 
ngue,  dysentery ;   consumption,  or  lungs  adl ;    con- 
vulsions, madness,  blindness,  diseased  head,  the  head- 
ach   (heafod-ece),   and   tumours   in  various   parts.24 

22  Tom.  ii.  p.  375 — 383. 

23  Vitellius,  E.  18.     One  of  Aldhelm's  poems  is  addressed  to  a  pen,  and  seems  to 
imply  that  quills  were  then  used  by  some  for  writing,  though  styles  continued  to 
be  employed  to  a  later  age. 

24  Malmsb.  285.     Bonif.  Lett.    1 6.     M.B.   1 1 5.     Bede,  86.  509.     3  Gale,  470. 
Eddius,  44.     Bede,  372.  iv.  23.  31.  iii.  12.  iv.  6.;  224.   236.  256.     Ingulf,  11. 
Bede,  297.  iii.  11. ;  iv.  3.  ;   10.  v.  2. ;  246.  ;  235.  iv.  19. 


384  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK  But  if  we  consider  the  charms  which  they  had  against 
>  ^ — ,  diseases  as  evidence  of  the  existence  of  those  diseases, 
then  the  melancholy  catalogue  may  be  increased  by 
the  addition  of  the  poccas  (pustules),  sore  eyes  and 
ears,  blegen  and  blacan  blegene  (blains  and  boils), 
elfsidenne  (the  night-mare),  cyrnla  (indurated  glands), 
toth-ece,  aneurisms  (wennas  et  mannes,  heortan),  and 
some  others.25  The  king's  evil  is  mentioned  in  a 
letter  from  pope  Zachary  to  Boniface.26 

Nations  in  every  age  and  climate  have  considered 
diseases  to  be  the  inflictions  of  evil  beings,  whose 
power  exceeded  that  of  man.  Adapting  their  practice 
to  their  theory,  many  have  met  the  calamity  by 
methods  which  were  the  best  adapted,  according  to 
their  system,  to  remove  them ;  that  is,  they  attacked 
spells  by  spells.  They  opposed  charms  and  exorcisms 
to  what  they  believed  to  be  the  work  of  demoniacal 
incantations.  The  Anglo-Saxons  had  the  same  su- 
perstitions: their  pagan  ancestors  had  referred  dis- 
eases to  such  causes ;  and  believing  the  principle, 
they  resorted  to  the  same  remedies.  Hence  we  have 
in  their  MSS.  a  great  variety  of  incantations  and 
exorcisms,  against  the  disorders  which  distressed 
them. 

When  some  of  their  stronger  intellects  had  attained 
to  discredit  these  superstitions,  and  especially  after 
Christianity  opened  to  them  a  new  train  of  asso- 
ciations, this  system  of  diseases  originating  from  evil 
spirits,  and  of  their  being  curable  by  magical  phrases, 
received  a  fatal  blow.  It  had  begun  to  decline  before 
they  were  enlightened  by  any  just  medical  knowlege ; 
and  the  consequence  was,  that  they  had  nothing  to 
substitute  in  the  stead  of  charms  but  the  fancies  and 
pretended  experience  of  those  who  arrogated  know- 
lege on  the  subject.  Before  men  began  to  take  up 

K  Cal.  A.  15.  CCC.    Cant,  Wanley.  115.     Tit.  D.  26.     Wanley  Cant.  304,  305. 
26  Mag.  Bib.  Pat.  vol.  xvi.  p.  1J5. 


ANGLO-SAXONS..  385 

medicine  as  a  profession,  the  domestic  practice  of  it     CHAP. 
would,  of  course,  fall  on  females,  who,  in  every  stage   < — ,- — • 
of  society,  assume  the  kind  task  of  nursing  sickness ; 
and  of  these,  the  aged,  as  the  most  experienced,  would 
be  preferred. 

But  the  Anglo-Saxons,  so  early  as  the  seventh 
century,  had  men  who  made  the  science  of  medicine 
a  study,  and  who  practised  it  as  a  profession.  It  is 
probable  that  they  owed  this  invaluable  improvement 
to  the  Christian  clergy,  who  not  only  introduced 
books  from  Rome,  but  who,  in  almost  every  monas- 
tery, had  one  brother  who  was  consulted  as  the  phy- 
sician of  the  place.  We  find  physicians  frequently 
mentioned  in  Bede ;  and  among  the  letters  of  Boniface 
there  is  one  from  an  Anglo-Saxon,  desiring  some 
books  de  medicinalibus.  He  says  they  had  plenty  of 
such  books  in  England,  but  that  the  foreign  drawings 
in  them  were  unknown  to  his  countrymen,  and  diffi- 
cult to  acquire.27 

We  have  a  splendid  instance  of  the  attention  they 
gave  to  medical  knowlege,  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  medi- 
cal treatise  described  by  Wanley,  which  he  states  to 
have  been  written  about  the  time  of  Alfred.  The  first 
part  of  it  contains  eighty-eight  remedies  against  various 
diseases  ;  the  second  part  adds  sixty-seven  more,  and 
in  the  third  part  are  seventy-six.  Some  lines  between 
the  second  and  third  part  state  it  to  have  been  pos- 
sessed by  one  BALD,  and  to  have  been  written  at  his 
command  by  Gild.  It  is  probably  a  compilation 
from  the  Latin  medical  writers.  Wanley  presumes 
that  Bald  wrote  it ;  but  the  words  imply  rather 
possession  than  authorship.28  Their  construction  is 
ambiguous. 

We  find  several  Saxon  MSS.  of  medical  botany. 
There  is  one,  a  translation  of  the  Herbarium  of  Apu- 

27  Mag.  Bib.  Pat.  xvi.  82. 

28  Bald  habet  hunc  librum  Cild  quern  conscribere  jussit.     Wanl.  Cat.  180. 

VOL.  III.  C  C 


386 


HISTORY   OF    THE 


BOOK 
IX. 


Their  sur- 
gery. 


leius,  with  some  good  drawings  of  herbs  and  flowers, 
in  the  Cotton  Library.  Their  remedies  were  usually 
vegetable  medicines.29 

We  have  a  few  hints  of  their  surgical  attentions,  but 
they  seem  not  to  have  exceeded  those  common  opera- 
tions which  every  people,  a  little  removed  from  bar- 
barism, cannot  fail  to  know  and  to  use. 

We  read  of  a  skull  fractured  by  a  fall  from  a  horse, 
which  the  surgeon  closed  and  bound  up30;  of  a  man 
whose  legs  and  arms  were  broken  by  a  fall,  which  the 
surgeons  cured  by  tight  ligatures31 ;  and  of  a  diseased 
head,  in  the  treatment  of  which  the  medical  attendants 
were  successful.32  But  we  find  many  cases  in  which 
their  efforts  were  unavailing :  thus  in  an  instance 
of  a  great  swelling  on  the  eyelid,  which  grew  daily, 
and  threatened  the  loss  of  the  sight,  the  surgeons  ex- 
hausted their  skill  to  no  purpose,  and  declared  that  it 
must  be  cut  off.33  In  a  case  of  a  great  swelling,  with 
burning  heat,  on  the  neck,  where  the  necklace  came, 
it  was  laid  open  to  let  out  the  noxious  matter ;  this 
treatment  gave  the  patient  ease  for  two  days,  but  on 
the  third  the  pains  returned,  and  she  died.34  Another 
person  had  his  knee  swelled,  and  the  muscles  of  his 
leg  drawn  up  till  it  became  a  contracted  limb.  Medi- 
cal aid  is  said  to  have  been  exhibited  in  vain,  till  an 
angel  advised  wheat  flour  to  be  boiled  in  milk,  and  the 
limb  to  be  poulticed  with  it,  applied  while  warm.35 
To  recover  his  frozen  feet,  a  person  put  them  into  the 
bowels  of  a  horse.36 

Venesection  was  in  use.  We  read  of  a  man  bled  in 
the  arm.  The  operation  seem  to  have  been  done  un- 
skilfully, for  a  great  pain  came  on  while  bleeding,  and 
the  arm  swelled  very  much.37  Their  lancet  was  called 
seder  seax,  or  vein  knife.  But  their  practice  of  phle- 


»  MS.  Cott.  Vitel.  c.  3. 
32  Bede,  v.  2. 
»  Ibid.  p.  230. 


80  Bede,  v.  c.  6. 
83  Bede,  iv.  32. 
*  Malmsb.  201. 


31  Eddius,  p.  63. 
34  Ibid.  p.  19. 
37  Bede,  v.  2. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  387 

botomy  was  governed  by  the  most  mischievous  CHAP. 
superstition  ;  it  was  not  used  when  expediency  re-  v___,J — • 
quired,  but  when  their  superstitions  permitted.  They 
marked  the  seasons  and  the  days  on  which  they 
believed  that  bleeding  would  be  fatal.  Even  Theodore 
the  monk,  to  whom  they  owed  so  much  of  their 
literature,  added  to  their  follies  on  this  subject,  by 
imparting  the  notion  that  it  was  dangerous  to  bleed 
when  the  light  of  the  rnoon  and  the  tides  were 
increasing.38  According  to  the  rules  laid  down  in  an 
Anglo-Saxon  MS.,  the  second,  third,  fifth,  sixth,  ninth, 
eleventh,  fifteenth,  seventeenth,  and  twentieth  days 
of  the  month  were  bad  days  for  bleeding.  On  the 
tenth,  thirteenth,  nineteenth,  twenty-first,  twenty- 
third,  twenty-fourth,  twenty-fifth,  twenty-sixth,  and 
twenty-eighth  days,  it  was  hurtful  to  bleed,  except 
during  certain  hours  of  the  days.  The  rest  of  the 
month  was  proper  for  phlebotomy.39  They  had 
their  tales  to  support  their  credulity.  Thus  we 
read  of  "  sum  lasce,  or  a  physician,  who  let  his 
horse  blood  on  one  of  these  days,  and  it  lay  soon 
dead."40 

We  will  add,  as  a  specimen  of  their  medical  charms, 
their  incantation  to  cure  a  fever. 

"  In  nomine  dni  nri  Ihu  Xpi  tera  tera  tera  testis  contera  ta- 
berna  gise  ges  mande  leis  bois  eis  andies  mandies  moab  leb  lebes 
•  Dns  ds  adjutor  sit  illi  ill  eax  filiax  artifex  am."41 

Two  of  their  medicines  may  be  added,  one  for  the 
cure  of  consumption,  the  other  for  the  gout. 

With  lungen  adle.  —  "Take  hwite  hare  hunan  (white  hore- 
Round),  and  ysypo  (hyssop),  and  rudan  (rue),  and  galluc  (sow- 
bread), and  brysewyrt,  and  brunwyrt  (brown  wort),  and  wude 
merce  (parsley),  and  grundeswylian  (groundsel),  of  each  twenty 
penny-weights,  and  take  one  sester42  full  of  old  ale,  and  seethe  the 

38  Bede,  v.  3.  »  MS.  Cott.  Lib.  Tiber.  A.  3. 

40  Ibid.  126.  4I  Ibid.  125. 

42  The  quantity  of  a  sester  appears,  from  the  following  curious  list  of  Anglo- 
Saxon  weights  and  measures,  to  have  been  fifteen  pints  :  — 

Pnnb  elef  jjepihth  xii  penej;iim  laerr*'  chonne  punb  pieCpej-. 
Puub  ealorh  sepihch  vi  peiie^um  majie  rhofi  punb  paerjiff. 

c  c  2 


388  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK       herbs  till  the  liquor  be  half  boiled  away.     Drink  every  day  fasting 
IX.         a  neap-full  cold,  and  in  the  evening  as  much  warm." 

•— — * '         With  fot  adle  (the  gout).  —  "  Take  the  herb  datulus  or  titulosa, 

which  we  call  greata  crauleac  (tuberose  isis).  Take  the  heads  of 
it,  and  dry  them  very  much,  and  take  thereof  a  penny-weight  and 
a  half,  and  the  pear-tree  and  roman  bark,  and  cummin,  and  a 
fourth  part  of  laurel-berries,  and  of  the  other  herbs  half  a  penny- 
weight of  each,  and  six  pepper-corns,  and  grind  all  to  dust,  and 
put  two  egg-shells  full  of  wine.  This  is  true  leechcraft.  Give  it 
to  the  man  to  drink  till  he  be  well."43 

Punb  piner  Sepihth  xv  pene^um  mope  tliofi  '  punb  paeCpef. 

Puiib  hummer  gepihth  xxxiv  penesummope  chofi  punb  p»rjier. 

Punb  buccpan  sepihch  Ixxx  penesum  laerre  rhofi  punb  paecper. 

Punb  beeper  gepihch  xxii  penesum  laerre  rhofi  punb  paecpef. 

Punb  melopt'r  sepihrh  cxv  penegum  aerre  Chofj  punb  paerper. 

Punfe  beana  jepihch  Iv  penesum  laerre  chofi  punb  paecper- 

Anb  xv  punb  paecper  sach  ro  bejTpe.     Saxon  MS.  ap.  Wanley  Cat.  p.  1 79. 

43  MS.  Cott.  Lib.  Vitell.  c.  3. 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


389 


CHAP.  VIII. 

The  ANGLO-SAXON  Metaphysics. 


CHAP. 
VIII. 


Their  meta- 
physics. 


THE  three  men  of  letters  among  the  Anglo-Saxon 
who  handled  any  branch  of  the  metaphysical  subjects, 
besides  Alfred,  were  Bede,  Alcuin,  and  Joannes 
Erigena. 

It  is  in  the  tract  on  substances  that  Bede's  meta-  Bede  on 
physical  tendencies  appear. 

He  compares  the  three  inseparable  essences  of  the  Trinity  to 
the  circularity,  light,  and  heat  of  the  sun.  The  globular  body  of 
the  sun  never  leaves  the  heavens ;  but  its  light,  which  he  com- 
pares to  the  Filial  Personality,  and  its  heat,  which  he  applies  to 
the  Spiritual  Essence,  descend  to  earth,  and  diffuse  themselves 
every  where,  animating  the  mind,  and  pervading  and  softening  the 
heart.  Yet,  although  universally  present,  light  seems  never  to 
quit  the  sun,  for  there  we  always  behold  it ;  and  heat  is  its  unceas- 
ing companion.  As  circles  have  neither  beginning  nor  end,  such 
is  the  Deity.  Nothing  is  above ;  nothing  is  below ;  nothing  is 
Tteyond  him ;  no  term  concludes  him  ;  no  time  confines  him.1 

He  pursues  the  same  analogies  in  other  pai'ts  of  nature.  In 
water  he  traces  the  spring ;  its  flowing  river,  and  terminating  lake. 
They  differ  in  form,  but  are  one  in  substance,  and  are  always 
inseparable.  No  river  can  flow  without  its  spring,  and  must 
issue  into  some  collecting  locality.2 

In  his  treatise  on  the  soul,  Alcuin,  in  a  short  but  Alcuin  on 
rational  essay,  discusses  its  faculties  and  nature.     A  * 
few  selections  may  interest. 

!  Bede  de  Subst.  vol.  ii.  p.  304—306. 

2  Ibid.  p.  307.  His  view  of  nature  is  not  unpleasing.  "  Observe  how  all 
things  are  made  to  suit,  and  are  governed  :  heat  by  cold  ;  cold  by  heat ;  day  by 
night ;  and  winter  by  summer.  See  how  the  heavens  and  the  earth  are  respec- 
tively adorned :  the  heavens  by  the  sun,  the  moon,  and  stars  ;  the  earth  by  its 
beautiful  flowers,  and  its  herbs,  trees,  and  fruits.  From  these  mankind  derive  all 
their  food  ;  their  lovely  jewels  ;  the  various  pictures  so  delectably  woven  in  their 
hangings  and  valuable  cloths  ;  their  variegated  colours  ;  the  sweet  melody  of  strings 
and  organs ;  the  splendor  of  gold  and  silver,  and  the  other  metals ;  the  pleasant 
streams  of  water,  so  necessary  to  bring  ships,  and  agitate  our  mills ;  the  fragrant 
aroma  of  myrrh  ;  and,  lastly,  the  interesting  countenance  peculiar  to  the  human 
form."  p.  308. 

c  c  3 


390  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK  He  distinguishes  in  it  a  three-fold  nature:  the  appetitive;  the 

IX.  rational,  and  the  irascible.  Two  of  these  we  have  in  common  with 
*"— ~» '  animals ;  but  man  alone  reasons,  counsels,  and  excels  in  intelli- 
gence. The  rational  faculty  should  govern  the  others :  its  virtues 
are,  prudence,  justice,  temperance,  and  fortitude;  and  if  these 
be  made  perfect  by  benevolence,  they  bring  the  soul  near  to  the 
Divine  nature.3 

"  The  memory,  the  will,  and  the  intelligence,  are  all  distinct, 
yet  one.  Though  each  be  separate,  they  are  perfectly  united.  I 
perceive  that  I  perceive,  will,  and  remember ;  I  will  to  remember, 
perceive,  and  will ;  and  I  remember  that  I  have  willed,  perceived, 
and  recollected.4 

"  We  may  remark  the  wonderful  swiftness  of  the  soul  in  formirg 
things  which  it  has  perceived  by  the  senses.  From  these,  as  from 
certain  messengers,  it  forms  figures  in  itself,  with  inexpressible 
celerity,  of  whatever  it  has  perceived  of  sensible  things ;  and  it 
lays  up  these  forms  in  the  treasury  of  its  memory. 

"  Thus,  he  who  has  seen  Rome  figures  Rome  in  his  mind,  and 
its  form  ;  and  when  he  shall  hear  the  name  of  Rome,  or  remember 
it,  immediately  the  animus  of  it  will  occur  to  the  memory,  where 
its  form  lies  concealed.  The  soul  there  recognises  it,  where  it  had 
hidden  it. 

"  It  is  yet  more  wonderful,  that  if  unknown  things  be  read  or 
heard  of  by  the  ears  of  the  soul,  it  immediately  forms  a  figure  of 
the  unknown  thing  ;  as  of  Jerusalem.  When  seen  it  may  be  very 
different  from  the  figure  of  our  fancy :  but  whatever  the  soul 
has  seen  in  other  cities  that  are  known  to  it,  it  imagines  may  be 
in  Jerusalem,  From  known  species  it  images  the  unknown.  It 
does  not  fancy  walls,  houses,  and  streets  in  a  man ;  nor  the 
limbs  of  a  man  in  a  city,  but  buildings,  as  are  usual  in  cities.  So* 
in  every  thing.  The  mind  from  the  known  forms  the  unknown. 

"  While  I  think  of  Jerusalem,  I  cannot,  at  that  moment,  think 
of  Rome ;  or  when  I  think  of  any  other  single  thing,  I  cannot 
then  think  of  many ;  but  that  thing  only  is  present  to  my  mind 
which  I  deliberate  upon,  till,  sooner  or  later,  this  departs  and 
another  occurs. 

"  This  lively  and  heavenly  faculty,  which  is  called  mens,  or 
animus,  is  of  such  great  mobility  that  it  does  not  even  rest  in 
sleep.  In  a  moment,  if  it  chooses,  it  surveys  heaven  ;  it  flies  over 
the  sea,  and  wanders  through  regions  and  cities.  It  places  in  its 
sight,  by  thinking,  all  things  that  it  likes,  however  far  removed.5 

"  The  mind,  or  soul,  is  the  intellectual  spirit,  always  in  motion, 
always  living,  and  capable  of  willing  both  good  and  evil.  By  the 
benignity  of  its  Creator  it  is  ennobled  with  free  will.  Created  to 
rule  the  movements  of  the  flesh,  it  is  invisible,  incorporeal ;  with- 
out weight  or  colour ;  circumscribed,  yet  entire  in  every  member 
of  its  flesh.  It  is  now  afflicted  with  the  cares,  and  grieved  with 
the  pains  of  the  body ;  now  it  sports  with  joy ;  now  thinks  of 

Albini  Opera,  p.  770.  4  Ibid.  p.  773.  *  Ibid.  p.  773 — 775. 


ANGLO-SAXONS-  391 

known  things  ;  and  now  seeks  to  explore  those  which  are  un- 
known. It  wills  some  things  ;  it  does  not  will  others.  Love  is 
natural  to  it. 

"  It  is  called  by  various  names  :  the  soul,  while  it  vivifies  ;  the 
spirit,  when  it  contemplates  ;  sensibility,  while  it  feels  ;  the  mind, 
when  it  knows  ;  the  intellect,  when  it  understands  ;  the  reason, 
while  it  discriminates  ;  the  will,  when  it  consents  ;  the  memory, 
when  it  remembers  ;  but  these  are  not  as  distinct  in  substance  as 
in  names  :  they  are  but  one  soul.  Virtue  is  its  beauty  ;  vice  its 
deformity.  It  is  often  so  affected  by  some  object  of  knowlege, 
that,  though  its  eyes  be  open,  it  sees  not  the  things  before  it,  nor 
hears  a  sounding  voice  ;  nor  feels  a  touching  body. 

"  As  to  what  the  soul  is,  nothing  better  occurs  to  us  to  say  than 
that  it  is  the  spirit  of  life  ;  but  not  of  that  kind  of  life  which  is  in 
cattle,  which  is  witho'ut  a  rational  mind.  The  beauty  and  orna- 
ment of  the  human  soul  is  the  study  of  wisdom.  What  is  more 
blessed  to  the  soul  than  to  love  the  Supreme  Good,  which  is  God  ? 
What  is  happier  to  it  than  to  prepare  itself  to  be  worthy  of  ever- 
lasting beatitude,  knowing  itself  most  truly  to  be  immortal  ?"6 

But  the  most  metaphysical  treatise  that  appeared 
among  the  Anglo-Saxons  was  the  elaborate  work,  or  of  nature™ 
dialogue,  of  Joannes  Scotus,  or  Erigena,  the  friend 
of  Alfred  and  Charlemagne,  on  nature  and  its  dis- 
tinctions. It  emulates  the  sublimest  researches 
of  the  Grecians.  It  is  too  long  to  be  analysed  ; 
but  a  few  extracts  from  its  commencement  may 
be  acceptable,  to  show  his  style  of  thought  and 
expression  :  — 

"  Nature  may  be  divided  into  that  which  creates,  and  is  not 
created  ;  that  which  is  created,  and  creates  ;  that  which  is  created, 
and  does  not  create;  and  that  which  neither  creates  nor  is 
created.7 

"  The  essences  (or  what,  from  Aristotle,  in  those  days  they 
called  the  substance)  of  all  visible  or  invisible  creatures  cannot  be 
comprehended  by  the  intellect  ;  but  whatever  is  perceived  in  every 
thing,  or  by  the  corporeal  sense,  is  nothing  else  but  an  accident, 
*which  is  known  either,  by  its  quality  or  quantity,  form,  matter,  or 
differences,  or  by  its  place  or  time.  Not  what  it  is,  but  how  it  is. 

"  The  first  order  of  being  is  the  Deity  :  He  is  the  essence  of  all 
things. 

"  The  second  begins  from  the  most  exalted,  intellectual  virtue 
nearest  about  the  Deity,  and  descends  from  the  sublimest  angel  to 
the  loAvest  part  of  the  rational  and  irrational  creation.  The  three 


•  Albini  Opera,  p.  776—778. 


T  Joan.  Erig.  de  Divisione  Naturae,  p.  1. 
c  c  4 


392  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK  superior  orders  are,  1st,  The  Cherubim,  Seraphim,  and  Thrones. 
IX.  The  2d,  The  Virtues,  Powers,  and  Dominations.  The  3d,  The 
"-  •* '  Principalities,  Archangels,  and  Angels. 

"  The  cause  of  all  things  is  far  removed  from  those  which  have 
been  created  by  it.  Hence  the  reasons  of  created  things,  that  are 
eternally  and  unchangeably  in  it,  must  be  also  wholly  removed 
from  their  subjects. 

"  In  the  angelic  intellects  there  are  certain  theophanies  of  these 
reasons ;  that  is,  certain  comprehensible,  divine  apparitions  of  the 
intellectual  nature.  The  divine  essence  is  fully  comprehensible 
by  no  intelligent  creature. 

"  Angels  see  not  the  causes  themselves  of  things  which  subsist 
in  the  Divine  essence ;  but  certain  divine  apparitions,  or  theopha- 
nies, of  the  eternal  causes  whose  images  they  are.  In  this  manner 
angels  always  behold  God.  So  the  just  in  this  life,  while  in  the 
extremity  of  death,  and  in  the  future,  will  see  him  as  the  angels 
do. 

"  We  do  not  see  him  by  Himself,  because  angels  do  not.  This 
is  not  possible  to  any  creature.  But  we  shall  contemplate  the 
theophanies  which  he  shall  make  upon  us,  each  according  to  the 
height  of  his  sanctity  and  wisdom."8 

8  Joan.  Erig.  de  Divisione  Naturae,  p.  1 — 4. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  393 


CHAP.  IX. 

The  Arts  of  the  ANGLO-SAXONS. 

THE  art  of  music  has  been  as  universal  as  poetry;  CHAP. 
but  like  poetry,  has  every  where  existed  in  different 
degrees  of  refinement.  Among  rude  nations,  it  is  in 
a  rude  and  noisy  state  ;  among  the  more  civilised  it 
has  attained  all  the  excellence  which  science,  taste, 
feeling,  and  delicate  organisation  can  give. 

We  derive  the  greatest  portion  of  our  most  interest- 
ing music  from  harmony  of  parts;  and  we  attain  all  the 
variety  of  expression  and  scientific  combination  which 
are  familiar  to  us,  by  the  happy  use  of  our  musical 
notation.  The  ancients  were  deficient  in  both  these 
respects,  it  has  not  been  ascertained  that  they  had 
harmony  of  parts,  and  therefore  all  their  instruments 
and  voices  were  in  unison  ;  and  so  miserable  was 
their  notation,  that  it  has  been  contended  by  the 
learned,  with  every  appearance  of  truth,  that  they 
had  no  other  method  of  marking  time  than  by  the 
quantity  of  the  syllables  of  the  words  placed  over 
the  notes.  Saint  Jerome  might  therefore  well  say  on 
music,  "  Unless  they  are  retained  by  the  memory, 
sounds  perish,  because  they  cannot  be  written."1 

The  ancients,  so  late  as  the  days  of  Cassiodorus, 
or  the  sixth  century,  used  three  sorts  of  musical  in- 
struments, which  he  calls  the  percussioualia,  the 
tensibilia,  and  the  inflatila.  The  percussion  alia  were 
silver  or  brazen  dishes,  or  such  things  as,  when  struck 
with  some  force,  yielded  a  sweet  ringing.  The  ten- 

1  Jerom.  ad  Dard.  de  Mus.  lustr Guido,  by   his  invention  of  our  musical 

notation,  removed  this  complaint. 


394  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK  sibilia  he  describes  to  have  consisted  of  chords,  tied 
.  Ix'  .  with  art,  which,  on  being  struck  with  a  plectrum, 
soothed  the  ear  with  a  delightful  sound,  as  the  va- 
rious kinds  of  cytharae.  The  inflatila  were  wind  in- 
struments, as  tubaa,  calami,  organa,  panduria,  and 
such  like.2 

The  Anglo-Saxons  had  the  instruments  of  chords, 
and  wind-instruments. 

In  the  drawings  on  their  MSS.  we  see  the  horn, 
trumpet,  flute,  and  harp,  and  a  kind  of  lyre  of  four 
strings,  struck  by  a  plectrum. 

In  one  MS.  we  see  a  musician  striking  the  four- 
stringed  lyre,  while  another  is  accompanying  him 
with  two  flutes,  into  which  he  is  blowing  at  the  same 
time.3 

In  the  MSS.  which  exhibit  David  with  three 
musicians  playing  together.  David  has  a  harp  of 
eleven  strings,  which  he  holds  with  his  left  hand 
while  he  plays  with  his  right  fingers ;  another  is 
playing  on  a  violin  or  guitar  of  four  strings  with  a 
bow ;  another  blows  a  short  trumpet,  supported  in 
the  middle  by  a  pole,  while  another  blows  a  curved 
horn.4  This  was  probably  the  representation  of  an 
Anglo-Saxon  concert. 

The  chord  instrument  like  a  violin  was  perhaps 
that  to  which  a  disciple  of  Bede  alludes,  when  he 
expresses  how  delighted  he  should  be  to  have  "  a 
player  who  could  play  on  the  cithara,  which  we  call 
rotaa."  5 

Of  the  harp,  Bede  mentions,  that  in  all  festive 
companies  it  was  handed  round,  that  every  one 
might  sing  in  turn.  6  It  must  therefore  have  been  in 
very  common  use. 

2  Cassiod.  Op.  ii.  p.  507.  *  MS.  Cott.  Cleop.  C.  8. 

4  MS.  Cott.  Tib.  C.  6. 

5  Mag.  Bib.  xvi.  p.  88.      Snorre  calls  the  musicians  in  the  court  of  an  ancient 
king  of  Sweden  "Leckara,  llarpara,  Gigiara,  Fidlara."     Yng.  Saga,  c.  xxv.  p.  30. 

6  Bede,  lib.  iv.  c.  24. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  395 


Dunstan  is  also  described   by  his   biographer  to 


CHAP. 

IX. 


have  carried  with  him  to  a  house  his  cythara,  "  which 
in  our  language  we  call  hearpan."  7  He  hung  it 
against  the  wall,  and  one  of  the  strings  happening  to 
sound  untouched,  it  was  esteemed  a  miracle. 

The  organ  was  in  use  among  the  Anglo-Saxons. 

o  o  o  Saxon. 

Cassiodorus  and  Fortunatus  mention  the  word  organ  organ. 
as  a  musical  instrument,  but  it  has  been  thought  to 
have  been  a  collection  of  tubes  blowed  into  by  the 
human  breath.  Muratori  has  contended,  that  the  art 
of  making  organs  like  ours  was  known  in  the  eighth 
century  only  to  the  Greeks ;  that  the  first  organ  in 
Europe  was  the  one  sent  to  Pepin  from  Greece  in 
756 ;  and  that  it  was  in  826  that  a  Venetian  priest 
who  had  discovered  the  secret,  brought  it  into 
France.8 

A  passage  which  I  observed  in  Aldhelm's  poem, 
De  Laude  Virginum,  entirely  overthrows  these  theo- 
ries ;  for  he,  who  died  in  709,  and  who  never  went  to 
Greece,  describes  them  in  a  manner  which  shows  that 
he  was  acquainted  with  great  organs  made  on  the 
same  principle  as  our  own:  — 

Maxima  millenis  auscultans  organa  flabris 
Mulceat  auditum  ventosis  follibus  iste 
Quamlibet  auratis  fulgescant  csetera  capsis.9 

1  MS.  Cleop.  Among  the  old  poetry  of  Finland  is  the  description  of  an  ancient 
Finnish  harp,  which  represents  it  to  have  been  made  of  birch  wood  with  oaken 
keys  and  horse-hair  strings.  As  the  Saxons  or  Danes  may  have  so  constructed 
theirs,  I  insert  the  passage  as  an  indication  how  the  ruder  nations  of  Europe  made 
their  harps. 

He  the  aged  Waina  moinen 

Up  the  rock  his  boat  has  lifted  ; 

On  its  height  the  harp  created. 

Whence  the  concave  harp  created  ? 

From  the  body  of  the  birch  tree. 

And  the  harp's  keys  ;  whence  created  ? 

From  the  oak  tree's  equal  branches. 

And  the  harp's  strings ;  whence  created  ? 

From  the  tail  of  mighty  stallion. 

From  the  stallion's  tail  of  Lempo. 

Lenquist  de  Super.  Fin.  p.  36.  W.  Rev.  14.  p.  325. 

8  Murat.  de  Art.  Ital.  ii.  p.  357. 

9  Max.  Bib.    Pat.    xiii.    3.     Dr.  Lingard,  after  liberally   mentioning  that  this 
passage  in  Aldhelm  "  was  first  discovered ''  by  the  author  of  this   History,  cite* 


396  HISTORY    OF   THE 

BOOK          This  is,  literally, 

•  'Listening  to  the  greatest  organs  with  a  thousand  blasts,  the 

ear  is  soothed  by  the  windy  bellows,  while  the  rest  shines  in 
the  gilt  chests." 

Another  evidence  of  the  antiquity  of  organs  among 
the  Anglo-Saxons  has  occurred  to  my  observation  in 
the  works  of  BEDE,  a  contemporary  and  surviver  of 
Aldhelm.  The  passage  is  express,  and  also  shows 
how  they  were  made  :  — 

"An  organum  is  a  kind  of  tower  made  with  various  pipes,  from 
which,  by  the  blowing  of  bellows,  a  most  copious  sound  is  issued ; 
and  that  a  becoming  modulation  may  accompany  this,  it  is  fur- 
nished with  certain  wooden  tongues  from  the  interior  part,  which 
the  master's  fingers  skilfully  repressing,  produce  a  grand  and 
also  a  most  sweet  melody."  10 

Dunstan,  great  in  all  the  knowlege  of  his  day,  as 
well  as  in  his  ambition,  is  described  to  have  made  an 
organ  of  brass  pipes,  elaborated  by  musical  measures, 
and  filled  with  air  from  the  bellows.11  The  bells  he 
made  have  been  mentioned  before.  About  the  same 
time  we  have  the  description  of  an  organ  made  in  the 
church  at  Ramsey:  — 

"  The  earl  devoted  thirty  pounds  to  make  the  copper  pipes  of 
organs,  which,  resting  with  their  openings  in  thick  order  on  the 
spiral  winding  in  the  inside,  and  being  struck  on  feast  days  with 
the  strong  blast  of  bellows,  emit  a  sweet  melody  and  a  far  re- 
sounding peal."  i2 

the  quotation  from  Mon.  Gall.  Vit.  Car.  e.  1 0.,  which  describes  the  organ  sent  to 
Pepin  from  Constantine  the  Byzantine  emperor  ;  and  justly  adds,  "  The  French 
artists  were  eager  to  equal  this  specimen  of  Grecian  ingenuity,  and  were  so  suc- 
cessful, that  in  the  ninth  century  the  best  organs  were  made  in  France  and 
Germany.  Their  superiority  was  acknowleged  by  John  VIII.  in  a  letter  to  Anno, 
Bishop  of  Freisingen,  from  whom  he  requested  an  organ  and  a  master  for  the  in- 
struction of  the  Roman  musicians.  Sandini  Vit.  Pont.  i.  p.  241.  Soon  after  this 
period,  they  were  common  in  England,  and  constructed  by  English  artists."  Angl. 
Sax.  Church,  ii.  p.  282.  John  VIII.  was  Pope  in  854,  and  is  the  person  that  has 
been  called  or  thought  to  be  Pope  Joan. 

10  Bede,  Op.  vol.  viii.  p.  1062.  »  Gale,  iii.  366. 

12  Ibid.  420.  Another  Anglo-Saxon  organ  is  fully  described  in  the  tenth  cen- 
tury by  the  monk  Wolstan,  which  was  erected  in  Winchester  cathedral  by  St.  El- 
phege.  He  says,  such  a  one  had  never  been  seen  before.  It  seems  to  have  been  a 
prodigious  instrument.  It  had  twelve  bellows  above,  and  fourteen  below,  which 
were  alternately  worked  by  seventy  strong  men  covered  with  perspiration,  and 
emulousJy  animating  each  other  to  impel  the  blast  with  all  their  strength.  There 
were  four  hundred  pipes  (musas),  which  the  hand  of  the  skilful  organist  shut  or 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  397 

Bede  also  describes  the  drum,  cymbals,  and  harp  :  —      CHAP. 

"  The  DRUM  is  a  tense  leather,  stretched  on  two  cones  (metas)    '      y       > 
joined  together  by  their  acute  part,    which  resounds   on  being 
struck." 

''.The  CYMBALS  are  very  small  vessels  composed  from  mixed 
metals,  which,  struck  together  on  the  concave  side  with  skilful 
modulation,  give  a  most  acute  sound,  with  delectable  coinci- 
dence." l3 

"  A  skilful  HARPER,  stretching  many  chords  on  his  harp,  tempers 
them  with  such  sharpness  and  gravity,  that  the  upper  suit  the 
lower  in  melody.  Some  having  the  difference  of  a  semi-tone, 
some  of  one  tone,  some  of  two  tones.  Some  yield  the  consonancy 
diatessaron,  others  the  diapente,  others  the  diapason. 

"  Having  the  harp  in  his  hand,  arranged  with  suitable  strings 
(chordis),  he  stretches  some  to  an  acute  sound,  and  others  he 
remits  to  a  graver  one.  And  when  he  has  thus  disposed  them, 
applying  his  fingers,  he  strikes  them  in  what  manner  he  pleases, 
so  that  each  adapted  to  the  others  yield  the  consonancy  diapason, 
which  consists  of  eight  strings  (chordis).  The  diapente  consonancy 
consists  of  five  chordis,  and  the  diatessaron  of  four."  14 

Bede  also  mentions  "  the  minor  intervals  of  the 
voices,  which  sound  two  tones,  or  one,  or  a  semi- 
tone ;  and  that  the  semi-tone  was  used  in  the  high- 
sounding  as  well  as  the  grand-sounding  chords."15 
He  mentions  the  organ  in  another  place,  with  the 
viola16  and  harp17,  and  reasons  much  on  the  actions 
of  a  bow  on  a  tense  string  ;  and  he  adds  these  re- 
marks on  the  effects  of  music:  — 

"Among  all  the  sciences  this  is  more  commendable,  courtly, 
pleasing,  mirthful,  and  lovely.  It  makes  a  man  liberal,  cheerful, 
courteous,  glad,  amiable ;  it  rouses  him  to  battle  ;  it  exhorts  him 
to  bear  fatigue ;  it  comforts  him  under  labour ;  it  refreshes  the 
disturbed  mind ;  it  takes  away  head-aches  and  sorrow,  and  dispels 
the  depraved  humours  and  the  desponding  spirit." 18 

opened  as  the  tune  required.  Two  friars  sat  at  it,  whom  a  rector  governed.  It 
h»d  concealed  holes  adapted  to  forty  tongues,  which  we  may  interpret  to  have  been 
the  keys.  They  struck  the  seven  discrimina  vocum,  or  notes  of  the  octave,  the  car- 
mine of  the  lyric  semi- tone  being  mixed.  Wolst.  Cam.  Ssel.  Ben.  v.  p.  631.  Dr. 
Lingard  has  quoted  the  whole  Latin  passage,  p.  338.  As  Wolstan  dedicates  his 
poem  to  St.  Elphege,  we  may  accredit  the  description.  It  must  have  reached  the 
full  sublime  of  musical  sound,  so  far  as  its  quantity  produces  sublimity.  But  the 
effect  of  its  diapason  and  choruses  on  the  ears  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  must  have  been 
so  tremendous,  and  so  like  a  battle-cannonading,  that  all  melody  must  have  been 
lost  in  the  overpowering  roar  within  a  confining  edifice,  however  spacious. 

13  Bede,  Op.  vol.  viii.  p.  1061,  1062.  "  Ibid.  p.  1070. 

15  Ibid.  i«  Ibid.  p.  417. 

17  Ibid.  p.  408.  IS  Ibid.  p.  417,  418. 


398  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK  In  669,  Theodore  and  Adrian,  who  planted  learn- 
•  ing  among  the  Anglo-Saxons,  also  introduced  into 
Kent  the  ecclesiastical  chanting,  which  Gregory  the 
Great  had  much  improved.  From  Kent  it  was 
carried  into  the  other  English  churches,  In  678,  one 
John  came  also  from  Rome,  and  taught  in  his  mo- 
nastery the  Roman  mode  of  singing,  and  was  directed 
by  the  pope  to  diffuse  it  amongst  the  rest  of  the 
clergy,  and  left  written  directions  to  perpetuate  it. 
Under  his  auspices  it  became  a  popular  study  in  the 
Saxon  monasteries. 19 

We  have  a  pleasing  proof  of  the  impressive  effect 
of  the  sacred  mus^ic  of  the  monks,  in  the  little  poem 
which  Canute  the  Great  made  upon  it.  As  the 
monarch,  with  his  queen  and  courtiers,  were  ap- 
proaching Ely,  the  monks  were  at  their  devotions. 
The  king,  attracted  by  the  melody,  ordered  his 
rowers  to  approach  it,  and  to  move  gently  while  he 
listened  to  the  sounds  which  came  floating  through 
the  air  from  the  church  on  the  high  rock  before  him. 
He  was  so  delighted  by  the  effect,  that  he  made  a 
poem  on  the  occasion,  of  which  the  first  stanza  only 
has  come  down  to  us. 20 

There  are  many  ancient  MSS.  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
times,  which  contain  musical  notes. 

The  musical  talents  of  Alfred  and  Anlaf  have  been 
noticed  in  this  history. 

Their  The  progress  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  in  the  art  of 

pamtmg.  desiprn  and  painting  was  not  very  considerable. 
The  talents  of  their  artists  varied.  The  numerous 
coloured  drawings  of  plants  to  the  Herbarium  of 
Apuleius  have  merit  for  the  time;  but  the  animals 
in  the  same  MS.  are  indifferent.21  There  are  also 
coloured  drawings  of  the  things  fabled  to  be  in  the 
East,  in  two  MSS. 22  The  drawings  to  Csedmon 

l!f  See  Bede,  iv.  2.  18. ;  v.  22.  "  See  before,  p.  249. 

11  Cott.  Lib.  MSS.  Vitel.  C.  3.  K  MS.  Tib.  B.  5. 


ANGLO  SAXONS.  399 

show  little  skill. 23     Many  MSS.  have  the  decorations      CHAP. 

IX 

of    figures ;  as    the    Saxon    Calendar,    the    Gospels,  • 

Psalters,  and  others.24  The  account  of  the  stars, 
from  Cicero's  translation  of  Aratus,  contains  some 
very  elegant  images.25  A  portrait  of  Dunstan  is 
attempted  in  one  MS. 26  They  all  exhibit  hard  out- 
lines. 

Rome,  the  great  fountain  of  literature,  art,  and 
science  to  all  the  west  of  Europe,  in  these  barbaric 
ages,  furnished  England  with  her  productions  in  this 
art.  Augustin  brought  with  him  from  Rome  a 
picture  of  Christ ;  and  Benedict,  in  678,  imported 
from  Rome  pictures  of  the  Virgin,  and  of  the  twelve 
Apostles,  some  of  the  histories  in  the  Evangelists,  and 
some  from  the  subjects  in  the  Apocalypse.  These 
were  placed  in  different  parts  of  the  church.  In  685 
he  obtained  new  supplies  of  the  graphic  art.  Bede 
calls  them  pictures  from  the  Old  and  New  Testament, 
u  executed  with  wonderful  art  and  wisdom."  He 
mentions  four  of  these,  which  were  believed  to  have 
a  typical  concordance.  The  picture  of  Isaac  carrying 
the  wood  on  which  he  was  to  be  sacrificed,  was  placed 
near  the  representation  of  Christ  carrying  his  cross. 
So  the  Serpent  exalted  by  Moses  was  approximated 
to  the  Crucifixion.27 

Dunstan  excelled  in  this  as  in  the  other  arts.  He 
is  stated  to  have  diligently  cultivated  the  art  of  paint- 
ing, and  to  have  painted  for  a  lady  a  robe,  which 
she  afterwards  embroidered.28  There  is  a  drawing 
of  Christ  with  himself  kneeling  at  his  feet,  of  his  own 
"performance,  in  the  Bodleian  Library. 29 

The  Anglo-Saxons  were  fond  of  beautifying  their 
MSS.  with  drawings  with  ink  of  various  colours, 
coloured  parchment,  and  sometimes  with  gilt  letters. 

23  Cott.  MSS.  M  Ibid. 

25  MS.  Cal.  A.  7.     Tib.  B.  5.  Nero.  D.  4. 

*  MS.  Claud.  A.  3.  CT  Bede  Abb.  Wer.  295.  297. 

28  MS.  Cleop.  B.  13.  i8  Hickes,  p.  144. 


400 


BOOK 
IX. 


Their  ar- 
chitecture. 


The  Gospels,  Nero,  D.  4.,  exhibit  a  splendid  instance 
of  these  ornaments.  The  Francotheotisc  Gospels, 
Calig.  A.  7.,  are  also  highly  decorated.  Many  Saxon 
MSS.  in  the  Cotton  Library  exhibit  very  expensive 
and  what  in  those  days  were  thought  beautiful  illu- 
minations. The  art  of  doing  these  ornaments  has 
been  long  in  disuse ;  but  some  of  the  recipes  for  the 
materials  have  been  preserved. 

They  prepared  their  parchment  by  this  rule  :  — 

"  Put  it  under  lime,  and  let  it  lie  for  three  days  ;  then  stretch  it, 
scrape  it  well  on  both  sides,  and  dry  it,  and  then  stain  it  with  the 
colours  you  wish."30 

To  gild  their  skins,  we  have  these  directions :  — 

"  Take  the  red  skin  and  carefully  pumice  it,  and  temper  it  in 
tepid  water,  and  pour  the  water  on  it  till  it  runs  off  limpid. 
Stretch  it  afterwards,  and  smooth  it  diligently  with  clean  wood. 
When  it  is  dry,  take  the  white  of  eggs,  and  smear  it  therewith 
thoroughly ;  when  it  is  dry,  sponge  it  with  water,  press  it,  dry  it 
again,  and  polish  it ;  then  rub  it  with  a  clean  skin,  and  polish  it 
again,  and  gild  it."31 

The  receipts  for  their  gold  writing  have  been  men- 
tioned in  the  chapter  on  their  sciences. 

Of  their  sculpture  and  engraving  we  know  little. 
Their  rings  and  ornamental  horns,  and  the  jewel  of 
Alfred,  found  in  the  isle  of  Athelney32,  show  that 
they  had  the  art  of  engraving  on  metals  and  other 
substances  with  much  neatness  of  mechanical  execu- 
tion, though  with  little  taste  or  design. 

That  the  Anglo-Saxons  had  some  sort  of  architec- 
ture in  use  before  they  invaded  Britain  cannot  be 
doubted,  if  we  recollect  that  every  other  circumstance 
about  them  attests  that  they  were  by  no  means  in 
the  state  of  absolute  barbarism.  They  lived  in  edi- 
fices, and  worshipped  in  temples  raised  by  their  own 
skill.  The  temple  which  Charlemagne  destroyed  at 
Eresberg,  in  the  8th  century,  is  described  in  terms 


30  Muratori,  t.  ii.  p.  370. 
82  See  Hicke's  Thesaurus. 


31  Ibid.  p.  376. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  401 

which  imply,  at  least,  greatness;  and  if  we  consult      CHAP. 
their  language,  we  shall  find  that  they  had  indigenous  > 

expressions  concerning  their  buildings,  which  is  evi- 
dence that  the  things  which  they  designate  were  in 
familiar  use.33 

The  verb,  which  they  commonly  used  when  they 
spoke  of  building,  satisfactorily  shows  us  that  their 
ancient  erections  were  of  wood.  It  is  getymbrian, 
"  to  make  of  wood."  Where  Bede  says  of  any  one 
that  he  built  a  monastery  or  a  church,  Alfred  trans- 
lates it  getirnbrade.  So  appropriated  was  the  word 
to  building,  that  even  when  they  became  accustomed 
to  stone  edifices,  they  still  retained  it,  though,  when 
considered  as  to  its  original  meaning,  it  then  expressed 
an  absurdity ;  for  the  Saxon  Chronicle  says  of  a 
person,  that  he  promised  to  getembrian  a  church  of 
stone34,  which  literally  would  imply  that  he  made  of 
wood  a  stone  church.  Alfred  uses  it  in  the  same 
manner. 

The  first  Saxon  churches  of  our  island  were  all 
built  of  wood.35  The  first  church  in  Northumbria 
was  built  of  wood.  So  the  one  of  Holy  Island.36 

The  church  of  Durham  was  built  of  split  oak,  and 
covered  with  reeds  like  those  of  the  Scots.37  In 
Greensted  church  in  Essex,  the  most  ancient  part, 
the  nave  or  body  of  this  church,  was  entirely  com- 
posed of  the  trunks  of  large  oaks  split,  and  rough- 
hewed  on  both  sides.  They  were  set  upright  and 
close  to  each  other,  being  let  into  a  sill  at  the  bottom, 
and  a  plate  at  the  top,  where  they  were  fastened  with 
wooden  pins.  "  This,"  says  Ducarel,  "  was  the  whole 
of  the  original  church,  which  yet  remains  entire, 

83  Their  term  for  window  is  rather  curious ;  it  is  eh-chypl,  literally  an  eye-hole. 
Dr.  Clark  says  of  the  poorer  sort  of  Russian  towns,  "  A  window  in  such  places  is  a 
mark  of  distinction,   and  seldom  seen.      The  houses  in  general  have  only  small 
holes,  through  which,  as  you  drive  by,  you  see  a  head  stuck  as  in  a  pillory."     This 
description  may  explain  the  Saxon  "  eh-tbyjil." 

84  Sax.  Chron.  p.  28.  "  Bede,  iii.  25, 
"  Ibid.  4.  "  Ibid. 

VOL.    III.  D  P 


402  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK  though  much  corroded  and  worn  by  length  of  time. 
.  "'  .  It  is  29  feet  9  inches  long,  and  5  feet  6  inches  high 
on  the  sides,  which  supported  the  primitive  roof."38 

Remains  of  Roman  architecture  have  been  found 
in  various  parts  of  England.  In  Mr.  Carter's  Ancient 
Architecture  of  England,  and  in  the  publications  of 
Mr.  Lysons,  may  be  seen  several  fragments  of  a 
Roman  temple  and  other  buildings  lately  dug  up  at 
Bath  and  elsewhere ;  which  show  that  our  ancestors, 
when  they  settled  in  England,  had  very  striking 
specimens  of  Roman  architecture  before  them,  which 
must  have  taught  them  to  despise  their  own  rude 
performances,  and  to  wish  to  imitate  nobler  models. 

The  circles  of  stones  which  are  found  in  Cornwall, 
Oxfordshire,  and  Derbyshire,  as  well  as  the  similar 
ones  in  Westphalia,  Brunswick,  and  Alsatia,  which 
Keysler  mentions39,  show  rather  the  absence  than 
the  knowlege  of  architectural  science.  They  are 
placed  by  mere  strength,  without  skill ;  they  prove 
labour  and  caprice,  but  no  art. 

Stonehenge  is  certainly  a  performance  which  exhibits 
more  workmanship  and  contrivance.  The  stones  of 
the  first  and  third  circles  have  tenons  which  fit  to 
mortises  in  the  stones  incumbent.  They  are  also 
shaped,  though  into  mere  simple  upright  stones,  and 
the  circles  they  describe  have  considerable  regularity. 
But  as  it  is  far  more  probable  that  they  were  raised 
by  the  ancient  Britons  than  by  Anglo-Saxons,  they 
need  not  be  argued  upon  here. 

If  the  Roman  buildings  extant  in  Britain  had  been 
insufficient  to  improve  the  taste,  and  excite  the  emu- 
lation of  the  Saxons,  yet  the  arrival  of  the  Roman 
clergy,  which  occurred  in  the  7th  century,  must  have 
contributed  to  this  effect. 

It  is  true,  that  architecture  as  well  as  all  the  arts 

38  Ducarel's  Anglo-Norman  Antiquities,  p.  100. 
89  Antiq.  Septent.  p.  5—10. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  403 

declined,  even  at  Rome,  after  the  irruption  of  the  CHAP. 
barbaric  tribes.  It  is  however  a  just  opinion  of  Mu-  .  Ix  . 
ratori40,  that  the  arts,  whose  exercise  is  necessary  to 
life,  could  never  utterly  perish.  To  build  houses  for 
domestic  convenience,  and  places,  however  rude,  for 
religious  worship,  exacted  some  contrivance.  But 
there  is  a  great  distinction  between  the  edifices  of 
necessity  and  those  of  cultivated  art.  Strong  walls, 
well-covered  roofs,  and  a  division  of  apartments ; 
whatever  simple  thought,  profuse  expense,  and  great 
labour  could  produce,  appeared  in  all  parts  of  Europe 
during  the  barbarian  ages :  but  symmetry  and  right 
disposition  of  parts,  the  plans  of  elegant  convenience, 
of  beauty  and  tasteful  ornament,  were  unknown  to 
both  Roman  and  Saxon  architects,  from  the  6th 
century  to  very  recent  periods. 

But  if  the  science  and  practice  of  Roman  and 
Grecian  architecture  declined  at  Rome,  with  its  poli- 
tical empire,  and  the  erections  of  barbaric  ignorance 
and  barbaric  taste  appeared  instead  ;  the  effect,  which 
we  are  to  expect,  would  result  from  our  ancestors 
becoming  acquainted  with  the  Roman  models,  was 
rather  a  desire  for  great  and  striking  architecture, 
than  an  exact  imitation  of  the  beauty  they  admired. 
Correct  and  elegant  architecture  requires  that  the 
mind  of  the  designer  and  superintendent  should  be 
cultivated  with  a  peculiar  degree  of  geometrical 
science  and  general  taste.  Masons  capable  of  execut- 
ing whatever  genius  may  conceive,  are  not  alone 
sufficient.  Of  these  there  must  have  been  no  want, 
in  the  most  barbarous  ages  of  Europe.  They  who 
could  raise  the  stupendous  monasteries  and  cathedrals 
which  we  read  of  or  have  seen,  could  have  equally 
reared  the  more  elegant  buildings  of  ancient  art,  if 
an  architect  had  existed  who  could  have  given  their 


40  De  Art.  Ital.  t.  ii.  p.  353. 
v  D  2 


404  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK      labour   and   ingenuity   the   requisite   direction.      A 
.   Wren,  or  a  Vitruvius,  was  wanted,  not  able  workmen. 
The  disciplined   mind  and   cultured  taste,    not   the 
manual  dexterity. 

The  arts  of  life  are  found  to  flourish  in  proportion 
as  their  productions  are  valued  and  required.  When 
the  Anglo-Saxons  became  converted  to  Christianity, 
they  wanted  monasteries  and  churches.  And  this 
demand  for  architectural  ability  would  have  produced 
great  perfection  in  the  art,  if  the  state  of  the  other 
arts  and  sciences  had  permitted  a  due  cultivation  of 
genius  in  this ;  but  no  single  art  can  attain  perfection 
if  every  other  be  neglected,  or  if  general  ignorance 
enfeeble  and  darken  the  mind.  Patronage,  therefore, 
though  it  called  forth  whatever  mechanical  labour 
and  unlettered  mind  could  fabricate,  could  not  mira- 
culously create  taste  and  regular  science.  The  love 
of  sublimity  is  more  congenial  to  the  rude  heroism 
of  infant  civilisation,  and  therefore  our  ancient  archi- 
tecture often  reached  to  the  sublime;  but  while  we 
admire  its  vastness,  its  solidity,  and  its  magnificence 
we  smile  at  its  irregularities,  its  discordancies,  and 
its  caprice. 

The  chief  peculiarities  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  archi- 
tecture, of  which  several  specimens,  though  in  frag- 
ments, exist,  are  declared  to  be  a  want  of  uniformity 
of  parts,  inassy  columns,  semi-circular  arches,  and 
diagonal  mouldings.41  Of  these  the  two  first  are 
common  to  all  the  barbaric  architecture  of  Europe. 
But  the  semi-circular  arches  and  diagonal  mouldings 
seem  to  have  been  more  peculiar  additions  to  the 
Saxon  building. 

That  the  round  arches  were  borrowed  from  Roman 
buildings,  is  the  prevailing  sentiment.  It  is  at  least 
a  fact,  that  the  Saxons  must  have  seen  them  among 

41  See  Carter's  Ancient  Architecture. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  405 

the  numerous  specimens  of  the  imperial  architecture     CHAP. 
which  they  found  in  England.  •        — > 

The  universal  diagonal  ornament,  or  zig-zag  mould- 
ing, which  is  a  very  distinguishing  trait  of  the  Saxon 
architecture,  is  found  disposed  in  two  ways ;  one 
with  its  point  projecting  outwards,  and  the  other 
with  its  point  lying  so  as  to  follow  the  lines  which 
circumscribe  it,  either  horizontal,  perpendicular,  or 
circular.42 

On  this  singular  ornament  an  etymological  remark 
may  be  hazarded,  as  it  may  tend  to  elucidate  its 
origin.  The  Saxon  word  used  to  denote  the  adorning 
of  a  building  is  gefraatwian,  or  fraetwan ;  and  an 
ornament  is  fraatew ;  but  fraetan  signifies  to  gnaw  or 
to  eat ;  and  upon  our  recollecting  that  the  diagonal 
ornament  of  Saxon  building  is  an  exact  imitation  of 
teeth,  we  can  hardly  refrain  from  supposing  that  the 
ornament  was  an  intended  imitation  of  teeth.  Frae- 
tew  and  fraatwung,  which  they  used  to  signify  orna- 
ment, may  be  construed  fret- work,  or  teeth-work. 
The  teeth  which  the  Saxon  diagonals  represent,  are, 
I  believe,  marine  teeth.  If  so,  perhaps  they  arose 
from  the  stringing  of  teeth  of  the  large  sea  animals. 

We  will  mention  a  few  of  the  ancient  Saxon 
buildings  we  meet  with,  and  show  how  they  are 
described. 

In  627,  Paulinus  built  the  first  Christian  church,  in  Northumbria, 
of  wood ;  it  was  afterwards  rebuilt  on  a  larger  scale,  and  with 
stone  :  he  also  built  a  stone  church  at  Lincoln.  His  church  at 
York  was  not  very  skilfully  erected :  for  in  less  than  a  century 
Afterwards,  Wilfrid  found  its  stony  offices  half  destroyed ;  its  roof 
was  permeable  to  moisture.  It  had  windows  of  fine  linen  cloth, 
or  latticed  wood-work  ;  but  no  glazed  casements,  and  therefore  the 
birds  flew  in  and  out,  and  made  nests  in  it.43  So  Bede  says  of  his 
church  at  Lincoln,  that  though  the  walls  were  standing,  the  roof 
had  fallen  down.44 

In  676,  Benedict  sought  cementarios,  or  masons,  to  make  a 
church  in  the  Roman  manner,  which  he  loved.  But  the  Roman 

42  See  Carter's  Ancient  Architecture,  p.  1 5. 

43  Malmsb.  149.  41  Bede,  ii.  16. 

D  D  3 


406  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK       manner  seems  not  to  express  the  Roman  science  and  taste,  but 
IX.         rather  a  work  of  stone,  and  of  the  large  size  which  the  Romans 
'        '    used.     It  was  finished  in  a  year  after  its  foundation.45 

At  this  period,  glass-makers  were  not  known  among  the  Saxons. 
But  Benedict  had  heard  of  them,  and  he  sent  to  Gaul  for  some,  to 
make  latticed  windows  to  the  porticoes  and  caenaculum  of  the 
church.  From  those  whom  he  employed,  the  Saxons  learned  the 
art.46 

In  the  7th  century,  Cuthbert  built  a  monastery,  which  is  de- 
scribed. From  wall  to  wall  it  was  of  four  or  five  perches.  The 
outside  was  higher  than  a  standing  man.  The  wall  was  not  made 
of  cut  stone,  or  bricks  and  cement,  but  of  unpolished  stones  and 
turf,  which  they  had  dug  from  the  spot.  Some  of  the  stones  four 
men  could  hardly  lift.  The  roofs  were  made  of  wood  and  clay.47 

As  their  architectural  practice  improved,  they  chose  better 
materials.  Thus  Firman  took  from  the  church  at  Durham  its 
thatched  roof,  and  covered  it  with  plates  of  lead.48 

About  709,  Wilfrid  flourished.  He,  like  many  others,  had 
travelled  to  Rome,  and  of  course  beheld  the  most  valuable  speci- 
mens of  ancient  art.  He  brought  thence  some  masons  and  arti- 
ficers.49 Though  he  could  not  imitate  these,  he  sought  to  improve 
the  efforts  of  his  countrymen.  The  church  of  Paulinus,  at  York, 
he  completely  repaired.  He  covered  the  roof  with  pure  lead,  he 
washed  its  walls  from  their  dirt,  and  by  glass  windows  (to  use  the 
words  of  my  author)  he  kept  out  the  birds  and  rain,  and  yet  ad- 
mitted light. 

At  Ripon,  he  also  erected  a  church  with  polished  stone,  adorned 
with  various  columns  and  porticoes.  At  Hexham,  he  made  a 
similar  building.  It  was  founded  deep,  and  made  of  polished 
stones,  with  many  columns  and  porticoes,  adorned  with  great 
length  and  height  of  walls.  It  had  many  windings,  both  above  and 
below,  carried  spirally  round.  It  was  superior  to  any  edifice  on 
this  side  of  the  Alps.  In  the  inside  was  a  stony  pavement,  on 
which  a  workman  fell  from  a  scaffold  of  enormous  height.50 

In  716,  we  read  of  Croyland  monastery.  The  marshy  ground 
would  not  sustain  a  stony  mass.  The  king,  therefore,  had  a  vast 
number  of  piles  of  oak  and  alders  fixed  in  the  ground,  and  earth 
was  brought  in  boats,  nine  miles  off,  to  be  mingled  with  the  timber 
and  the  marsh,  to  complete  the  foundation.51 

In  969,  a  church  was  built.  The  preceding  winter  was  employed 
in  preparing  the  iron  and  wooden  instruments,  and  all  other  neces- 
saries. The  most  skilful  artificers  were  then  brought.  The 
length  and  breadth  of  the  church  were  measured  out,  deep  foun- 
dations were  laid  on  account  of  the  neighbouring  moisture,  and 
they  were  strengthened  by  frequent  percussions  of  the  rams. 
While  some  workmen  carried  stones,  others  made  cement,  and 
others  raised  both  aloft  by  a  machine,  with  a  wheel.  Two  towers, 

**  Bede,  p.  295.  *  Ibid.  p.  295.  47  Ibid.  p.  243. 

<8  Il)id.  p.  25.  *  Malmsb.  lib.  iii. 

»•  Edclius,  Vita  Wilfridi,  59—63.  sl  Ingulf,  p.  4. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  407 

with  their  tops,  soon  rose,  of  which  the  smaller  was  visible  on  the      CHAP. 
west,  in  the  front  of  the  church.     The  larger  in  the  middle,  with         Ix- 
four  spires,  pressed  on  four  columns,  connected  together  by  arches  * 

passing  from  one  to  the  other,  that  they  might  not  separate.52 

It  is  supposed  that  many  specimens  of  ancient  Saxon  architec- 
ture yet  remain ;  as  part  of  St.  Peter's  at  Oxford,  part  of  St. 
Alban's  abbey  church,  Tickencote  church,  near  Stamford,  in 
Lincolnshire,  the  porch  on  the  south  side  of  Shireburn  minster, 
Barfreston  church,  in  Kent,  Iffley  church,  and  some  others.  But 
the  works  and  delineations  of  professional  men  must  be  consulted 
on  this  subject. 

52  Gale,  iii.  399.     * 


D  D  4 


408  HISTORY    OF    THE 


BOOK  X, 

Their  RELIGION. 
CHAP.  I. 

Utility  and  Decline  of  Saxon  Paganism,  and  the  Introduction  of 
Christianity  among  the  ANGLO-SAXONS.  —  Its  general  Effect. — 
Religious  Passages  in  the  Welsh  Bards. 

BOOK  THE  religion  of  the  Saxons,  while  on  the  Continent, 
x-  .  has  been  delineated  in  the  Appendix  to  the  first 
volume  of  this  history.  With  that  martial  superstition 
they  came  into  Britain.  They  found  the  island  in  a 
peculiar  state  on  this  impressive  subject.  In  many 
towns  and  stations,  they  met  with  tomb-stones,  altars, 
and  other  lapidary  inscriptions ;  images,  temples,  and 
public  works  dedicated  to  several  of  the  imaginary 
deities,  which  Rome,  in  her  paganism,  and  her  allies, 
had  worshipped.  The  majority  of  the  Britons  were 
professing  Christianity,  and  had  sent  bishops  to  the 
councils  on  the  Continent.  But  the  Druidism  which 
yet  had  its  regular  temples  in  Bretagne,  was  lingering 
in  some  corners  of  the  island,  and  was  still,  by  its 
traditions  and  mysticisms,  materially  affecting  the 
minds  of  the  Britsh  bards  of  that  period.  Many  of 
the  remaining  poems  of  Taliesin,  and  some  passages 
in  those  of  Llywarch  Hen,  show  that  mixture  of 
the  ancient  Druidical  feeling  with  their  Christian  faith, 
which  evinces  that  their  minds  were  a  confused 
medley  of  opinions  and  sentiments  from  both  sources, 
and  therefore  too  fantastic  to  benefit  or  interest  their 
Saxon  conquerors,  or  to  care  for  their  improvement. 
The  British  clergy,  as  drawn  by  one  of  themselves, 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  409 

at  that  time,  were  by  their  vices,  ignorance,  and  pro-      CHAR 
fligacy,  still  less  qualified  than  the  bards  to  impress   • — 'f — » 
the  fierce  descendants  of  Odin  with  either  the  morals 
or  the  belief  of  Christianity. 

When  we  observe  the  many  forms  of  idolatrous 
superstitions  that  have  governed  and  still  interest  the 
human  mind  in  so  many  parts,  and  for  so  many  ages, 
and  reflect  on  the  vast  reasoning  powers  of  man,  and 
on  the  highly- gifted  individuals  who  have  believed 
and  supported  such  errors  and  absurdities,  we  are 
astonished  at  their  predominance.  But  the  fact  of 
their  long  prevalence  is  evidence  that  they  must  be 
connected  with  some  of  the  natural  tendencies  of  the 
human  mind,  and  with  some  of  the  circumstances  of 
ancient  society,  and  will  induce  the  unprejudiced 
philosopher  to  hope  that  their  long-continuing  errors 
have  not  been  altogether  unuseful. 

We  may  refer  the  rise  and  diffusion  of  the  various 
systems  to  many  causes.  Accident,  caprice,  reason- 
ing, imagination,  policy,  hope,  fear,  and  the  love  of 
agitation  and  enjoyment,  have  suggested  many  rites 
and  notions.  Vanity,  enthusiasm,  craft,  and  selfish- 
ness, have  given  rise  to  others.  But,  perhaps,  the 
desire  of  the  human  heart  to  have  deities  like  itself, 
and  as  little  above  human  nature  as  possible,  —  and 
its  shrinking  from  a  holy,  just,  all-knowing,  and 
perfect  God,  — and  its  aversion  to  have  any  moral 
governor  and  legislator,  principally  led  mankind  to  all 
their  ancient  polytheism.  Yet  the  feelings  of  the 
9  sincere  votaries,  even  of  idolatry,  have  been  always 
natural,  and,  though  often  gross  and  ignorant,  usually 
well-intentioned.  The  dread  of  evil,  and  the  expect- 
ation of  averting  it ;  gratitude  for  good  enjoyed, 
anxiety  at  the  vicissitudes  of  life,  and  the  desire  of  a 
protector;  grief  under  poignant  sorrow,  and  the 
heart's  craving  for  a  comforter ;  regret  for  faults 
committed ;  a  sense  of  imperfection  and  unworthi- 


410  HISTORY   OF    THE 

BOOK  ness ;  an  awful  impression  of  the  majesty,  as  well  as 
r'  .  the  power  of  the  invisible  Deity  ;  the  wish  for  an 
intercessor  ;  the  bitterness  of  disappointment,  and  the 
sentiment  of  the  ultimate  insufficiency  of  the  riches, 
pleasures,  and  ambition  of  life  to  satisfy  the  mature 
and  experienced  mind  ; — these  feelings  have,  in  all 
times  and  places,  concurred  with  other  impressions 
to  lead  mankind  to  adopt  with  eagerness  whatever 
system  of  deprecation,  adoration,  expiation,  recon- 
cilement,  and  supplication  was  most  accessible,  most 
habitual,  or  most  recommended  to  their  attention. 
It  is  upon  their  feelings,  rather  than  upon  their 
reason,  that  mankind  base  their  belief,  not  in  religion 
alone,  but  in  all  things  which  they  accredit  or  uphold  ; 
and  belief  will  be  always  greatly  coloured  by  the 
fancies,  state  of  knowlege,  exigencies,  cultivation,  and 
customs  of  the  day. 

No  paganism  could,  according  to  the  nature  of 
things,  have  subsisted  long,  or  would  have  been 
permitted  to  subsist,  unless  some  temporary  utility 
had  accompanied  it.  The  religion  of  every  country 
being  the  creature,  or  the  adoption,  of  its  feelings  and 
intellect,  must  correspond  with  their  state  and  ten- 
dencies. It  must  partake  of  their  imperfections,  and 
improve  as  they  do.  But  all  forms  of  paganism, 
though  frequently  at  variance  with  morality,  are  yet 
the  antagonists  of  atheism,  and  of  its  counterpart,  a 
disbelief  of  the  moral  government  of  the  Deity.  Al- 
though paganism  attaches  the  feelings  and  opinions 
to  imaginary  beings,  yet  it  preserves,  in  the  general 
mind,  the  impression  of  a  Divine  power  and  provi- 
dence, interested  by  human  conduct,  and  superintend- 
ing human  concerns ;  commanding  nature,  punishing 
crimes,  imposing  precepts ;  irresistible  yet  placable ; 
and  on  whose  distribution  all  the  good  and  evil  of  life 
continually  depend.  It  fills  nature  with  Deity, 
though  it  combines  it  with  phantoms  of  its  perverted 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  411 

imagination.  It  is  undoubtedly  true  that  the  greatest 
mistakes  of  reasoning  and  conduct  have  been  con- 
nected with  idolatry  and  polytheism.  But,  with  all 
these  evils,  they  have  kept  both  the  uncultivated  and 
refined  mind  of  the  world  from  surrendering  the 
command  of  its  energies  and  feelings  to  the  govern- 
ment of  atheism ;  and  thus  have  preserved  society 
from  that  dreadful  state  of  selfishness,  bloodshed, 
violence,  and  profligacy,  which  must  have  resulted  if 
universal  disbelief  of  a  creating  and  presiding  Deity 
had  pervaded  it ;  and  which,  as  far  as  reasoning  can 
extend  its  foresight,  must  accompany  the  universal 
diffusion  of  a  system  so  disconsolatory. 

But,  independently  of  this  general  benefit,  almost 
every  system  of  paganism,  if  closely  examined,  will 
be  found  to  contain  some  valuable  principles  or  feel- 
ings that  half  redeem  its  follies.  The  lofty  theism, 
and  sublime,  though  wild,  traditions  of  the  Northmen 
we  have  already  noticed  from  their  Voluspa  and  Edda. 
It  is  most  probable  that  in  these  we  read  the  senti- 
ments of  our  Anglo-Saxon  forefathers.  It  would 
indeed  seem  that  both  the  British  Druids  and  the 
Saxon  Pagans  had  as  high  a  sense  of  the  Supreme 
Deity  as  several  of  the  Orphic  verses  show  to  have 
existed  in  some  of  the  minds  of  Ancient  Greece.  I 
infer  this,  as  to  the  Britons,  from  the  remarkable  cir- 
cumstance that  the  most  ancient  British  bards,  and 
those  of  the  middle  ages,  whatever  be  the  subject  of 
their  poems,  made  it  their  usual  custom  to  begin  them 
with  an  address  to  the  Deity,  or  to  insert  some  ex- 
pressions of  veneration  to  him,  containing  not  only 
ideas  derived  from  Christianity,  but  often  others  that 
are  more  referable  to  the  notions  of  their  Druidical 
ancestors.1  In  the  Saxon  poems  that  remain,  we 

1  The  poems  of  Taliesin,  Meilyr,  Gwalchmai,  Meilyr  and  Einion  his  sons,  C'ynd- 
ddw,  Llywarch  ap  Moch,  Casnodyn,  Dafydd  y  Coed,  Griffith  ab  Maredwg,  and  others, 


412 


HISTORY    OF   THE 


BOOK 
X. 


find,  in  the  same  spirit,  many  metaphors  and  much 
periphrasis  on  the  Deity,  which  seem  to  be  the  effu- 


abound  with  instances  of  this  poetical  piety,  of  which  the  following  are  given  as 
specimens :  — 


TALIESIN. 

Sovereign  of  heaven  and  of  every  re- 
gion ! 

We  knew  not 
Who  thou  wert. 

To  God  the  Defyer : 

To  God  the  Regulator : 

The  prophet  of  Mercy  ! 

The  Great ;  the  Wonderful ;  — 

When  thou  gavest  protection 

Thro'  the  waves 

To  the  path  of  Moses, 

Sovereign  principle  of  all  movement, 

Thine  is  the  country  of  heaven, 

To  thee  it  belongs, 

Thine  is  the  peace  of  heaven. 

To  thee 

There  is  neither  covering 

Nor  want 

In  thy  region,  O  Regulator  1 

Nothing  can  be  made, 

Nothing  can  be  separated, 

Nothing  can  be  protected 

But  by  him. 

Great  was  his  atonement 

And  thy  liberality 

And  mercy. 

Lord  of  the  tribute  of  the  world  ! 

May  we  also  be 

Received  together 

In  the  cities  of  the  heavens. 

No  one  can  be  enriched 

Without  the  power  of  the  Trinity. 

I  will  praise  the  Fountain  of  Love  ; 
The  Lord  of  every  nation, 
The  Sovereign  of  hosts  and  of  energies 
Around  the  universe. 

TALHAIARN. 

O  God  !  Grant  me  protection  !  and  with 
thy  protection,  strength  ;  and  with 
strength,  discretion ;  and  with  discretion, 
integrity  ;  and  with  integrity,  love  ; 
and  in  love,  to  love  thee,  oh  my  God  : 
and  loving  thee,  to  be  affectionate  to 
every  thing. 


MEILYR. 

The  King  of  kings  ! 

It  shall  be  pre-eminently  my  duty 

Freely  to  praise  Him. 

To  my  loftiest  Lord, 

I  will  lift  up  my  prayer. 

Sovereign  of  the  region  of  necessity  ! 
Of  the  exalted  circle  of  felicity  ! 
Excelling  one  ! 
Make  a  reconciliation 
Between  me  and  thee. 

The  re-echoing  groan  returns 

At  the  memory  how  thou  wast  insulted 

For  me. 

But  may  my  penitence  be  effectual, 

Thou  hast  satisfied  punishment 

In  the  presence  of  God,  the  Creator ; 

My  atonement !  but  my  prayer 

Is  without  service. 

Yet  I  will  serve  thee, 

0  my  eternal  King  ! 

Ere  I  vanish  from  my  earthly  frame, 
A  prophecy  of  truth 
Toward  Adam  and  his  offspring 
The  prophets  predicted  ; 

The  existence  of  Jesus 

In  the  womb  of  Martyrdom  ! 

That  the  good  Mary 

Should  carry  the  embrio  burthen. 

1  have  heaped  up  to  excess 
A  burthen  of  sins. 

I  am  in  tumult ! 

I  have  been  greatly  agitated 

By  their  conflicts. 

Sovereign  of  all  Life  ! 

How  good  to  those  who  worship  thee  I 

I  will  worship  thee. 

May  I  become  completely  purified 

Before  I  am  punished. 

The  King  of  every  dominion, 

He  knows  me ; 

He  will  not  refuse  me  : 

He  will  have  mercy 

On  my  evil  deeds. 

Often  have  I  obtained 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


413 


sions  of  their  more  ancient  feelings ;  and  fragments, 
or  mutations,  of  some  part  of  their  pagan  hymns. 


Gold  and  velvet  from  frail  chiefs 

For  loving  them, 

But  after  the  gift  of  the  muse 

It  is  now  otherwise. 

Poor  is  now  my  tongue, 

In  its  silence. 

I,  Meilyr,  the  poet, 
Am  a  Pilgrim  to  Peter. 
To  a  Porter  who  regulates 
All  qualities  appropriately. 

The  time  will  be 

The  appointed  season  of  resurrection 

To  all  that  are  in  the  grave. 

I  foresee  it. 

Tho'  I  shall  be  in  my  dwelling 

Awaiting  the  call, 

The  Goal  is  secure, 

There,  I  shall  be  preserved. 

My  rest  shall  be  in  a  solitude 
Not  won  by  the  traveller. 
The  bosom  of  the  briny  sea 
Shall  be  around  my  sepulchre, 
In  the  pleasing  island  of  Mary, 
The  holy  island  of  the  pure  : 
The  image  of  our  rising  up 
Is  beautiful  in  her. 

Christ,  whose  cross  was  predicted 
Will  there  know  me ; 
Will  there  guard  me 
From  the  uproar  of  hell ; 
The  abode  of  the  separated. 
The  Creator  who  formed  me 
Will  admit  me 
Among  the  holy  society 
Of  the  community  of  Enlli. 


GWALCHMAI. 

To  us  there  is  a  Physician 

Who  can  deliver  us  from  falsehood. 
•  Let  us  place  then  upon   Him  our  de- 
pendence. 

It  is  the  Lord  of  heaven 

Who  hath  the  power 

To  free  us  from  vice  even  after  its  ex- 
tremity. 

EINION  AB  GWALCHMAI. 
By   conquering  reconciliation    for   my 

errors, 

Before  I  am  in  my  sepulchral  course 
Among  the  graves, 


Before  the  period  of  the  bitter  tales  ap- 
proaches, 

Before  the  sighing  for  my  sins  returns 
upon  me, 

God  in  his  kind  love 

Will  preserve  me  in  the  cities  of  heaven, 

God  will  hear  my  voice  ; 

For  my  thoughts  ascend  to  Him. 

MEILYR,  SON  OF  GWALCHMAI. 
May  the  Supreme  not  leave  me 
With  the  forsaken  part ! 
The  Deity  gave  us  our  beginning 
In  the  delicious  circle  of  paradise, 
In  light  never  ceasing. 
He  caused  us  peculiarly  to  exist 
Without  any  wants. 
The  Transcendant  Eternal ! 
Thy  government  is  our  refuge. 
Lord  of  all  wealth  !  Light  of  the  world  ! 
Creator  of  the  heavens  ! 
Grant  me  strength  from  thee, 
Rewarder  of  all ! 
To  behold  the  banquet 
Of  the  bliss  of  our  renovation. 

The  best  state  of  protection,  of  glorious 
support, 

Is  to  deserve  a  recompence  by  medi- 
tating on  him. 

For  the  value  thou  hast  given  me, 

Hearken  !  O  mortal  man, 

I  give  thee  counsel  free  from  malice. 

When  God  shall  please 

To  divest  thee  of  thy  present  form, 

And  from  the  dwelling  of  dread 

May  the  gift  of  his  treasures  of  light  be 
upon  thee. 

O  loftiest  First  Principle  ! 

Thy  government  is  my  refuge, 

Lord  of  all  wealth  ! 

Luminary  of  the  world  ! 

Grant  me, 

Creator  of  heaven, 

Strength  from  thee, 

That  in  due  time  I  may  behold 

Thy  banquet  of  felicity  without  end. 

May  I  attain  thy  sacred  rest, 

O  holy  King  of  Saints, 

In  thy  kingdom  of  glory. 

Sovereign  of  heaven  and  earth  ! 

And  of  the  great  universe  ! 

Benign  Lord 

Of  the  radiating  emanation  ! 


414 


HISTORY   OF   THE 


BOOK 
X. 


But  all  the  religious  systems  of  the  ancient  pagan 
world  were  naturally  perishable,  from  the  quantity  of 


The  king  of  pure  intellect  and  of  the  stars, 
May  he  endow  me  with  sense. 

GRIFFITH  AB  MAREDWG. 

Hear  me, 

My  self-exciting  Lord  ! 

Who  sittest  above  the  stars  ! 

Hear  in  thy  heaven, 

Protector  of  the  system  of  the  course 

Of  the  region  of  felicity, 

Convert  me  from  my  falling  state 

To  thy  eternity. 

Thou  art  our  hope, 

0  Son  of  Mary  ! 
Dispenser  of  happiness  ! 
Teacher  of  our  joy  ! 
Our  gracious  Creator  ! 

1  will  fix  my  home  ; 

I  will  prepare  for  the  paths  of  light, 
By  adoring  my  sovereign  Lord 
As  long  as  I  exist. 

Intercede  for  us  ! 
O  make  us  perfect, 
Triune  Deity  ! 

0  Lord  ! 

Hearken  to  my  prayer ! 

Lord  of  the  course  of  the  wind 
And  the  wild  torrents  of  the  sea  ! 
Great  is  Thy  grace  ; 
Great  are  Thy  wonders. 

LLYWARCH  PRYDYDD  AP  MOCH. 

May  I  not  totally  lose  God 
From  the  impulse  of  the  world  ! 
He  has  not  entirely  lost  heaven 
Who  is  not  insane. 
Mighty  Leader  ! 
Most  royally  supreme  ! 
The  Governor  of  the  blissful  mansions 
of  heaven  ! 

1  implore  strength  from  thee, 
The  prosperity  of  every  kindred  ! 
I  love  to  praise  thee, 

Greatly  splendid,  mysterious  One  ! 
O  Sovereign  most  benign  ! 

O  Christ !  the  Creator  ! 

The  Governor  of  the  host  of  earth 

And  also  of  heaven  ! 

Protect  me  from  sorrow. 

Christ !  thou  mysterious  One, 

May  I  be  retired  and  gentle 

Before 


O  Son  of  Mary  ! 

Prepare  for  me  from  the  four  elements, 
A  genius  penetrating  and  undaunted, 
O  Son  of  God  ! 

Christ  the  Creator, 

Sdf-causer  of  motion  ! 

Mysterious  One  ! 

Thou  column  of  tranquillity  ! 

O  Son  of  Mary  ! 

Prepare  for  me 

A  pure  fountain  of  intellect 

Before  iniquity  affects  it. 

CYNZELW. 

May  the  Deity  conduct  me 

For  my  proportioned  honor 

To  his  blissful  kingdom, 

To  his  grace,  to  his  own  dominion. 

DAFYDD  Y  COED. 

Jesus 

The  earth-born  King  ! 
The  mysterious  One  ! 
The  fountain  of  love  ! 
The  faithful  !  The  great ! 
Emperor  of  sea  and  land  ! 
May  I  obtain  heaven. 
That  seat  of  all  tranquillity. 

CASNODYN. 

The  God  of  mystery  is  Three  ! 

The  column  of  emanations  ; 

Thro'  his  grace, 

And  the  benign  One 

The  subject  of  our  song  ! 

Surpassing  in  power  is  He 

The  Father  of  heaven  ! 

Lord  of  the  glorious  attributes 

Above  all  the  creatures 

Of  most  excelling  virtues  ! 

O  Regulator  ! 

Perfect  organizer  of  the  sun  and  moon  ! 

Thou  didst  arrange  and  form 

In  thine  enlarged  purpose 

The  finely  connected  powers 

Of  the  lips  that  sing. 

Thousands  in  concert 
Are  uttering  thy  praise. 
Thou  hast  arranged  the  stars, 
And  the  seas  of  fluctuating  tides. 
Thou  hast  arranged  the  mighty  earth, 
"With  its  surface,  all  complete 
Thou  rulest  the  swamps  of  hell 
And  the  disposition  of  Satan. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  415 

false  opinions,  and  vicious  habits  and  ceremonies  and     CHAP. 
bad  morals   that  were  attached   to  them.     Human  > 

judgment  may,  for  a  time,  be  deceived,  corrupted,  or 
overpowered ;  but  its  tendency  to  right  action  is  so 
strong,  and  so  indestructible,  that  no  error  can  be 
permanent.  The  reign  of  what  is  untrue  or  unjust 
may  be  longer  or  shorter,  according  to  the  pressure 
of  incumbent  circumstances  ;  but  the  mind  is  always 
struggling  to  attain  every  attainable  good,  and  there- 
fore to  appropriate  to  itself  every  new  truth  that 
becomes  visible.  Hence,  as  we  have  before  remarked, 
it  had  begun  to  discern  the  imperfections  of  its  Saxon 
paganism  before  Christianity  came  within  its  reach  ; 
and  as  soon  as  this  new  system  was  presented  fully  to 
its  contemplation,  the  Anglo-Saxon  mind  discerned 
its  superiority,  and  was  not  unduly  tardy  in  adopting 
it.  It  was  impossible  for  Christianity  to  be  presented 
to  the  world,  and  for  idolatry  to  exist  in  credit  against 
it.  Hence  polytheism  fell  in  Greece  and  Rome,  as  it 
is  now  declining  in  India  and  the  South  Sea  Islands. 

It  has  been  remarked  of  the  Christian  religion,  that 
it  neither  arose  from  ambition,  nor  was  propagated 
by  the  sword.  It  appealed  unoffendingly  to  the 
reason,  the  sensibility,  the  virtue,  and  the  interest  of 
mankind ,  and,  in  opposition  to  all  that  was  venerated 
or  disputed,  maintained  by  power,  or  believed  by  the 
populace,  it  peaceably  established  itself  in  every  pro- 
vince of  the  Roman  empire ;  as,  by  the  same  means, 
it  is  now  penetrating  every  region  of  the  globe. 

Among  the  Anglo-Saxons,  its  conquest  over  the 
fierce  paganism  which  our  ancestors  upheld,  was  not 
begun  till  both  Ireland  and  France  had  submitted  to 
her  laws;  but  it  was  accomplished  in  a  manner 
worthy  of  its  benevolence  and  purity,  as  we  have 
already  detailed  in  the  reigns  of  Ethelbert  and 
Edwin. 

Genuine  piety  led  the  first  missionaries  to  our 
shores.  Their  zeal,  their  perseverance,  and  the  ex- 


416  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK      cellence  of  the  system  they  diffused,  notwithstanding 
«      r — '   some  peculiarities   which,  in  conformity  with   their 
own  taste,  and  with  that  of  their  age,  they  attached 
to  it,  made  their  labour  successful. 

How  long  the  Saxon  paganism  continued  among 
individuals  in  each  district,  after  it  ceased  to  be  the 
religious  establishment  of  the  government,  there  are 
no  materials  for  ascertaining.  It  was  too  irrational 
to  have  maintained  a  protracted  contest  with  Chris- 
tianity ;  but  though  it  may  have  ceased  to  have  had 
its  temples  and  priests,  or  any  visible  existence,  yet 
the  influence  of  its  prejudices,  and  of  the  habits  it  had 
generated,  continued  long  to  operate.  These  became 
insensibly  mixed  with  so  much  of  Christianity  as  each 
understood,  and  produced  that  motley  character  in 
religion  and  morals,  which  was  so  often  displayed  in 
the  Anglo-Saxon  period. 

But  Christianity  was  a  positive  benefit  to  the 
nation,  in  every  degree  of  its  prevalence.  Wherever 
it  has  penetrated,  like  the  Guardian  Angel  of  the  hu- 
man race,  it  has  meliorated  the  heart  and  enlightened 
the  understanding  ;  and  hence  has  become  the  religion 
of  the  most  cultivated  portions  of  the  globe. 

Every  part  of  its  moral  system  is  directed  to  soften 
the  asperities  of  the  human  character,  to  remove  its 
selfishness,  to  intellectualise  its  sensualities,  to  restrain 
its  malignity,  and  to  animate  its  virtues.  If  it  did 
not  eradicate  all  the  vices  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  by 
whom  it  was  professed,  it  taught  him  to  abandon 
many.  It  exhibited  to  his  contemplation  the  idea  of 
what  human  nature  ought  to  be,  and  may  attain. 
It  gradually  implanted  a  moral  sense  in  his  bosom, 
and  taught  his  mind  the  habit  of  moral  reasoning ; 
and  its  application  to  life.  It  could  not  be  known 
unless  some  portion  of  literature  was  attained  or 
diffused.  It,  therefore,  actually  introduced  learning 
into  England,  and  taught  the  Anglo-Saxons  to  cul- 
tivate intellectual  pursuits. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  417 

On  the  enslaved  poor  of  the  country  its  effects 
were  most  benign.  It  was  always  contributing  to 
their  emancipation,  by  urging  their  lords  to  grant 
this  blessing  as  an  act  beneficial  to  their  state  after 
death ;  and  while  slavery  continued  in  the  country, 
the  master  was  humanised,  and  the  bondmen  consoled, 
wherever  Christianity  was  admitted  and  obeyed. 

The  effects  of  Christianity,  in  diminishing  the 
superstitions  of  the  day,  were  also  considerable.  The 
credulous  fancies  of  an  unlettered  people  are  very 
gross,  and  usually  hold  the  understanding  in  chains, 
from  which  it  is  difficult  to  emerge.  The  conversion 
of  the  nation  destroyed  this  brutish  slavery,  and 
greatly  strengthened  and  enlarged  its  general  intel- 
lect. Monkish  superstitions  introduced  other  follies  ; 
but  the  literature  which  accompanied  them  dispelled 
them  as  it  spread,  and  reason  in  every  age  gained 
new  conquests,  which  she  never  lost.  Indeed,  in 
nothing  was  the  new  religion  more  strikingly  bene- 
ficial, than  by  introducing  a  moral  and  intellectual 
education.  This  could  have  neither  been  known  or 
understood  till  Christianity  displayed  the  value,  im- 
parted the  means,  and  produced  the  habit  of  adopt- 
ing it. 

The  political  effects  of  Christianity  in  England 
were  as  good  as  they  could  be  in  that  age  of  general 
darkness ;  but  it  must  be  confessed  that  they  were 
not  so  beneficial  as  its  individual  influence ;  and  yet 
we  are  indebted  to  it  for  chivalry,  and  for  the  high- 
^"ninded  tone  of  spirit  and  character  which  that  pro- 
duced. We  owe  to  its  professors  all  the  improvement 
that  we  have  derived  from  the  civil  law,  which  they 
discovered,  revived,  explained,  and  patronized.  Nor 
has  Christianity  been  unserviceable  to  our  consti- 
tutional liberty:  every  battle  which  the  churchman 
fought  against  the  king  or  noble,  was  for  the  advan- 
tage of  general  freedom ;  and  by  rearing  an  eccle- 

VOL.  III.  E   E 


418  HISTORY    OF   THE 

BOOK  siastical  power,  which  at  one  time  opposed  the  king, 
.  \'  .  and  at  another  the  aristocracy  of  the  chiefs,  it  cer- 
tainly favoured  the  rise  of  the  political  importance 
and  influence  of  the  middle  and  lower  classes  of  the 
people.  The  independence,  and  even  the  ambition, 
of  the  church,  could  not  be  asserted  without  checking 
the  royal  power;  and  such  opposition  repeatedly 
compelled  the  crown  to  court  popularity  as  its  surest 
defence. 

The  defects  which  often  accompanied  these  benefits, 
were  the  faults  of  a  very  partially  enlightened  age ; 
of  tempers  sometimes  sincerely  zealous,  and  sometimes 
ambitiously  selfish,  but  always  violent  and  irascible ; 
and  of  the  system  into  which  Christianity  was  dis- 
torted. They  did  not  spring  from  the  religion 
inculcated  by  the  Scriptures.  Monkish  and  papal 
Christianity  became,  in  every  age  after  the  seventh, 
something  different  from  Apostolical  Christianity. 
Religion  is  enjoined  by  its  Divine  Author  to  be  made 
the  governing  principle  of  life,  but  its  true  spirit  and 
utility  declines  or  disappears,  when  superstition,  im- 
posture, politics,  folly,  or  violence  is  combined  with 
it.  Formed  to  suit,  to  influence,  and  to  adorn  every 
class  of  society,  true  piety  mixes  gracefully  with 
every  innocent  pleasure  which  virtue  sanctions  ;  with 
every  accomplishment  which  refined  intellect  values ; 
and  with  all  that  business  which  life  requires,  and 
which  enlightened  prudence  would  cultivate.  It  for- 
bids only,  in  every  pursuit,  that  monopolising  absorp- 
tion of  mind  which  cannot  be  indulged  without 
debasing  ourselves  or  injuring  others.  It  aims  to 
form  us  to  a  species  of  celestial  intellect,  and  celestial 
sensibility.  Its  true  offspring  is  not  the  gloomy 
ascetic  fasting  into  atrophy  in  the  solitude  of  a  desert ; 
nor  the  self-tormenting  monk  mortifying  himself  into 
imbecility,  and  mistaking  delirium  for  inspiration. 
Its  object  is  to  lead  us  to  a  gradual  approximation 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  419 

towards  the  Divine  perfections ;  and  its  tuition  for 
this  purpose  is  that  of  parental  tenderness  and  affec- 
tionate wisdom,  imposing  no  restraints  but  such  as 
accelerate  our  improvements ;  and  distressing  us  with 
no  vicissitudes  but  those  which  tend  to  make  our 
happiness  compatible  with  our  virtue,  and  to  render 
human  life  a  series  of  continual  progression.  Inatten- 
tive to  these  great  objects  of  the  Christian  Legislator, 
the  papal  hierarchy,  though  often  producing  men  of 
the  holiest  lives  and  of  the  most  spiritual  devotion, 
yet  has,  from  accident,  fanaticism,  and  policy,  pur- 
sued too  often  a  spurious  plan  of  forcing  mankind  to 
become  technical  automatons  of  rites  and  dreams  ; 
words  and  superstitions ;  and  has  supported  a  system 
which,  if  not  originally  framed,  was  at  least  applied 
to  enforce  a  long-continued  exertion  of  transferring 
the  government  of  the  world  into  the  hands  of  eccle- 
siastics, and  too  often  superseding  the  Christianity 
of  the  Gospels  by  that  of  tradition,  policy,  half 
delirious  bigotry,  feelings  often  fantastic,  and  unen- 
lightened enthusiasm.  These  errors  could  not  always 
suppress  the  noble  aspirations  of  devout  sensibility 
which  were  sometimes  combined  with  them.  But  the 
mischievous  additions  usually  formed  the  prevailing 
character  of  the  multitude.  2 

2  The  following  table  has  been  published  as  a  conjectural,  but  probable  repre- 
sentation of  the  progressive  increase  of  the  number  of  Christians  in  the  world  :  — 
1st  century,      500,000  10th  century,       50,000,000 

2d  2,000,000  ]lth  70,000,000 

3d  5,000,000  12th  80,0000,00 

4th  10,000,000  13th  75,000,000 

5th  15,000,000  14th  80,000,000 

6th  20,000,000  15th  100,000,000 

7th  25,000,000  16th  125,000,000 

8th  30,000,000  17th  155,000,000 

9th  40,000,000  18th  200,000,000 

Ferussac.  Bull.  Univ.  Geog.  p.  4.     Jan.  1827. 

But  I  think  in  this  19th  century,  the  real  number  of  the  Christian  population  of 
the  world,  is  nearer  to  300,000,000,  and  is  visibly  much  increasing,  from  the  mis- 
sionary spirit  and  exertions  which  are  now  distinguishing  the  chief  Protestant 
nations  in  the  world.  The  Jews,  from  the  numbers  which  I  have  observed  in 
every  part  of  the  globe,  are  between  6  and  8,000,000 :  the  Mahometans  not  above 
80,000,000  ;  and  the  Pagans  in  the  four  quarters  of  the  earth  do  not  exceed 
600,000,000. 

E  E   2 


420 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


CHAP.  II. 

ANGLO-SAXONS  become  Missionaries  to  other  Nations. 


Soox  after  the  An  glo-  Saxons  had  been  converted  to 
Christianity,  they  became  anxious  to  spread  its  con- 
solations  among  their  continental  ancestors,  and  the 


neighbouring  nations. 


Willebrod,  with  eleven  of  his  companions,  went 
as  missionaries  from  England  to  Heligoland  and 
Friesland  in  692 ;  and  was  made  bishop  of  the  city 
now  called  Utrecht.  His  associates  spread  Christi- 
anity among  the  Westphalians  and  their  neighbours.1 
Boniface,  in  715,  left  our  island  to  convert  the 
Germans  :  he  preached  to  the  Thuringians,  Hessians, 
and  others.  He  founded  the  bishoprics  of  Wurtzburg, 
Bamburg,  Erfurt,  and  Erchstadt.  In  744  he  raised 
the  celebrated  monastery  of  Fulda ;  and  in  746,  was 
made  archbishop  of  Mentz.  Returning  to  Friesland, 
in  755,  he  was  there  murdered,  with  fifty  ecclesiastics 
who  accompanied  him.  He  had  converted  above  one 
hundred  thousand  Germans.  2  Lebuin  was  another 
Englishman  who  attempted  to  become  a  missionary  ; 
and  Adalbert,  son  of  a  king  of  the  Northumbrian 
kingdom  of  Deiri,  in  790,  went  to  Germany  for  the 
same  purpose.  3 

We  have  an  intimation  of  the  plan  of  instruction 
which  they  adopted  for  the  change  of  the  pagan  mind, 

1  Alcuin,  Vita  Willeb. 

2  See  his  Letters.      15  Bib.  Mag.  Pat. ;  and  see  Mosheim.  Eccl.  Hist.  cent.  8. 

3  Tanner,  Not.  Mon.  4.     Ireland  was  also  successful  in  its  missionary  exertions. 
Its  Columbanus  taught  in  Gaul,  and  among  the  Suevi  and  Boioi ;  one  of  his  com- 
panions, St.  Gall,  converted  many  of  the  Hclvetii  and  Suevi ;  and  St.  Kilian  visited 
the  Eastern  Franks. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  421 

in  the  following  judicious  directions  of  Alcuin  for  a     CHAP. 
progressive  information  : —  . 

"  This  order  should  be  pursued  in  teaching  mature  persons :  1st. 
They  should  be  instructed  in  the  immortality  of  the  soul ;  in  the 
future  life  ;  in  its  retribution  of  good  and  evil,  and  in  the  eternal 
duration  of  both  conditions. 

"  2d.  They  should  then  be  informed  for  what  sins  and  crimes 
they  will  have  to  suffer  with  the  Devil  everlasting  punishments  ; 
and  for  what  good  and  beneficial  deeds  they  will  enjoy  unceasing 
glory  with  Christ. 

"  3d.  The  faith  of  the  Holy  Trinity  is  then  to  be  most  dili- 
gently taught :  and  the  coming  of  our  Saviour  into  the  world  for 
the  salvation  of  the  human  race.  Afterwards  impress  the  mystery 
of  His  passion  ;  the  truth  of  His  resurrection  ;  His  glorious  as- 
cension ;  His  future  advent  ;o  judge  all  nations,  and  the  resurrec- 
tion of  our  bodies. 

"  Thus  prepared  and  strengthened,  the  man  may  be  baptized."4 

4  Ale.  Op.  p.  1484. 


E  K    3 


422  HISTORY   OF   THE 


CHAP.  III. 

View  of  the  Form  of  Christianity  introduced  among  the  ANGLO- 
SAXONS  ;  and  of  some  of  the  Religious  Rites  and  Notions. 

BOOK  THE  form  and  spirit  of  Christianity  introduced  among 
— !,'  i  the  Anglo-Saxons  by  Gregory's  monks  were  unques- 
tionably the  best  which  he  and  the  Roman  Church 
then  knew  and  valued.  And  as  the  form  and  spirit 
of  every  institution  arise  from  the  mind  and  disposi- 
tion of  some  portion  of  its  contemporaries,  and  are 
adapted  to  their  feelings  or  occasions,  so  we  may 
assume  that  the  doctrines,  rites,  and  formulae  of 
Christianity,  which  the  papal  see  established  in 
England  in  the  seventh  century,  were  congenial  with 
the  mind,  character,  taste,  and  circumstances  of  the 
nation,  and  of  Europe  at  that  period.  It  is  therefore 
no  reproach  to  the  memory  of  Gregory  or  of  his  mis- 
sionaries, if  we  now  appreciate  differently  the  merit 
of  what  they  taught  with  the  most  benevolent  inte- 
grity and  with  merited  success.  The  world  has  become 
a  new  world  of  knowlege,  feeling,  taste,  habit,  and 
reason  since  that  period.  Their  religious  education 
suited  their  comparative  babyhood  of  knowlege  and 
intellect,  and  formed  an  interesting  and  improving 
child.  New  agencies  occurred  afterwards  to  rear  this 
infant  to  a  noble  youth.  Better  views  of  religion 
have  since  united  with  expanded  science  and  progres- 
sive reason  to  conduct  the  national  character  and 
mind  to  a  still  superior  manhood.  Each  preceding 
stage  was  necessary  to  the  formation  of  the  subse- 
quent. Each  has  produced  its  appropriate  utilities, 
and  each  has  passed  away  from  our  estimation  as 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  423 

soon  as  higher  degrees  of  improvement  were  attained,  CHAP. 
and  better  systems  became  visible.  The  Scriptures  .,  . '  . 
are  the  imperishable  records  of  our  faith  and  hope : 
and  if  their  lessons  only  had  been  allowed  to  be  the 
guides  of  man's  opinions  and  practice,  all  the  absurd- 
ities and  superstitions  which  we  lament  or  ridicule 
would  have  been  prevented,  or  soon  removed.  But 
in  every  age  the  human  mind  has  chosen  to  blend 
religion  with  its  own  dreams  and  passions ;  and  has 
made  these,  and  not  the  Gospel,  the  paramount, 
though  always  erring,  dictators  of  our  theological 
knowlege  and  religious  sensibility.  It  is  the  glory  of 
the  present  age,  that  the  cultivated  understanding  is 
emancipating  itself  from  all  the  dogmatism  arid  pre- 
judices both  of  scepticism  and  superstition,  and  is 
advancing  to  those  just  and  clear  views  of  impartial 
truth,  of  human  weakness,  and  of  the  need  and  effi- 
cacy of  divine  assistance,  which  will  unite  faith  with 
philosophy,  knowlege  with  hope,  divine  love  with 
moral  beauty,  and  self-comfort  with  an  active,  kind, 
and  magnanimous  charity. 

With  these  views  we  may  smile  without  insult  at 
some  of  the  questions,  and  condemn  without  bitter- 
ness others,  on  which  Augustine  requests  the  direc- 
tions of  Gregory,  as  to  the  ecclesiastical  government, 
discipline,  rules,  and  restrictions,  to  which  he  is  to  sub- 
ject his  new  converts.  We  are  surprised  that  some 
of  the  points  adverted  to  should  have  been  made  the 
subjects  of  sacerdotal  notice  ;  but  the  gravity  and 
.earnestness  with  which  they  are  put  and  answered, 
show  that  they  were  then  deemed  proper  objects  of 
such  attention,  and  were  considered  by  priest  and 
votary  to  be  important  and  interesting  to  the  con- 
sciences of  both. l 

1  See  Bede's  27th  chapter  of  his  first  book,  of  which  the  eighth  and  ninth  articles 
are  the  most  objectionable.  But  there  is  a  liberality  in  the  pope's  answer  to  the 
second  question  that  deserves  notice.  "  You  know  the  custom  of  the  Roman 
church,  in  which  you  remember  you  was  brought  up.  But  I  am  willing,  if  you 

E  E  4 


424  HISTORY   OE    THE 

The  detail  of  all  the  ecclesiastical  rites  and  notions 
of  the  Anglo-Saxon  ecclesiastics  would  be  tedious 
and  unimproving  in  a  general  history.  They  have 
been  discussed  and  disputed  professionally  by  some, 
and  as  matters  of  antiquarian  curiosity  by  others. 
The  present  chapter  will  be  limited  to  the  selection 
of  a  few  points,  on  which  some  original  information 
can  be  given,  and  which  may  be  more  interesting  to 
the  philosophical  reader. 

Among  the  religious  institutions  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxons,  their  monastic  establishments  attained  a 
great  though  fluctuating  popularity.  In  the  first 
period  of  their  Christianity,  when  a  general  ardour  of 
belief  impelled  those  who  sincerely  embraced  it, 
several  kings  and  nobles  withdrew  from  the  business 
and  vexations  of  the  world  to  enjoy  the  devout 
serenity  of  the  cloister.  Such  a  taste  has  been  too 
hastily  censured  as  a  mental  imbecility.  The  system 
of  monasteries,  though  pernicious  when  abused,  and 
defective  in  its  intellectual  regulations,  yet  contained 
much  that  was  fairly  interesting  both  to  the  imagi- 
nation and  the  heart  of  the  Anglo-Saxons,  and  that 
actually  contributed  to  increase  the  happiness  of  life 
in  their  day.  Even  now,  in  the  opinion  of  many 
thinking  men,  if  they  were  confined  to  the  middle 
and  declining  periods  of  life  ;  if  they  were  frequented 
by  those  only,  who,  after  having  discharged  all  their 

have  found  any  thing  in  the  Roman  or  Gallican,  or  in  any  other  church,  -which 
will  be  more  pleasing  to  the  Almighty,  that  you  carefully  select  it;  and  infuse  into 
the  English  church,  which  is  yet  new  in  the  faith,  in  its  leading  institution,  those 
things  which  you  may  have  collected  from  many  churches.  Things  are  not  to  be 
loved  for  places,  but  places  for  good  things.  Choose  then  from  every  church  what- 
ever things  are  pious,  religious,  and  right,  and,  collecting  them  as  into  a  bundle, 
place  them  as  a  habit  in  the  minds  of  the  English."  Bede,  lib.  i.  c.  27.  If  the 
papal  see  had  continued  to  act  on  this  wise  rule,  as  society  advanced,  it  would  have 
improved  with  every  succeeding  age,  and  have  still  held  the  dominion  of  the  re- 
ligious world.  But  it  ever  afterwards  deviated  into  a  narrow,  peculiar,  selfish,  and 
unchangeable  system,  that  has  become  in  every  following  generation  more  incom- 
patible with  the  human  progress  ;  and  thus  it  has  irretrievably  lost  the  government 
of  the  intellectual  world.  A  new  and  wiser  system,  that  has  yet  to  receive  its 
being,  can  alone  obtain  that  universal  sceptre  to  which  both  ancient  and  modern 
Home  so  long  aspired,  and  for  a  brief  interval  attained. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  425 

social  duties,  desired  to  withdraw  from  the  occupa- 
tions, troubles,  and  fascinations  of  the  world,  to  a 
halcyon  calm  of  mind,  uninterrupted  study,  tranquil 
meditation,  or  devotional  sensibility ;  if  they  were 
not  shackled  by  indissoluble  vows  of  continuance, 
imprisoning  the  repining ;  if  they  were  made  semi- 
naries of  education,  and  allowed  to  be  temporary 
asylums  of  unprovided  youth  ;  and  if  their  rules  and 
habits  were  framed  on  such  moral  plans  and  religious 
formulae  as  should  be  found  worthy  of  an  intellectual 
age,  which  seeks  to  combine  the  fancy  and  the  feeling 
in  a  sweet  harmony  with  its  knowlege  and  its  reason : 
thus  formed  and  directed,  such  institutions  might 
again  contribute  to  the  happiness  of  the  aged,  the 
destitute,  the  sorrowful,  the  lonely,  the  abstracted, 
the  studious,  the  pensive,  the  unambitious,  the  em- 
barrassed, and  the  devout,  as  well  as  to  the  instruc- 
tion of  the  young,  the  relief  of  the  poor,  and  the 
revival  of  religious  sensibility  in  the  community  at 
large.  The  spiritual  piety  of  the  more  fervent 
sympathies  had  the  advantage  of  these  asylums  under 
the  catholic  institutions. 

But  when  monasteries  were  founded  among  the 
Anglo-Saxons,  mankind  had  not  attained  or  noticed 
the  experience  of  all  their  effects ;  and  the  visible 
good  which  they  achieved  prevented  their  evils  from 
being  felt ;  or  if  they  were  discerned,  no  better 
means  then  occurred  of  acquiring  elsewhere  their 
manifest  advantages.  Our  ancestors  did  not  perceive 
i  that  they  were  opposed  to  the  social  duties  and 
general  improvement  of  mankind,  by  admitting  the 
young  and  active ;  by  compelling  the  self-sacrifice  to 
last  for  life  ;  by  a  series  of  religious  ordinances  that 
became  mechanical  rote  ;  by  a  slavish  discipline  and 
uriirnproving  habits ;  by  their  discouragement  of 
liberal  feelings  and  of  an  enlarged  cultivation  of  the 
intellect ;  arid  by  legends,  bigotry,  superstitious 


426  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK      tenets  and  prejudices,  which  as  much  poisoned  the 

, 'f ,   mind,    as   the   increasing  corruptions  and  ambition 

which  they  fed  and  fomented  deteriorated  the  con- 
duct. Of  these  ill  effects,  many  were  the  growth  of 
time,  others  of  ignorance,  and  some  of  the  circum- 
stances in  which  former  ages  had  been  involved. 
But  as  they  began  the  mental  and  moral  education  of 
the  country,  and  carried  it  on  successfully  to  a 
certain  point ;  as  they  fostered  and  diffused  that 
religious  spirit,  without  which,  as  without  them,  the 
Anglo-Saxons  would  not  have  long  retained  their 
Christianity ;  and  as  they  made  the  hierarchy  a 
stronger  bulwark  against  the  violence  of  the  great  at 
one  time,  and  the  oppressions  of  the  throne  at 
another;  these  establishments  were  for  a  long  time 
of  incalculable  utility.  Having  become  incompatible 
with  the  improved  reason,  new  state,  and  present 
duties  of  mankind,  the  downfall  of  their  ancient 
system  in  the  present  age  was  as  necessary  as  their 
elevation  had  been  expedient.  To  suit  the  present 
wants  and  progress  of  society,  they  must,  if  ever 
introduced  again,  be  entirely  new-created  ;  and  upon 
a  wiser  plan,  and  under  an  intelligent  and  benevolent 
administration,  they  would  be  the  retreat  of  serene 
happiness  to  many. 

The  monastic  scheme  which  the  Anglo-Saxons 
adopted  was  that  of  St.  Benedict ;  and  it  is  impos- 
sible to  read  his  rule  without  perceiving  that  it  was 
the  product  of  a  mind  aiming  to  do  what  seemed 
wisest  and  best.  For  above  a  century  the  Anglo- 
Saxons  warmly  patronised  monasteries ;  but  the  in- 
dustry of  their  fraternities  so  much  improved  their 
possessions,  that  they  tempted  the  avarice,  not  only 
of  the  less  religious  great,  but  of  the  other  dignitaries 
of  the  church  ;  and  I  have  found  among  the  works  of 
our  venerable  Bede  this  complaint  of  their  spoliation 
and  decay  in  his  time :  — 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  427 

"  The  possessions  of  monasteries  were  given  to  the  monks,  that      CHAP. 
they  and   their  servitors,  and  the  poor   and  strangers  who  may         III. 

arrive,  should  be  nourished  thereout.     This  care  belongs  to  all    ' * ' 

Christians ;  but,  I  grieve  to  say  it,  nothing  is  more  difficult  to  be 
believed,  as  welt  by  the  clergy  as  by  laics,  than  that  it  is  a  sin  to 
plunder  the  possessions  of  the  monasteries  and  to  alienate  them. — 
Attend,  I  beseech  you,  O  rulers !  Be  exhorted  to  restore  the  de- 
stroyed monasteries  :  first,  that  the  spoilers  may  return  to  the 
monks  the  property  taken  from  them ;  then,  that  they  who  fear 
God  and  walk  in  his  ways  may  be  preferred  to  those  who  do  not ; 
for  God  is  greatly  offended,  that  those  places  which  were  emanci- 
pated and  consecrated  to  him,  and  his  saints,  should  be  destroyed 
from  the  carelessness  of  the  governors.  If  those  serving  God  in 
monasteries  had  whatever  was  necessary  to  them,  they  could 
pursue  their  divine  duties  with  more  alacrity ;  they  could  more 
devoutly  intercede  for  the  king,  for  the  safety  of  the  bishops  and 
princes,  and  for  all  the  church.  But  all  these  things  are  treated 
with  such  neglect  by  most  bishops,  that  if  a  pure  prayer,  or 
rebuke,  or  seasonable  admonition  should  be  necessary,  they  disdain 
to  notice  it :  caring  only  that  pleasing  and  assiduous  duties  be  done 
to  themselves. 

"  It  is  to  be  much  lamented,  that  since  the  lands  which  were 
formerly  delivered  to  monasteries  by  religious  princes  are  now 
taken  away  by  kings  or  bishops,  no  alms  can  be  given  there,  and 
no  guest  or  stranger  refreshed. 

"  If  they  find  monasteries  destroyed  by  neglect  of  their  spiritual 
or  corporal  provisions,  they  not  only  take  no  care  to  meliorate 
them,  but  even  encourage  the  destruction."2 

Alcuin  has  a  passage  which  intimates  the  same 
decline.  3 

The  ravages  of  the  Danish  invaders,  who,  being 
martial  pagans,  exulted  in  burning  Christian  churches 
and  cloisters,  destroyed  many  monastic  establish- 
ments :  and  though  Alfred,  by  his  example,  en- 
couraged the  taste  of  building  them,  few  were  erected 
again  till  the  reign  of  Edgar.  Dunstan  led  his 
young  mind  to  become  their  earnest  patron  ;  and  the 
zeal  for  re-establishing  them  on  the  reformed  plan, 
which  had  been  abopted  at  Fleury,  in  France,  urged 
both  the  sovereign  and  his  mitred  preceptor  to  the 
greatest  violences  against  the  then  existing  clergy. 

2  Becle,  Op.  vol.  viii.  p.  1071. 

3  "  We  have  seen  in  some  places  the  altars  without  a  roof,  fouled  by  birds  and 
dog=."     £p.  p.  1487. 


428  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK  Ethelwold,  whom  Dunstan  procured  to  be  made  a 
.  X-  .  bishop,  had  land  given  him  for  making  a  translation 
•  of  the  Latin  Rule  of  Sfc.  Benedict  into  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  ;  and  it  was  the  boast  of  the  king  and  his 
council,  that  they  had  founded  forty  monasteries  by 
their  exertions.  We  have  a  detail  of  the  formation 
of  one  of  these,  from  which  some  particulars  are 
worth  selecting,  to  preserve  a  memorial  of  the 
manner  and  progress  by  which  such  endowments 
were  effected,  and  the  principles  on  which  they  were 
recommended  and  patronized. 

"  On  the  death  of  a  favourite  nobleman  of  Edgar's  court,  his 
brother,  an  ealdorman,  expressed  to  Bishop  Oswald  his  desire  to 
pursue  a  better  system  of  life  than  his  worldly  occupations  per- 
mitted. Oswald  assured  him  that  his  secular  affairs  would  but 
give  him  so  many  opportunities  of  doing  good,  if  he  was  careful 
to  observe  a  conscientious  spirit  of  equity,  a  merciful  moderation, 
and  a  constant  intention  of  right  conduct.  But  he  added,  that 
they  only  were  free,  serene,  and  released  from  all  danger  and 
anxiety,  who  renounced  the  world  ;  and  that  their  piety  brought 
blessings  on  their  country.  '  By  their  merits,  the  anger  of  the 
Supreme  Judge  is  abated  ;  a  healthier  atmosphere  is  granted  ; 
corn  springs  up  more  abundantly ;  famine  and  pestilence  with- 
draw ;  the  state  is  better  governed  ;  the  prisons  are  opened  ;  the 
fettered  released  ;  the  shipwrecked  are  relieved  ;  and  the  sick  re- 
covered.' Oswald  ended  his  speech  by  advising  him,  if  he  had 
any  place  in  his  territory  fitted  for  a  monastery,  to  build  one  upon 
it,  promising  to  contribute  to  its  maintenance. 

"  The  ealdorman  replied,  that  he  had  some  hereditary  land 
surrounded  with  marshes,  and  remote  from  human  intercourse.  It 
was  near  a  forest  of  various  sorts  of  trees,  which  had  several  open 
spots  of  good  turf,  and  others  of  fine  grass  for  pasture.  No  build- 
ings had  been  upon  it,  but  some  sheds  for  his  herds,  who  had 
manured  the  soil. 

"  They  went  together  to  view  it.  They  found  that  the  waters 
made  it  an  island.  It  was  so  lonely,  and  yet  had  so  many  con- 
veniences for  subsistence  and  secluded  devotion,  that  the  bishop 
decided  it  to  be  an  advisable  station.  Artificers  were  collected. 
The  neighbourhood  joined  in  the  labour.  Twelve  monks  came 
from  another  cloister  to  form  the  new  fraternity.  Their  cells  and 
a  chapel  were  soon  raised.  In  the  next  winter,  they  provided 
the  iron  and  timber,  and  utensils  that  were  wanted,  for  a  handsome 
church.  In  the  spring,  amid  the  fenny  soil,  a  firm  foundation  was 
laid.  The  workmen  laboured  as  much  from  devotion  as  for  profit. 
Some  brought  the  stones  ;  others  made  the  cement ;  others  applied 
to  the  wheel-machinery  that  raised  them  on  high :  and  in  a 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  429 

reasonable  time,  the  sacred  edifice,  with  two  towers,  appeared,  on       CHAP. 

what  had  been  before  a  desolate  waste;    and  Abbo,  celebrated  for    ( [1L     , 

his  literature,  was  invited  from  Fleuiy,  to  take  charge  of  the 
schools  that  were  appended  to  it.  Such  was  the  formation  of  the 
Ramsey  monastery."4 

The  monastic  establishments  of  Edgar  were  effected 
with  too  much  violence  and  injustice  to  have  good 
results:  the  truth  is  as  old  as  the  world,  though 
rarely  palatable  to  it,  that  evil  means  will  have  evil 
consequences.  The  former  clergy  were  driven  into 
an  irascible  opposition  against  the  new  system,  and 
the  discords  which  ensued  from  it,  among  the  nobles 
and  nation,  led  to  the  second  series  of  Danish  inva- 
sions. From  these,  so  many  disorders  followed, 
that  both  monks  and  clergy  declined  into  that  low 
state  of  morals  and  mind,  from  which  the  Norman 
conquest  afterwards  rescued  the  religion  of  the 
country. 

The  form  of  the  hierarchy  established  among  the 
Anglo-Saxons  was  episcopal.  An  archbishop,  and 
bishops  subordinate  to  him,  and  receiving  the  con- 
firmation of  their  dignity,  or  their  spiritual  investi- 
ture, from  the  pope,  were  the  rulers  of  the  church  ; 
yet  subject,  both  to  their  own  national  as  well  as  to 
general  councils,  and  also  in  many  points  to  the  witena- 
gemot,  of  which  they  were  a  part,  and,  in  their 
temporal  concerns,  to  the  king.  Under  the  episcopal 
aristocracy,  deans,  archdeacons,  canons,  prebends, 
and  the  parochial  clergy,  enjoyed  various  powers  and 
privileges.5  The  monks  and  nuns  were  governed  by 

*  Hist  Ram.  p.  396 — 400. 

5  That  the  Saxon  clergy  enjoyed  the  benefit  of  tithes,  appears  from  several  pas- 
sages in  the  Anglo-Saxon  laws  :  thus  in  Alfred's  ;  "  Thy  teothan  sceattas  (tenth 
monies),  and  thy  first  reping  gangende  (reaping  going),  and  increase  give  to  God." 
Wilk.  p.  32.  In  Edmund's ;  "  We  command  teothunge  (tithing)  to  every  Christian 
man  hy  his  Christendeme,  and  the  church  sceat,  and  the  aclmes  feoh.  If  he  •will 
not  do  it,  let  him  be  excommunicated,"  p.  72.  Perhaps  this  ecclesiastical  censure 
may  imply  that  the  common  law  did  not  then  enforce  this  benefit.  In  a  more 
recent  law  we  find,  "  If  a  thane  has  a  church  with  a  burying  ground,  he  shall  give 
one-third  of  his  own  tithes  to  the  church."  Wilk.  130. ;  even  a  thrael,  or  one  of 
the  subjected  class,  p.  12. 

Perhaps  the  fullest  display  of  the  feelings  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  period,  and  of  an 


430  HISTORY    OF   THE 

BOOK  their  own  abbots,  abbesses,  and  priors,  assisted,  and, 
x'  ,  in  some  respects,  controlled,  by  conventual  chapters  ; 
subject  to,  yet  not  always  submitting  to  the  pope, 
and  claiming  an  independence  of  the  episcopal  clergy. 
There  were  no  friars  or  mendicant  orders  among  the 
Anglo-Saxons ;  but  they  encouraged  hermits  and 
pilgrims,  and  severe  penances,  and  loved  relics,  and 
venerated  saints,  to  whose  number  they  largely  con- 
tributed ;  and  they  practised  excommunications. 

Our  limits  will  not  allow  us  to  give  a  full  por- 
traiture of  the  Anglo-Saxon,  hierarchy,  and  its  rites 
and  doctrines.  A  few  points  only  can  be  mentioned 
here.  But  it  may  be  remarked,  as  some  excuse  for 
visible  imperfections,  that  our  Anglo-Saxon  ancestors 
had  every  thing  to  construct  on  these  subjects.  Ex- 
cept some  valuable  gleams  of  patriarchal  theism, 
which  their  poetical  epithets  for  the  Deity,  that  seem 
to  have  emanated  from  their  paganism,  imply  that 
they  retained,  there  was  nothing  in  the  idolatry  of 
their  ancestors  that  could  assist  them  in  the  forma- 
tion of  their  Christian  system.  They  had  every  thing 
to  learn  on  this  new  theme  of  mind ;  and  they  had  to 
begin  their  pupilage  in  times  of  storm  and  darkness, 
both  within  and  without  them. 


Anglo-Saxon  churchman,  on  what  has  now  become  a  very  disputed  topic,  and  a 
source  of  so  much  discord  between  pastors  and  their  flocks,  that  some  adequate 
substitution  seems  at  present  to  be  highly  advisable,  may  be  read  in  our  Alcuin's 
letter  to  Charlemagne  on  this  point.  After  praising  his  conversion  of  the  conti- 
nental Saxons,  and  noticing  his  victories  over  the  Huns,  "  so  formidable  for  their 
ancient  ferocity  and  courage,"  he  advises  him  to  send  well  qualified  preachers  to 
the  new  people,  and  adds  :  "  These  things  being  considered,  you  may  foresee 
whether  it  will  be  better  to  impose  the  yoke  of  the  tenths  on  the  rude  people  in  the 
beginning  of  their  faith,  so  that  the  exaction  may  be  complete  through  every  pos- 
session. It  ought  to  be  considered  whether  the  apostles,  who  were  taught  by  Christ 
himself,  and  sent  to  preach  to  the  world,  did  exact  the  exaction  of  the  tenths,  or 
require  any  thing  to  be  given.  We  know  that  the  decimation  of  our  substance  is 
a  very  good  thing ;  but  it  is  better  to  lose  that,  than  to  destroy  the  faith.  We, 
indeed,  born,  nourished,  and  taught  in  the  Catholic  faith,  scarcely  (vix)  consent  to 
decimate  fully  our  substance.  How  much  more  will  a  tender  faith,  and  an  "infant 
mind,  and  a  soul  greedy  after  such  things,  refuse  its  consent,  to  this  liberality  ?  " 
p.  1488.  In  this  July,  1836,  an  English  Tithe  Act  has  passed  for  a  general  com- 
mutation of  tithes  in  England  and  Wales,  which  will  probably  end  all  disputes  on 
this  contested  subject,  to  the  satisfaction  of  both  the  Clergy  and  the  Agriculturist. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  431 

They  were  strongly  exhorted  to  study  the  Scrip- 
tures.  In  this  essential  point  the  Anglo-Saxon 
church  formed  a  remarkable  contrast  to  the  Roman  Rea('ing  <•»' 
Catholic  hierarchy  of  the  subsequent  ages,  and  to  its  tures. 
present  conduct :  instead  of  withholding  the  sacred 
volumes,  the  clergy  of  Anglo-Saxon  England  earnestly 
pressed  their  frequent  perusal,  and  gave  the  example 
in  themselves.  Bede  employed  himself,  like  our 
Alfred,  in  making  moral  and  religious  selections  from 
them,  and  also  commented  on  each  of  their  books. 
Alcuin  repeatedly  presses  their  perusal,  especially  the 
Gospels6;  and  urges  the  contemplation  of  our  Sa- 
viour's life  and  precepts.7  His  high  and  just  estimate 
of  the  Psalms  is  very  interestingly  expressed.8  Every 
priest  was  ordered  to  have  the  "  haljan  bee,"  the 
sacred  books,  that  "  he  might  teach  his  people  rightly 
who  looked  up  to  him;"  and  he  was  to  take  care  that 
they  were  well  written.9  Very  ancient  MSS.  of 
Saxon  translations  of  the  Gospels,  written  between 
Alfred's  times  and  Harold's,  still  exist.10  It  was  not 

6  To  one  he  says,  "  Scribe  Evangelicum  in  corde  tuo,"  p.  1 635.     To  another, 
"  I  wish  the  four  Gospels,  instead  of  the  twelve  .iEneids,  filled  your  breast,"  p.  1549, 
«'  Read  diligently,  1  beseech  you,  the  Gospels  of  Christ,"  p.  1561.     "Be  studious 
in  reading  the  sacred  Scriptures,"  p.  1583.     "  The  reading  of  the  sacred  books  is 
necessary,"  p.  1546. 

7  Alcuin  writes  to  a  friend  :   "  Study  Christ  as  foretold  in  the  books  of  the 
Prophets,  and  as  exhibited  in  the  Gospels ;  and  when  you  find  him,  do  not  lose 
him  ;  but  introduce  him  into  the  home  of  thy  heart,  and  make  him  the  ruler  of 
thy  life.     Love  him  as  thy  Redeemer,  and  thy  Governor,  and  as  the  dispenser  of 
all  thy  comforts.     Keep  his  commandments,  because  in  them  is   eternal   life." 
Op.  p.  1637. 

8  See  it  in  his  Op.  p.  123—126. 

9  Lib.  Can.  Eccl.     Wilk.  p.  156.      The  Bible  of  Charlemagne,  put  up  for  sale  in 
London,  in  April,   1836,  was  written  by  Alcuin,  and  presented  by  him  to  the 
Emperor  on  Christmas  Day,  801.     It  is  a  large  folio,  containing  449  vellum  leaves, 
being  the  Latin  version  of  St.  Jerome,  written  in  double  columns,  with  a  richly 
ornamented  frontispiece   in  gold  and  colours.     It  has  four  large  paintings,  and 
thirty-four  large  initial  letters  painted  in  gold  and  colours,  besides  some  smaller 
painted  capitals.     It  is  said  to  have  been  since  purchased  for  the  British  Museum. 
It  is  in  fine  preservation,  and  bound  in  velvet.     At  this  time  it  was  1035  years  old. 

10  Wanley  mentions,  of  Saxon  MSS.,  one  in  the  Bodleian  library,  p.  64.  ;  two  at 
Cambridge,  p.  116.  and  152.  ;  and  one  in  the  British  Museum,  p.  211.,  in  Latin 
and  Saxon,  p.  81.     He  notices  one  in  the  Bodleian,  p.  250.  ;  and  the  very  beautiful 
MSS.  just  before  mentioned,  Nero,  D.  4.  ;  as  also  several  Latin  copies  written  in 
the  Saxon  times.      One  of  these  is  the  actual  copy  given  by  king  Athelstan  to  the 
church  at  Durham.     It  was  in  the  British  Museum,  Otho,  B.  9. 


432 


HISTORY    OF   THE 


BOOK 
X. 


Transub- 
stantiation. 


Their 
relics. 


only  to  gratify  an  Anglo-Saxon  ealdorman11,  but  also 
to  enable  the  people  at  large  to  hear  or  read  it12,  that 
Elfric  undertook  his  translation  of  the  Scriptures 
from  the  Latin,  about  the  end  of  the  tenth  century. 
From  the  different  styles  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  versions 
of  the  Gospels,  they  must  have  been  translated 
oftener  than  once. 

It  is  certain  that  the  transubstantiation  of  the 
Eucharist  was  not  the  established  or  universal  belief 
of  the  Anglo-Saxons.  In  a  MS.  of  Saxon  Ecclesias- 
tical Constitutions,  it  is  declared,  u  the  hurel  (the 
sacrament)  is  Christ's  body,  not  bodily,  but  spiritually; 
not  the  body  in  which  he  suffered,  but  the  body  about 
which  he  spoke  when  he  blessed  the  loaf  and  wine."13 

They  imbibed  the  well-intentioned  but  unwise  taste 
for  relics  ;  a  taste  not  only  objectionable  for  the  mis- 
placed veneration  of  things  not  deserving  of  it,  and 
fostering  mysterious  superstitions,  which  differed  in 
name  only  from  the  magic  and  witchcraft  which  they 
were  taught  to  execrate,  but  also  reprehensible  for 
having  falsehood  for  its  basis,  and,  like  their  legends, 
confounding  all  history  and  truth.  The  list  of  relics 
revered  in  one  church,  and  stated  to  have  been  col- 
lected from  abroad,  and  given  to  it  by  Athelstan,  will 
afford  a  complete  illustration  of  these  remarks.14 

11  Elfric,  in  his  prefatory  Saxon  epistle,  says  to  him,  "  Thou  hadest  me,  dear 
one,  that  I  should  turn  this  book  of  Genesis  from  Latin  to  English."     MSS.  Camb. 
Wan.  p.  162. 

12  In  his  Latin  preface,  Elfric  says,  he  has  translated  the  Scriptures  from  the 
Latin  in  the  ordinary  tongue,  "  for  the  edification  of  the  simple,  who  know  only 
this  speech." — "  We  have  therefore  put  it  not  into  obscure  words,  but  into  simple 
English,  that  it  may  easier  teach  the  heart  of  those  who  read  or  hear  it."     MSS. 
Camb.  Wan.  153. 

ls  See  it  printed  from  a  MS.  at  Cambridge,  written  about  the  time  of  the  Con- 
quest, in  Wilkins,  p.  159.  It  adds  :  — "  Understand  now,  that  as  the  Lord  before 
his  suffering  might  change  the  loaf  to  his  body,  and  the  wine  to  his  blood,  spiritually, 
so  the  same  is  daily  blessed  through  the  hands  of  the  priest,  the  loaf  to  his  body, 
and  the  wine  to  his  blood  spiritually,"  p.  160.  The  same  passage  is  given  in  Wan- 
ley,  Cat.  p.  111. 

14  It  would  be  too  long  to  give  the  whole  of  this  Anglo-Saxon  document.  Some 
of  its  chief  articles  are:  a  piece  of  the  actual  cross  ;  a  part  of  our  Saviour's  sepul- 
chre ;  of  his  clothes  ;  of  the  manger  in  which  he  was  laid  ;  of  the  spear  that  wounded 
him  ;  of  the  table  where  he  supped  ;  of  the  mount  he  ascended  from  ;  of  Mount 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  433 

Although  they  used  the  sign  of  the  cross  arid  its      CHAP. 
actual  representation,  they  were  taught  not  to  pray  . 

to  the  wood,  hut  to  the  divine  Personage  who  had  Their  use  of 

n,  i  .       I  r  the  el>OSS. 

suffered  on  it. 

That  the  Anglo-Saxons  were  not  contented  with  Moral  du- 
mere    ceremonial   religion,    the   lives   and   works  of  clergy. 
Aldhelm,  Bede,  Alcuin,  Elfric,  and  others  abundantly 
show.     The  character   which  Alcuin  expected  from 
an   Anglo-Saxon    archbishop   of   Canterbury  he   has 
thus  drawn  at  full  length,  in  a  letter  to  one  that  was 
his  contemporary:  — 

"  Be  the  comforter  of  the  wretched,  a  father  to  the  poor,  and 
affable  to  all,  that  you  may  understand  what  you  are  to  answer, 
and  let  your  answers  be  always  seasoned  with  wisdom  ;  never 
rash,  but  honourable ;  not  verbose,  but  moderate.  Let  your 
manners  excel  in  courtesy,  be  praised  for  their  humility,  and  be 
amiable  for  their  piety.  Teach  not  only  by  words,  but  by  ex- 
amples, all  who  live  with  you,  or  may  visit  you.  Let  your  hand 
be  liberal  in  alms,  ready  to  requite,  and  frugal  in  receiving.  Pro- 
vide yourself  with  treasure  in  heaven.  Make  your  wealth  the 
redemption  of  your  soul.  It  is  more  blessed  to  give  than  to 
receive.  Have  the  Scriptures  often  in  your  hands.  Be  assiduous 
in  prayer.  Let  virtue  dignify  your  life,  and  impressive  preaching 
your  faith  and  hope." l6 

The  Canons  of  Edgar  record  the  duties  which  were  Legal  du. 
exacted  from  the  Anglo-Saxon  clergy.  e 

"  They  were  forbidden  to  carry  any  controversy  among  them-   Priests. 
selves  to  a  lay  tribunal.     Their  own  companions  were  to  settle  it, 
or  the  bishop  was  to  determine  it. 

Sinai ;  of  the  burning  hush  ;  of  the  candle  lighted  by  an  angel  on  the  eve  of  our 
Saviour's  resurrection  ;  of  Mount  Olive,  where  he  prayed  ;  of  his  cap  and  hair ;  of 
the  Virgin's  dress  ;  of  the  body  and  garments  of  the  Baptist ;  of  St.  Peter's  beard 
and  hair ;  St.  Paul's  neck-bones ;  St.  Andrew's  stick ;  St.  Bartholomew's  head  ; 
St.  Stephen's  blood,  and  of  the  stone  that  killed  him  ;  of  the  coals  that  roasted  St. 
4>awrence  ;  the  bones  of  a  great  many  martyrs  ;  the  teeth  of  St.  Maurice  and  St. 
B;isil ;  the  arms  and  ribs  of  other  saints  ;  the  finger  of  Mary  Magdalene ;  the  cheek 
of  St.  Brigida ;  the  veil  of  St  Agatha,  &c.  &c.  &c.  See  the  whole  Saxon  list  in 
Dugdale,  Monast.  vol.  i.  p.  223—225. 

15  Elfric's  words  are  :  "  The  sign  of  the  Holy  Cross  is  our  blessing  ;  and  to  this 
cross  we  pray  ;  yet  not  to  the  wood,  but  to  the  Almighty  Lord  that  was  hanged 
for  us  upon  it."  MSS.  Camb.  Op.  Wanl.  p.  118.  On  their  baptism,  it  may  be 
remarked,  that  the  Saxon  homily  in  Wheloc,  p.  64.,  represents  the  child  as  being, 
before  baptism,  "  sinful  through  Adam's  transgression,"  but  after  baptism,  and  by 
it,  as  becoming  "  God's  man  and  God's  child."  It  was  taken  every  day,  for  the 
seven  following  days,  to  the  mass,  to  have  the  communion  sacrament  given  to  it. 
^Elfric.  ap.  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  172. 

18  Al.  Op.  p.  1534. 

VOL.  III.  F  F 


434 


HISTORY    OF   THE 


BOOK 
X. 


Elfric's 
statement 
of  their 
duties. 


"  No  priest  was  to  forsake  the  church  to  which  he  was  conse- 
crated, nor  to  intermeddle  witli  the  rights  of  others,  nor  to  take 
the  scholar  of  another.  He  was  to  learn  sedulously  his  own 
handicraft,  and  not  put  another  to  shame  for  his  ignorance,  but  to 
teach  him  better.  The  high-born  were  not  to  despise  the  less- 
born,  nor  any  to  be  unrighteous  or  covetous  dealers.  He  was  to 
baptize  whenever  required,  and  to  abolish  all  heathendom  and 
witchcraft.  They  were  to  take  care  of  their  churches,  and  apply 
exclusively  to  their  sacred  duties  ;  and  not  to  indulge  in  idle 
speech,  or  idle  deeds,  or  excessive  drinking  ;  nor  to  let  dogs  come 
within  their  church  inclosure,  nor  more  swine  than  a  man  might 
govern. 

"  They  were  to  celebrate  mass  only  in  churches,  and  on  the 
altar,  unless  in  cases  of  extreme  sickness.  They  were  to  have  at 
mass  their  corporalis  garment,  and  the  subucula  under  their  alba  ; 
and  all  their  officiating  garments  were  to  be  woven.  Each  was  to 
have  a  good  and  right  book.  No  one  was  to  celebrate  mass, 
unless  fasting,  and  unless  he  had  one  to  make  responses  ;  nor  more 
than  three  times  a  day;  nor  unless  he  had,  for  the  Eucharist, .pure 
bread,  wine,  and  water.  The  cup  was  to  be  of  something  molten, 
not  of  wood.  No  woman  was  to  come  near  the  altar  during  mass. 
The  bell  was  to  be  rung  at  the  proper  time. 

"  They  were  to  pi-each  every  Sunday  to  the  people,  and  always 
to  give  good  examples.  They  were  ordered  to  teach  youth  with 
care,  and  to  draw  them  to  some  craft.  They  were  to  distribute 
alms,  and  urge  the  people  to  give  them,  and  to  sing  the  psalms 
during  the  distribution,  and  to  exhort  the  poor  to  intercede  for  the 
donors.  They  were  forbidden  to  swear,  and  were  to  avoid  ordeals. 
They  were  to  recommend  confession,  penitence,  and  compensation; 
to  administer  the  sacrament  to  the  sick,  and  to  anoint  him  if  he 
desired  it ;  and  the  priest  was  always  to  keep  oil  ready  for  this 
purpose  and  for  baptism.  He  was  neither  to  hunt,  or  hawk,  or 
dice  ;  but  to  play  with  his  book  as  became  his  condition.17 

We  have  another  review  of  their  duties  transmitted 
to  us  in  the  exhortations  of  Elfric. 

"Priests!  you  ought  to  be  well  provided  with  books  and  apparel 
as  suits  your  condition.  The  mass  priest  should  at  least  have  his 
missal,  his  singing  book,  his  reading  book,  his  psalter,  his  hand 
book,  his  penitential,  and  his  numeral  one.  He  ought  to  have  his 
officiating  garments,  and  to  sing  from  sun-rise,  with  the  nine  in- 
tervals and  nine  readings.  His  sacramental  cup  should  be  of  gold 
or  silver,  glass  or  tin,  and  not  of  earth,  at  least  not  of  wood.  The 
altar  should  be  always  clean,  well  clothed,  and  not  denied  with 
dirt.  There  should  be  no  mass  without  wine. 

"  Take  care  that  you  be  better  and  wiser  in  your  spiritual  craft 
than  worldly  men  are  in  theirs,  that  you  may  be  fit  teachers  of 
true  wisdom.  The  priest  should  preach  rightly  the  true  belief; 

47  Wilk.  Leg.  85—87. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  435 

read  fit  discourses  ;    visit  the  sick  ;    and  baptize  infants,  and  give       CHAP, 
the  unction  when  desired.     No  one  should  be  a  covetous  trader,          III. 

nor  a  plunderer,  nor  drunk  often  in  wine-houses,  nor  be  proud  or    ' » ' 

boastful,  nor  wear  ostentatious  girdles,  nor  be  adorned  with  gold, 
but  to  do  honour  to  himself  by  his  good  morals. 

"  They  should  not  be  litigious,  nor  quarrelsome,  nor  seditious, 
but  should  pacify  the  contending ;  nor  carry  arms,  nor  go  to  any 
fight,  though  some  say  that  priests  should  carry  weapons  when 
necessity  requires ;  yet  the  servant  of  God  ought  not  to  go  to  any 
war  or  military  exercise.  Neither  a  wife  nor  a  battle  becomes 
them,  if  they  will  rightly  obey  God  and  keep  his  laws  as  becomes 
their  state."18 

The   Anglo-Saxon    clergy   sometimes    made   very  An 
earnest  addresses  to  the  people.     Some  specimens  of  J™" 
one  of  these,  about  nine  hundred  years  old,  will  show 
the  tone  and  feeling  they  displayed. 

"  Dearest  men !  I  intreat,  and  would  humbly  teach  you  that  you 
should  grieve  now  for  your  sins,  because  in  the  future  life  our 
tears  will  tell  for  nought.  Hear  the  Lord  now,  who  invites  and 
will  grant  us  forgiveness.  Here  he  is  very  gentle  with  us  ;  there 
he  will  be  severe.  Here  his  mild-heartedness  is  over  us ;  there 
will  be  an  eternal  judgment.  Here  is  transient  joy ;  there  will  be 
perpetual  sorrow. 

"  Study,  my  beloved,  those  things  which  are  about  to  come  to 
you.  Humble  yourselves  here,  that  you  be  not  abased  hereafter. 
Ah  !  dearest  men !  who  is  so  hard  of  heart,  that  he  cannot  weep  at 
the  punishments  that  may  succeed,  and  dread  their  occurrence? 
What  is  better  to  us  in  this  world  than  to  be  penitent  for  our 
transgressions,  and  to  redeem  them  by  almsgiving  ?  This  world 
and  all  within  it  pass  away,  and  then  with  our  soul  alone  we  must 
satisfy  the  Almighty  God.  The  father  cannot  then  help  the  son, 
nor  the  child  the  parent,  but  each  will  be  judged  according  to  his 
own  deeds. 

"O  man!  what  are  you  doing?  Be  not  like  the  dumb  cattle. 
O  think  and  remember  how  great  a  separation  the  Deity  has 
placed  between  us  and  them.  He  sends  to  us  an  understanding 
soul,  but  they  have  none.  Watch,  then,  O  man !  Pray  and  in- 
Treat  while  thou  may.  Remember  that  for  thee  the  Lord  descended 
from  the  high  heaven  to  the  most  lowly  state,  that  he  might  raise 
thee  to  that  exalted  life.  Gold  and  silver  cannot  aid  us  from  those 
grim  and  cruel  torments,  from  those  flames  that  will  never  be  ex- 
tinguished, and  from  those  serpents  that  never  die.  There  they 
are  whetting  their  bloody  teeth,  to  wound  and  tear  our  bodies 
without  mercy,  when  the  great  trumpet  shall  sound,  and  the  dread- 
ful voice  exclaim,  '  Arise,  and  behold  the  mighty  and  the  terrible 
King !  You  that  have  been  stedfast  and  are  chosen,  arise !  Lo ! 

18  Wilk,  Leg.  169—171. 
F  F  2 


436  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK       your  heavenly  Master  comes.     Now  you  shall  see  him  whom  you 

x-         loved  before  you  became  dust.     Come,  and  partake  a  glory  which 

'       '    no  eye  has  seen,  and  no  ear  has  heard  of.     But,  you  wicked  and 

impious,  arise  you,  and  fall  abandoned  into  that  deep  and  infernal 

pit,  where  misery  for  ever  must  be  your  happiness  and  honour.' 

"O!  how  miserable  and  joyless  will  those  become  who  neglected 
the  divine  commandments,  to  hear  this  fearful  sentence  !  Always 
should  these  things  be  before  our  eyes.  Where  are  the  kings  that 
once  triumphed,  and  all  the  mighty  of  the  earth  ?  Where  are  their 
treasures  ?  Where  is  their  splendid  apparel  ?  Oh,  for  how  short 
a  life  are  they  now  brought  to  an  endless  death  !  For  what  a 
transient  glory  have  they  earned  a  lasting  sorrow !  How  paltry 
the  profit  for  which  they  have  brought  these  wretched  torments  ! 
How  momentary  was  the  laughter  that  has  been  changed  to  these 
bitter  and  burning  tears!"19 

The  teacher  enforced  these  ideas  by  introducing  a 
legendary  tale,  which  displays  some  strength  of 
imagination. 

"  A  holy  man  had  once  a  spiritual  vision.  He  saw  a  soul  on 
the  point  of  being  driven  out  of  a  body,  but  she  dared  not  leave  it, 
because  she  saw  an  execrable  fiend  standing  before  her.  '  What 
are  you  doing?'  cried  the  Devil.  '  Why  do  you  not  come  out? 
Do  you  hope  that  Michael  the  archangel  will  come  with  his  com- 
pany of  angels,  and  carry  you  soon  away  ?'  Then  another  devil 
answered  and  said,  '  You  need  not  fear  that.  I  know  his  works, 
and,  day  and  night,  was  always  with  him.' 

"  The  wretched  soul,  seeing  this,  began  to  shriek  and  cry, 
'  Wo !  wo !  wretched  me,  why  was  I  ever  created  ?  Why  did  I 
ever  enter  this  foul  and  polluted  body  ? '  She  looked  at  her  body, 
and  exclaimed,  '  Miserable  corpse !  it  was  thou  that  didst  seize  the 
wealth  of  the  stranger,  and  wast  ever  heaping  up  treasure.  It 
was  thou  that  wouldest  deck  thyself  with  costly  raiment.  When 
thou  wast  all  scarlet,  I  was  all  black ;  Avhen  thou  wast  merry,  I 
was  sad  ;  when  thou  didst  laugh,  I  wept.  O  wretched  thou,  what 
art  thou  now  but  a  loathsome  mass,  the  food  of  worms !  Thou 
mayest  rest  a  considerable  time  on  the  earth,  but  I  shall  go  groan- 
ing and  miserable  to  hell.' 

"  The  Devil  then  exclaimed,  '  Pierce  his  eye,  because  with  his 
eye-sight  he  was  active  in  all  injustice.  Pierce  his  mouth,  because 
with  that  he  eat  and  drank  and  talked,  as  he  lusted.  Pierce  his 
heart,  because  neither  pity,  religion,  nor  the  love  of  God  was  ever 
in  it.' 

"  While  the  soul  was  suffering  these  things,  a  great  splendour 
shone  before  her,  and  she  asked  what  the  brightness  meant.  The 
Devil  told  her  it  came  from  the  celestial  regions.  '  And  you  shall 
go  through  those  dwellings  most  bright  and  fair,  but  must  not 
stay  there.  You  shall  hear  the  angelic  choirs,  and  see  the  ra- 

19  Wilk.  Leg.  173,  174. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  437 

ctiance  of  all  the  holy ;  but  there  you  cannot  dwell.'  Again  the 
wretched  soul  exclaimed,  '  Wo  to  me,  that  I  ever  saw  the  light  of 
the  human  world ! '  "  '20 

The  address  thus  concludes:  — 

"  My  dearest  men !  Let  us  then  remember  that  the  life  we 
now  live  is  short,  sinful,  frail,  falling,  wretched,  and  deceitful  to 
all  that  love  it.  We  live  in  trouble,  and  we  die  in  sorrow  ;  and 
when  it  ends,  they  also  who  would  not  repent  and  give  alms  must 
go  to  torment,  and  there  suffer  an  immeasurable  punishment  for 
their  misdeeds.  There  the  afflicted  soul  will  hang  over  hot  flames, 
and  be  beaten  and  bound,  and  thrown  down  into  the  blackest  place, 
especially  they  who  will  show  no  mercy  now.  But  let  us  turn 
ourselves  to  a  better  state,  and  earn  an  eternal  kingdom  with 
Christ  and  his  saints,  for  ever  and  ever,  world  without  end. 
Amen."  21 

The  future  world  is  thus  painted  in  another  of  the  Their  ideas 

4         i      o  i          •  i  •  of  heaven. 

Anglo- baxon  homilies:  — 

"  Let  us  reflect  on  the  happiness  we  may  lose.  Let  us  resolve 
to  earn  that  brightest  of  all  places,  and  that  most  beautiful  felicity 
with  angels  and  high-angels,  and  with  all  the  sainted  ones  in  the 
raptui'e  of  heaven's  kingdom.  There  it  will  last  for  ever.  There 
is  eternal  life.  There  is  the  King  of  all  kings,  and  the  Ruler  of 
all  rulers,  and  the  Creator  of  all  creatures.  There  is  peace  without 
sorrow,  light  without  darkness,  and  joy  without  an  end.  There 
will  be  the  beginning  of  everlasting  happiness;  the  beauty  and 
delight  of  all  that  is  holy ;  youth  without  age  ;  the  inexhaustible 
glory  of  the  spirit  in  the  highest  splendour  ;  peace  and  comfort ; 
health  unvarying  ;  a  most  blissful  throne  ;  the  most  lovely  fruits, 
and  the  most  exalted  power."  -2 

They  have  left  us  several  paraphrases  and  transla-  Paraphrase 
tions  of  the  Pater-noster23,  and  the  Creed24  ;  some  in  Lord's 
poetry  and  some  in  prose,  as  if  it  had  been  a  favourite  Prayer  and 
exercise  of  their  devotional  leisure.    There  are  others 
of  the  Doxologv.25 

Ov 

• 

20  Wilk.  Leg.  p.  175.  2I  Ibid.  p.  176. 

22  MSS.  Cant.  Wanl.  p.  117.     A  shorter  description  occurs  in  another.     "  There 
will  be  our  eternal  recompence  between  angels  and  high-angels  for  ever  in  heaven's 
kingdom.     There  love  will  never  err,  nor   enmity   disturb.      There    the  sacred 
societies  will  always  dwell  in  beauty  and  glory  and  pleasure.     There  will  be  mirth  and 
mnjesty,  and  everlasting  bliss  with  the  Deity  himself."     MSS.  Cant.  Wanl.  p.  140. 

23  Of  the  Lord's  Prayer,  see  the  Saxon  paraphrases  from  MSS.  in  Waiiley,  p.  48. 
147.   267.     Translations  of  it  are  in  Ib.  j>  51.  81.  160.  197.  202.  221.     There 
are  several  homilies  upon  it. 

24  Of  the  Creed,  see  the  poetical  paraphrase  in  Wanley,  p.  4i?.,  and  various  trans- 
lations, p.  51.  202.  221.  &c. 

'a  Wan,  MSS.  p.  145.  48.  51. 

F  F   3 


438 


Their  other 
peniten- 
tiary sys- 
tems. 


Written  specimens  of  the  questions  and  answers  at 
their  scrift  and  andetnes,  or  confession,  have  also 
survived  to  us,  some  of  which  are  interesting  to  read.26 

When  one  of  the  great  Danish  armies  landed  in 

vy 

England,  the  following  penitentiary  injunctions  were 
issued:  — 

"  We  all  need  that  we  should  diligently  strive  to  obtain  God's 
mercy  and  mild-heartedness,  and  that  AVC,  by  his  help,  may  with- 
stand our  enemies. 

"  Now  it  is  our  will  that  all  folk  should  do  general  penance  for 
three  days,  on  bread,  herbs,  and  water  ;  that  is,  on  (CDonanbay, 
Tiperbay,  LUobnej-bay,)  Monday,  Tuesday,  and  Wednesday  before 
Michaelmas ;  and  let  every  man  coine  barefoot  to  church,  with- 
out gold  and  ornaments,  and  go  to  confession  (jhjnpc),  and  all 
go  out  with  the  holy  relics,  and  call  inwardly  in  their  heart 
diligently  on  Christ ;  and  let  every  man  set  apart  a  hide-penny, 
or  a  penny's  worth,  and  bring  it  to  church,  and  afterwards  divide 
it  into  three  before  the  confessor  and  the  town-gerefa,  and,  if  he 
will  not  perform  this,  let  him  pay,  according  to  law,  a  bunda,  or 
villager,  thirty  pence  ;  a  thrcel,  or  slave,  by  his  hide  ;  a  thegn, 
thirty  shillings.  For  the  three  days  let  them  be  freed  from  work, 
and  in  every  minster  let  all  the  company  sing  their  Psalter  the 
three  days,  and  let  every  mass-priest  say  mass  for  our  lord,  and 
for  all  his  people ;  and  there,  besides,  let  men  say  masses  every 
day,  in  every  minster  one  mass  separately  for  the  necessities  that 
surround  us,  till  things  become  better  :  and  at  every  tide-song  let 
all  the  assembly,  with  bended  knees,  before  God's  altar,  sing  the 
third  Psalm  ;  and  every  year  henceforth  do  this,  till  the  Almighty 
pity  us,  and  grant  us  to  overcome  our  enemy.  GOD  HELP  us. 
AMEN."  27 

The  Anglo-Saxon  ecclesiastics  visited  most  crimes 
with  appropriate  penance,  and  especially  homicides, 
both  voluntary  and  involuntary,  and  even  the  inten- 
tion to  commit  them.  What  they  called  their  deep- 
like,  or  severe  penance,  is  thus  described:  — 

"  He  must  lay  aside  his  weapons,  and  travel  barefoot  a  long 
way  ;  nor  be  sheltered  of  a  night.  He  must  fast  and  watch  and 
pray  both  day  and  night,  and  willingly  weary  himself,  and  be  so 
careless  of  his  dress  that  the  iron  should  not  come  to  his  hair  or 
nails. 


28  See  various  confessions  at  length  from  a  MS.  in  Wanley,  p.  50.  145.;  and 
several  others. 

37  MS.  C.  C.  Cantab,  ap.  Wanley,  p.  138. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  439 

"  He  must  not  enter  a  warm  bath,  nor  a  soft  bed ;  nor  eat  flesh,       CHAP, 
nor  anything  by  which  he  can  be  intoxicated ;  nor  may  he  go  inside  of 
a  church,  but  seek  some  holy  place,  and  confess  his  guilt,  and  pray  "~™ 

for  intercession.     He  must  kiss  no  man,  but  be  always  grieving 
for  his  sins."  28 

It   was   an   invention  of  deep  policy,   though  of  Liberty  to 
suspicious  piety,  that  they  allowed  the  wealthy  to  penance. 
purchase  a  removal  of  the  penances  imposed.     This 
gave  the  church  an  interest  that  crimes  should  be 
committed,  as  well  as  that  the  penances  should  be 
too  severe  to  be  personally  performed ;  yet  this  dan- 
gerous  privilege   was   used  for  the   best   purposes. 
The  following  is  one  of  their   regulations  on   this 
subject :  — 

"  Many  men  may  redeem  their  penances  by  alms  : 
"  He  that  hath  ability  may  raise  a  church  to  the  praise  of  God ; 
and,  if  he  has  wherewithal,  let  him  give  land  to  it,  and  allow  ten 
young  men,  so  that  they  may  serve  in  it,  and  minister  the  daily 
service.  He  may  repair  churches  where  he  can,  and  make  folk- 
ways, with  bridges  over  deep  waters,  and  over  miry  places  ;  and 
let  him  assist  poor  men's  widows,  and  step-children,  and  foreigners. 
He  may  free  his  own  slaves,  and  redeem  the  liberty  of  those  of 
other  masters,  and  especially  the  poor  captives  of  war ;  and  let  him 
feed  the  needy,  and  house  them,  clothe  and  warm  them,  and  give 
them  bathing  and  beds."  29 

It  is  impossible  to  praise  too  highly  the  benevolence 
of  these  substitutions. 

The  permission  to  buy  off  penance  by  money  could 
not  but  become  a  source  of  the  greatest  abuses ;  nor 
was  it  less  objectionable  to  commute  them,  if  at  all 
useful,  for  certain  quantities  of  repetitions,  by  rote,  of 
tsome  devotional  forms,  which,  thus  reiterated,  could 
have  little  more  meaning  or  efficacy  than  the  same 
amount  of  unintelligible  nonsense,  or  of  a  parrot's 
exclamations. 

The  law  thus  provided  for  it :  — 

"  A  man  may  redeem  one  day's  fasting  by  a  penny,  or  by  re- 
peating two  hundred  Psalms.  He  may  redeem  a  twelvemonth's 

88  Leges  Edgari,  Wilk.  p.  94.  »  Ibid.  p.  95. 

F  F  4 


440  HISTORY    OF    THE 

BOOK       fasting  by  thirty  shillings,  or  may  spt  a  man  free  who  is  of  that 

X,  worth.     And  for  one  day's  fast  he  may  sing  six  times  the  Beati 

""  Imrnaculati,   and   six   Pater-nosters  ;  or  for  a  day's  fast  he   may 

kneel  and  bend  sixty  times  to  the  earth,  with  a  Pater-noster ;  or 

he  may  bend  all  his  limbs  to  God,  and  fifteen  times  sing  '  Miserere 

mei  Dominus, '  and  fifteen  Pater-nosters."30 

Their  That  the  Anglo-Saxons  continued  the  error  of  the 

ancient  world,  in  referring  the  phenomena  of  nature 
almost  always  to  supernatural  agency,  though  with 
the  substitution  of  saints,  angels,  and  demons,  for  the 
gods  and  goddesses,  heroes,  genii,  and  daemons  of  anti- 
quity, is  a  true  assertion  as  to  the  nation  at  large,  and 
as  to  their  religious  instructors,  with  few  exceptions. 
Their  ignorance  of  natural  science  led  them  to  this  mis- 
take, as  its  abundance  with  us  has  urged  our  philoso- 
phy into  the  opposite  extreme.  Our  ancestors  were 
inclined  to  ascribe  nothing  to  natural  causes;  and  we 
tend  to  attribute  to  these  every  phenomenon.  They 
saw  nothing  but  the  Divinity  acting  around  them ; 
and  some  of  us  exclude  Him  wholly  from  His  creation. 
Both  extremes  are  erroneous.  The  probability  is, 
that  the  Supreme  does  every  thing  by  the  natural 
causes  which  He  has  organised  to  act  for  the  general 
good,  so  far  as  their  agency  will  from  time  to  time 
produce  it ;  but  where  their  operation  becomes  at  any 
time  insufficient  to  achieve  His  purposes,  they  are  as- 
sisted by  His  immediate  interference,  or  by  the  intro- 
duction of  new  effective  agents  that  are  more  suited 
to  the  new  circumstances  that  arise,  and  the  new  im- 
provements that  He  intends  to  establish.  He,  as  our 
Great  Alfred  suggested,  binds  Himself  in  no  chains  as 
to  the  future  guidance  of  nature,  but  keeps  Himself 
free,  at  all  times,  to  do  whatever  His  wisdom  finds  to 
be  successively  most  expedient  for  the  benefit  of  His 
whole  creation,  and  therefore  for  every  part  of  it ;  for 
the  whole  cannot  be  benefited  unless  the  portions  par- 
take of  the  advantage. 

30  Leges  Edgari,  Wilk.  p.  96. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  441 

But  the  Anglo-Saxons  pursued  the  custom  of  the      CHAP. 
day  in  venerating  those  who,  after  death,  were  invested  • 

by  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  with  the  dignity  of 
saints  ;  they  had  several  of  these  of  native  origin,  who 
were  held  in  great  estimation,  and  whose  lives  were 
written  with  zealous  enthusiasm.31  They  ascribed  to 
their  saints  great  powers  over  nature  and  disease,  and 
human  life,  as  the  classical  nations  had  done  to  their 
fabulous  divinities ;  and  thus  impeded  their  own  pro- 
gress in  natural  philosophy,  by  substituting  ima- 
ginary agents  for  natural  causes.  Our  ancestors  also 
respected  hermits,  who  lived  in  woods  or  cells,  retired 
from  the  world.32 

The  evil  personage  called  Anti-christ,  who,  it  is  Their  views 
supposed,  will  accompany  the  last  ages  of  the  world, 
was  a  frequent  subject  of  contemplation  among  the 
Anglo-Saxons.  They  thought  that  he  was  about  to 
corne  in  the  tenth  and  eleventh  centuries.33  One  of 
their  discourses  upon  him  begins  with  "Beloved  men  ! 
there  is  great  need  that  we  should  be  aware  of  the 
fearful  time  that  is  now  approaching.  Now,  very 
soon  will  be  the  times  of  Anti-christ ;  therefore  we 
ought  to  expect  him,  and  carefully  think  upon  him." 
A  long  detail  then  follows  on  this  subject34;  but  the 
most  curious  account  of  him  is  that  of  Alcuin,  which 
he  addresses  to  Charlemagne. 35 

31  As  St.  Guthlac,  St.  Edwin,  St.  Oswald,  St.  Boniface,  St.  Swithin,  St.  Meet, 
St.  Edmund,  St.  Chad,  St.  Winifreda,  St.  Dunstan,  St.  Ethelwald,  St.  Edward,  and 
many  others. 

32  That  the  lives  of  the  Saxon  hermits,  or  anchorites,  were  net  unusefully  em- 
ployed, we  have  a  very  splendid  proof  in  the  Saxon  MS.  of  the  Gospels  in  the 
British  Museum,  Nero,  D.  4.     Wanley  justly  calls  this,  "  An  incomparable  specimen 
of  Anglo-Saxon  calligraphy,"  p.  253.      It  is  beautifully  illuminated  and  decorated  : 
Billfrith,  the  anchorite,  was  the  person  who  so  adorned  it.      He  is  mentioned  by  his 
Saxon  coadjutor,  Aldred,  to  have  ornamented  it  with  gold  and  gems,  and  with 
silver  gilt  over.      Turgot,  the  Anglo-Saxon,  also  declares  him  to  have  been  "  in 
.'iurificii  arte  precipuus."     \Vanl.  ib.      It  seems  to  have  been  written  about  the  time 
of  Alfred. 

33  Elfric  thought,  from  the  calamities  of  Ethelred's  reign,  that  the  end  of  the 
world  was  near:  "By  this  we  may  understand  that  this  world  is  passing  away,  and- 
vi-ry  nigh  its  end."     MSS.  Vesp.  D.  14. 

34  The   Sermon   is  printed,  with   a  Latin  translation,  in  the  Appendix  to  the 
Saxon  Dictionary. 

36  A  few  particulars  of  Alcuiu's  fancy  may  amuse.     "  He  is  to  be  born  of  a  most 


442  HISTORY   OF   THE 

BOOK        flagitious  robber  and  harlot,  with  the  aid  of  the  Devil,  at  Babylon.     He  will  pervade 
X  Palestine  ;  convert  kings,  princes,  and  people ;  and  send  his  missionaries  all  over 

.  '  j  the  world.  He  will  work  many  miracles ;  bring  fire  from  heaven  ;  make  trees 
vegetate  in  a  moment ;  calm  and  agitate  the  sea  at  his  will ;  transform  various 
objects  ;  change  the  course  of  rivers  ;  command  the  winds  ;  and  apparently  raise 
the  dead.  He  will  bitterly  persecute  Christianity.  He  wiil  discover  hidden 
treasures,  and  lavish  them  among  his  followers :  a  dreadful  period  of  tribulation 
will  follow.  He  will  not  come  till  the  Roman  empire  has  entirely  ceased,  and  that 
cannot  be  while  the  kings  of  the  French  continue.  One  of  the  French  kings  is,  at 
last,  to  obtain  the  whole  Roman  empire,  and  will  be  the  greatest  and  the  last  of  all 
kings.  He  is  to  go  to  Jerusalem,  and  lay  down  his  crown  and  sceptre  on  Mount 
Olivet.  Then  Anti-christ  is  to  appear,  and  Gog  and  Magog  to  emerge.  Against 
them  this  French  king  of  the  Romans  is  to  march  ;  to  conquer  all  nations,  destroy 
all  idols,  and  restore  Christianity.  The  Jews  are  to  be  restored,"  &c.  &c.  Ale. 
Op.  1211 — 1215.  Our  ELFRIC,  in  the  tenth  century,  thought  his  reign  was  then 
approaching,  for  he  wrote :  "  Dear  men  !  there  is  great  need  that  we  should  be 
aware  of  the  fearful  time  which  is  to  come.  Now  will  be  very  soon  the  times  of 
Anti- Christ."  Wanl.  Cat.  p.  28.  33 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


CHAP.  IV. 

The  ANGLO-SAXON   Te  Deum  ;  Jubilate  ;  Magnificat ;  and 
Specimens  of  their  Prayers. 

TpG,  Dob,  pe  hepiath,  the,  Dpihten,  pe  anbettah. 

The,  aecne  paebep,  eal  eojith  epupthath. 

The,  ealle  enjlap,  the,  heopenap  anb  ealle  anpealbum. 

The,  chepubim  anb  pepaplnm  unabhnnenblice  ptepne  clypath 

pahj  !  pahj  !  pahj  !  bpihten,  Dob  pepeba  ! 

Fulle  pynt  heopenap  anb  eopthe  maejenthpymmep  Jmlbpep  thmep. 

The,  pulboppul  epnbpacena  pepeb, 

The,  pitijena  hepjenblic  jecel, 

The,  cythpa  pcyneb  hepath  hepe, 

The,  embhpyppt  eopthena  halij  anbet  jepomnunj, 

Faebep,  opmaetep  masjen-thpymmep ! 

Sppupthne  thmne  pothne  anb  anlicne  punu  ; 

pahjne  pitoblice  ppeppijenbpe 

Thu,  cynj  pulbpep  cynm3ep' 

Thu,  pasbepep  ece  thu  eapt  punu, 

Tha  to  alypenne  thu  anpenje  mann,  thu  ne  apcunebopt  pasmnan 
mnath. 

Thu  opepppithebum  beathep  anjan ;  Thu  onlypbept  jelypebum 
picu  heopena. 

Thu  on  tha  ppithpan  healpe  Dobep  petpt  on  pulbpe  paebepep. 

Dema  thu  eapt  jelypeb  pepan  topeapb, 

The  eopnoptlice  pe  halpiath  tlnnum  theopum  jehelp,  tha  op 
beoppypthum  blode  thu  alypbept. 

fc'ce  bo  mib  halsum  thmum  pulbop  beon  popjypen. 

pal  bo  pole  thin  ;  anb  bletpa  yppepeapbnyppe  thine. 

Snb  jepece  hy  anb  upahop  hy  oth  on  ecnecnyppe. 

Thuph  pynbjiije  bajap  pe  blecpiath  the 

Snb  pe  hepiath  narnan  thmne  on  populbe  anb  a  ]>opulb. 

Demebema  baeje  thipum  buton  pynne  up  sehealban. 

Demiltpa  upe,  Demiltpa. 

8y  milbheoptnyp  thin  opep  up  ppa  ppa,pe  hyhtath  on  the. 

On  the  ic  hihte  ;  ic  ne  beo  jepcynb  on  ecnyppe.1 

Dpymath  bpihtne  ealle  eopchan  ;  theopinth  bpihtne  on  blippe  ;   The  Jubl- 
Injsich  on  jepihthe  hip  on  bhthneppe.  late. 

IDitath  poptham  the  bpihten  he  ip  Dob ;  he  pophte  up,  anb  na 
pe  pylpe  up ;  pole  hip  anb  pceap  poptopnothep  hip. 

Jnjath  jatu  hip  on  anbbetneppe,  capejitunap  hip  on  ymenum 
anbbectath. 

1  MS.  Cott.  Lib.  Vespasian,  A.  1. 


444 


HISTORY    OF   THE 


BOOK 
X. 


The  Mag- 
niflcat. 


Anglo- 
Saxon 
prayers. 


pepiach  namam  hip ;  poptham  the  pynpum  if  bpihten,  on  ecneppe 
milbheoptnep  hij-,  anb  och  on  cynpene  anb  cynpene  fochpaefCnefj: 
hir.2 

GOin  paptl  meppath  Dpihten  ~\  mm  japt  jebhppube  on  Eobe  minum 
paelenbe. 

Foptham  the  he  jepeah  hip  thinene  eab-mobneppe,  j-othhce 
heoiiun-popth  me  eabije  peejath  ealle  cneopeppa. 

Fopcham  the  me  mycele  thing  bybe  pe  the  imhtij  ij"  ~]  hip  nama 
ir  hiihj. 

•j  hip  milb-heoptnep  of  cneopeppe  on  cneopeppe  nine  onbpas- 
benbum. 

pe  pophte  maejne  on  hij-  eapme.  pe  to-ba>lbe  tha  ojiepmoban 
on  mobe  liypa  heoptan. 

pe  apeapp  tha  pican  op  petle  anb  tha  eab-moban  upahop. 

pinjpijenbe  he  mib  jobum  jepylbe  ~]  opep-mobe  ibele  poplet. 

pe  apenj  Ippahel  hip  cmhc  3  jemunbe  hip  milb  heojitneppe. 

8pa  lie  pppjec  to  upum  pasbepum  Sbpahame  anb  hip  ra^be  on  a. 
peopulo.3 

The  following  addresses  to  the  Deity  are  selected 
from  the  Anglo-Saxon  remains,  to  complete  the 
picture  of  their  minds  ;  and  to  show  that,  notwith- 
standing the  illiterate  age  in  which  they  lived,  and 
the  superstitions  which  prevailed,  yet  that  the  lan- 
guage of  their  devotion  was  not  discreditable  to  their 
general  intellect.  These  instances  will  indicate  that 
they  studied  to  connect  it  both  with  their  feelings 
and  their  reason.  They  are  in  a  poetical  form  :  — 


Oh  Lord  heloved ! 

Oh  God  our  judge  ! 

hear  me : 

Everlasting  Ruler ! 

I  know  that  my  soul 

with  sins  is  wounded. 

Heal  thou  it, 

O  Lord  of  heaven  ! 

And  restore  thou  it, 

O  Governor  of  life  ! 

For  thou  most  easily  may, 

Physician  of  us  all ! 


of  all  that  exist 
far  or  wide. 

2. 

O  Sovereign  of  radiance  ! 
Creator  of  man  ! 
benjgn  be  thy  mind 
to  me  for  good. 
Give  me  thy  pardon, 
and  thy  pity. 

May  he  be  merciful, 
that  on  earth  here 


2  MS.  Cott.  Vitell.  E.  18.     Another  version  from  Vespas.  A.  1.  may  be  seen  in 
Wanley's  excellent  Catalogue  of  the  Saxon  MSS.  p.  222. 

3  Saxon  Gosp.  Luc.  c.  1. 


ANGLO-SAXONS. 


445 


we  may  resist  the  devil, 
and  work  his  will ! 
Woe  to  him  for  his  jollity 
when  he  the  retribution 
shall  have  and  see, 
unless  he  from  the  evil 
has  previously  ceased. 

But  happy  will  he  be 
who  here  on  earth, 
day  and  night, 
obeys  the  Lord, 
and  always  works  his  will. 
Well  to  him  will  be  this  work 
when  he  the  retribution 
shall  have  and  see, 
if  he  continues  it 
to  a  good  end. 

D 

3. 

O  Light  of  light ! 
Oh  joy  of  life  ! 
grant  it  to  me. 
Blessed  King  of  Glory  ! 
what  I  for  my  soul 
pray  of  the  heavens 
for  the  eternal  honour. 

Thou  art  the  benign  God  ; 
thou  hast  and  rulest 
One  over  all. 
Earth  and  heaven, 
of  their  various  creatures, 
Thou  art  the  true  Creator  ; 
One  over  all 
those  living  on  the  earth, 
as  in  heaven  above  ; 
thou  art  the  Saviour  God. 

Nor  may  any  man 
profit  thee 

that  are  collected  together 
over  the  wide  ground  ; 
-men  on  the  earth, 
over  all  the  world. 
Nor  can  we  ever  say, 
nor  indeed  know, 
how  noble  thou  art, 
Eternal  Lord ! 

Nor  though  the  host  of  angels 
up  in  heaven, 

in  their  assembled  wisdom, 
should  begin  to  say  it, 


might  they  ever  narrate, 

nor  the  number  know, 

how  great  thou  art, 

Mighty  Lord ! 

But  vast  is  still  the  wonder, 

Governor  of  Angels, 

if  thou  thyself  should  excite  them. 

Chief  of  Victory, 

how  glorious  thou  art, 

mighty  and  strong  in  power  ! 

King  of  all  kings  ! 

the  living  Christ ! 

Creator  of  all  the  worlds  ! 

Ruler  of  angels, 

Noblest  of  all  nobility, 

Saviour  Lord  ! 

Thou  art  the  Prince 
that  on  former  days, 
the  joy  of  all  women, 
fair  wast  born 
at  Bethlehem, 
that  city, 

a  comfort  to  mankind  ! 
an  honour  to  all 
the  children  of  men  ! 
To  them  that  believe 
on  the  living  God, 
and  on  that  eternal  light 
up  in  the  skies. 

Thy  power  is  so  great, 
Mighty  Lord  ! 
so  that  none  truly  know  it, 
nor  the  exhaltation 
of  the  state  of  the  angels 
of  the  King  of  heaven. 

I  confess  thee, 
Almighty  God  ! 
I  believe  on  thee, 
beloved  Saviour ! 
that  thou  art 
the  great  one, 
and  the  strong  in  power, 
and  the  condescending 
of  all  gods, 

and  the  Eternal  King 
of  all  creatures  ; 
and  I  am 

one  of  little  worth, 
and  a  depraved  man, 
who  is  sinning  here 


CHAP. 
IV. 


446 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


BOOK 
X. 


and  aid  me 

Father  Almighty ! 

that  I  thy  will 

may  perform, 

before  from  this  frail  life 

I  depart. 

Refuse  me  not, 

Lord  of  Glory  ! 

But  grant  me, 

blessed,  illustrious  King  ! 

permit  me,  with  angels, 

up  to  ascend 

to  sit  in  the  sky  ; 

and  praise  the  God  of  heaven 

with  the  tongue  of  the  holy 

world  without  end.  4     Amen. 


very  nearly 

day  and  night. 

I  do  as  I  would  not ; 

sometimes  in  actions, 

sometimes  in  words, 

sometimes  in  thought, 

very  guilty 

in  conscious  wickedness 

oft  and  repeatedly. 

But  I  beseech  thee  now, 
Lord  of  heaven  ! 
And  pray  to  thee, 
best  of  human-born, 
that  thou  pity  me, 
Mighty  Lord  ! 
High  King  of  Heaven  ! 
and  the  Holy  Spirit ; 

Of  the  Latin  prayers  at  the  end  of  every  psalm  in 
the  Saxon  and  Latin  Psalter,  the  following  may  be 
selected  as  specimens  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  private  de- 
votions in  prose : — 

"O  Lord!  our  King,  and  our  God!  propitious,  hearken  unto 
the  voice  of  thy  petitioners.  Deign  to  hear  them  devoutly  ap- 
proaching thee  in  the  morning  hour,  that  through  the  greatness  of 
thy  mercy,  and  cleansed  from  all  the  stain  of  sins,  we  may  enter 
thy  house,  and  every  where  sing  thy  praises  in  thy  fear."5 

"  What  is  man,  O  Lord !  that  thou  art  mindful  of  him,  or  the 
son  of  man,  unless  thou  shouldest  redeem  him,  that  he  may  not 
perish  for  ever  ?  Impart  therefore  to  us  the  help  we  need  ;  Thou 
who  hast  given  thy  precious  blood  for  us  !  Oh,  grant  that  those 
whom  thy  death  has  redeemed  may  glorify  thee  in  their  lives."  G 

"  Regard  and  hear  us,  O  Lord,  our  God  !  and  illuminate,  by 
the  contemplation  of  thy  presence,  the  eyes  of  our  mind,  that  we 
sleep  not  in  death  ;  assist  these  our  endeavours  to  please  thee, 
which  thou  thyself  hast  afforded  to  us.  Give  us  the  full  accom- 
plishment of  that  good  work,  who  hast  given  us  its  first  principle, 
the  will  to  do  it.  Grant  that  we  may  be  able  to  complete  it,  Oh, 
thou  who  hast  imparted  the  wish  to  begin  it."  7 

"  Make  known  to  us,  O  Lord  !  the  ways  of  life,  and  fill  us  with 
the  delights  of  thy  right  hand.  Place  thy  yoke  upon  us,  which  is 
so  sweet  under  thy  direction,  and  grant  to  each  of  us  that  he  may 
bless  thee  with  the  affection  of  his  heart,  and  glorify  thee  by  his 
intellect,  through,"  &c.  8 

4  See  the  original  Saxon  in  Csedmon,  App. 

5  Spelman's  Anglo-Saxon  Psaltc-r,  addit.  to  psalm  v. 

6  Ibid.  ad.  ps.  viii.  7  Ibid.  ad.  ps.  xii. 
8  Ibid.  ps.  xv. 


ANGLO-SAXONS.  447 

"  Oh  Lord !  our  strength,  and  the  horn  of  our  salvation  !  im-       CHAP. 
part  to  us  the  fervour  of  thy  love,  that  our  minds  may  love  thee          IV. 

with  unwearied  affection ;  and  by  the  etfect  of  this  attachment    • ' 

to  thee  may  be  turned  towards  our  neighbour  with  benignity, 
through,"  &c.9 

"  Govern  us,  O  Lord !  and  then  we  shall  want  nothing ;  for 
what  is  there  to  be  desired  under  thy  government  but  thyself  alone? 
What  is  there  to  be  sought  for  while  thou  sparest  us,  but  thy 
glory?  Lead  us  then  through  the  path  of  justice,  and  convert  our 
souls  from  every  evil  action  to  virtue.  May  we,  under  thy  pro- 
tection, neither  fear  the  adversities  that  may  assail  us,  nor  dread 
the  approach  of  the  shadow  of  death  or  its  evils."  10 

"  Lord !  strong  and  mighty  !  Lord  of  the  virtues !  King  of 
Glory  !  cleanse  our  heart  from  every  sin  ;  keep  our  hands  guiltless  ; 
and  separate  our  souls  from  all  vanity,  that  we  may  be  fit  to 
receive  in  thy  holy  place  blessings  from  thee,  O  Lord,  our  God."  u 

"  O  Lord,  our  King  !  who  continueth  for  ever  ;  to  whom  all  the 
earth  is  deservedly  resounding  with  the  voices  of  praise,  and 
singing  thy  glory  and  honour ;  grant,  we  beseech  thee,  strength  to 
thy  people,  against  the  evils  of  the  present  day,  that  we  may  enjoy 
prosperity  here,  and  trust  in  thine  eternal  promises  hereafter, 
through,"  &c. 12 

"  O  Lord,  our  Redeemer !  O  God  of  truth  !  who  hast  redeemed 
mankind,  sold  to  sin,  not  by  silver  or  gold,  but  by  the  blood  of  thy 
precious  Son,  be  our  protector,  and  look  down  upon  our  lowliness ; 
and  because  gi'eat  is  the  multitude  of  thy  kindnesses,  oh,  raise  our 
desires  always  to  partake  them,  and  excite  our  minds  to  explore 
them,  through,"  &c.  13 

"  O  Lord  !  who  hast  become  our  refuge  before  the  mountains 
were  made,  or  the  dry  land  was  formed  :  Author  of  time,  yet 
without  any  limit  of  time  thyself!  In  thy  nature  there  is  no  past. 
To  thee  the  future  is  never  new.  There  everlasting  virtue  is 
always  present.  There  immutable  truth  endures  for  ever." 14 

"  For  thy  name's  sake,  O  Lord  !  extend  to  us  thy  mercy.  What 
is  sweeter  than  that  by  which  thou  hast  freed  us  from  death,  and 
made  us  thine  associates  in  immortality  !  By  which  thou  suppliest 
our  helplessness,  and  grantest  to  us  to  continue  in  the  fulness  of 
holiness.  May  it  now  render  us  acceptable  to  thee,  as  it  has 
already  reconciled  thee  to  us  when  alienated  from  thee."  !5 

"O  Lord!  who  dwellest  in  the  loftiest  space  ;  whose  ineffable 
•Godhead  is  confined  to  no  created  circuit,  nor  can  be  described  by 
any  mortal  breath ;  look  down,  we  implore  thee,  on  thy  humble 
servants,  both  in  heaven  and  on  earth.  May  no  pride  creep  into 
our  thoughts  or  actions  which  can  avert  from  us  the  eyes  of  thy 
mercy !  May  that  sincere  humility  and  submission  be  within  us, 

9  Spelman's  Anglo-Saxon  Psalter,  addit.  to  psalm  xvii. 

10  Ibid.  ps.  xxxii.  "  Ibid,  ps   xxiii. 
12  Ibid.  ps.  xxviii.  13  Ibid.  ps.  xxx. 

11  Ibid.  ps.  Ixxxix.  15  Ibid.  ps.  cviii. 


448  HISTORY   OF   THE  ANGLO-SAXONS. 

BOOK       which  may  make  us  worthy  of  thy  regard,  and  raise  us  to  the 

x-          reward  of  thy  future  glorification."  1G 

1  »  '  "  O  God  of  heaven  and  earth !  whose  all-seeing  providence  is 
everlasting !  O  God,  by  whose  death  even  Tartarus  was  illumi- 
nated ;  by  whose  resurrection  the  multitude  of  thy  holy  ones  was 
gladdened  ;  at  whose  ascension  the  host  of  angels  exulted  ;  we 
implore  the  excelling  virtue  of  thy  glory,  that  directed  by  thee 
into  the  way  of  eternal  life,  we  may  be  defended  by  that  arm, 
under  whose  protection  those  who  are  honoured  by  thy  favour 
magnify  thee  in  heaven."17 

"  Purify,  O  Lord,  our  God  !  our  heart  and  reins  by  the  fire  of 
the  Holy  Spirit,  that  we  may  serve  thee  in  chastity  of  heart  and 
body.  Free  us  from  all  vice,  and  have  mercy  upon  us,  whom  thou 
hast  redeemed  by  thine  inestimable  intercourse."18 

The  prayer  to  the  49th  Psalm  concludes  thus  :  — 

"  Despise  not  our  contrite  and  humble  heart ;  and  by  the 
ineffable  power  of  the  Trinity,  may  there  be  the  testimony  of  the 
One  Divinity  that,  strengthened  by  the  Father,  renewed  by  the 
Son,  and  guarded  by  the  Holy  Spirit,  we  may  rejoice  in  thee."  19 

16  Spelman's  Anglo-Saxon  Psalter,  addit.  to  psalm  cxii. 

17  Ibid.  ps.  cxxxviii.  ls  Ibid.  ps.  xxv. 
19  Ibid.  ps.  xlix. 


A 

VINDICATION 

OF    THE 

GENUINENESS 

OF    THE 

ANCIENT  BRITISH  POEMS 


ANEURIN,    TAL1ESIN,    LLYWARCH    HEN, 
AND    MERDHIN, 


SPECIMENS   OF   THE   POEMS. 


BY  SHARON   TURNER,   F.A.S.  R.A.L.S. 


FIFTH    EDITION. 


VOL.  III.  G    G 


PREFACE. 


THE  genuineness  of  these  poems  has  been  publicly  impeached 
by  Mr.  Pinkerton  in  his  preface  to  Babour,  and  in  a  Review 
(not  distinguished  by  the  urbanity  of  its  style,  or  the  correct- 
ness of  its  criticism,)  of  my  Anglo-Saxon  History,  published 
in  the  Critical  Review  for  January,  1800.  Mr.  Malcolm 
Laing  has  also  attacked  them  in  a  note  to  his  Dissertation 
on  Ossian's  Poems,  and  some  other  gentlemen  in  private  so- 
cieties have  occasionally  depreciated  them. 

The  hostility  of  men  respectable  for  their  literary  talents, 
could  not  be  continued  against  these  poems,  without  much 
injury  to  their  credit.  It  was,  therefore,  necessary  to  abandon 
them  to  undeserved  neglect,  or  to  vindicate  them  from  the 
objections  of  their  enemies,  by  a  series  of  legitimate  reasoning. 

Having  quoted  them  in  the  first  volume  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  History,  I  was  charged  with  gross  credulity  for  ac- 
crediting them.  Thus,  unexpectedly  involved  in  the  contro- 
versy, I  hope  to  be  pardoned  for  intruding  on  the  public 
with  a  publication  on  the  subject.  As  I  am  an  Englishman, 
I  have  no  patriotic  prejudice  in  their  favour ;  but  as  an 
amateur  of  literature,  I  think  them  deserving  of  attention ; 
and  for  the  reasons  which  I  shall  proceed  to  state,  I  believe 
those  to  which  I  have  alluded  to  be  genuine. 

London,  1803. 


GG  2 


TABLE   OF  CONTENTS. 


Page 

GENERAL  remarks  on  the  old  British  poems 455 

The  proposition  discussed  in  the  essay 459 

Aneurin's  poem ibid. 

Taliesin's  poems ibid. 

Llywarch  Hen 460 

Merdhin ibid. 

THE  EXTERNAL  EVIDENCE. 

I.  The  old  MSS.  existing  of  these  poems 462 

II.  That  these  poems,  or  some  of  them,  and  their  authors,  have 
been  mentioned  or  alluded  to  by  a  series  of  bards,  whose 
works  still  exist  undisputed  from  before  the  twelfth  century 

to  a  recent  period 467 

Summary  of  the  preceding  Evidence 489 

III.  That  there  were  bards  among  the  Britons  in  the  sixth  century  491 
On  the  Lays  and  Bards  of  Bretagne 497 

IV.  That  Aneurin,  Taliesin,  Llywarch  Hen,  and  Merdhin  then  ex- 

isted   503 

V.  That  the  Britons  had  then  the  art  of  writing 514 

VI.  That  other  writings  of  the  sixth  century  have  come  down  to 

us 517 

VII.  That  the  genuine  writings  of  another  Briton  of  the  sixth  cen- 
tury have  reached  us,  which  are  suspected  by  no  one ibid. 

VIII.  That  in  the  twelfth  century  there  were  writings  of  old  British 

bards  extant,  then  called  ancient '/"''/. 

THE  INTERNAL  EVIDENCE. 

I.  That  the  subjects  of  this  poetry  could  answer  no  purpose  of  in- 
terest in  the  twelfth  century.... 521 

II.  That  their  subjects  were  the  most  unlikely  of  all  others  for  a 

forger  to  have  chosen ibid. 

G  G  3 


454  TABLE    OF    CONTENTS. 

Page 

III.  That  Arthur  is  spoken  of  in  a  manner  inconsistent  with  the 

suppositions  of  forgery 523 

IV.  That   these  subjects  arid  allusions   are  such  as,  if  genuine, 

might  be  expected  from  their  real  authors 525 

V.  That  the  language  is  not  obvious  to  modern  Welshmen,  and 
has  therefore  an  important  feature  of  the  language  of  the 

times  to  which  they  pretend 541 

VI.  That  their  historical  allusions  are  true 542 

VII.  That  the  manners  they  express  are  consistent, 545 

VIII.   That  the  form  and  composition  of  the  poems  suit  their  period  546 

The  ancient  British  doctrines  on  the  soul's  transmigrations 553 

Taliesin's  poem,  Preiddaw  Annwn 557 

His  poems  on  Urien,  or  the  Battle  of  Argoed  Llwyfain 560 

Objections  against  these  poems  answered 563 

Rise  of  rime  traced  to  the  fourth,  sixth,  and  seventh  centuries ibid. 

Some  poems  of  the  seventh,  eighth,  and  tenth  centuries  still  existing  570 

Regular  establishment  of  bards  mentioned  in  Ilowel  Dha ibid. 

Chasms  in  the  literature  of  all  countries 572 


A 

VINDICATION 

OF    THE 

GENUINENESS 

OF    THE 

ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS. 


IT  is  not  unknown  to  the  curious  reader,  that  there  are  Welsh 
poems  extant,  which  are  stated  to  have  been  written  by  Aneurin, 
Taliesin,  Llywarch  Hen,  and  Merdhin,  who  lived  in  the  sixth 
century.  Other  literary  impostures  having  subjected  these  poerns 
also  to  a  similar  suspicion,  and  many  gentlemen  having  desired  to 
be  informed  of  the  nature  of  the  evidence  on  which  they  can  be 
ascribed  to  authors  so  remote,  it  may  perhaps  be  acceptable  to 
literary  men,  to  have  the  evidence  in  their  favour,  and  the  argu- 
ments by  which  they  may  be  supported,  fairly  and  dispassionately 
stated. 

Many  persons  are  better  qualified  for  this  office  than  myself, 
but  as  no  one  has  yet  particularly  discussed  the  subject,  I  think 
I  shall  not  impertinently  apply  some  part  of  the  leisure  of  the 
summer  to  its  consideration.  I  quoted  these  poems,  in  the  History 
of  the  Anglo-Saxons,  because  1  thought  them  genuine;  and  the 
objections  which  this  occasioned  have  induced  me  to  investigate 
the  question  as  carefully  as  I  was  able.  1  will  adduce  with 
temper,  and  I  hope  with  fairness,  the  evidence  in  their  favour: 
and  I  will  notice,  in  the  proper  places,  all  the  arguments  which 
I  have  heard  against  them.  The  cool  and  steady  judgment  of 
the  public,  which,  after  due  reflection,  never  decides  wrongfully 
between  contending  partizans,  will  determine  the  dispute. 

The  subject  is  unquestionably  important.  So  much  gloom  rests 
upon  the  history  of  our  island,  during  the  period  of  the  Saxon 
invasions,  that  the  discovery  of  any  authors,  contemporary  with 
that  period,  could  not  but  be  a  valuable  present  to  our  curiosity. 
If  these  poems  be  genuine,  they  must  furnish  very  interesting 
matter  for  the  contemplation  of  the  antiquary  and  the  philosopher, 
even  although  their  rude  and  martial  strains  should  want  those 
elegancies  which  delight  the  refined  taste.  Their  general  subject 
is,  above  all  others,  interesting :  it  is  the  struggle  of  the  ancient 
Britons  against  the  invading  Saxons.  They  describe  the  battles 

G  G  4 


456  A   VINDICATION   OF    THE 

of  which  all  other  memory  has  perished.  They  celebrate  many 
patriotic  warriors,  whom  time  has  almost  defrauded  of  their  fame. 
They  exhibit  curious,  and  striking,  manners.  They  throw  much 
light  on  the  history  of  their  sera,  and  they  contain  many  passages 
which  poets  need  not  disdain  to  applaud.  Indeed,  the  celebrity 
which  they  have  for  ages  enjoyed  among  their  own  countrymen, 
is  an  ample  testimony  of  their  genius. 

But  if  they  had  no  other  merit,  they  would  be  highly  valuable 
for  their  language.  What  can  gratify  the  philologer  more  than 
to  have  such  specimens  of  the  language  of  the  ancient  inhabitants 
of  these  islands?  The  language  of  the  British  bards,  in  the  sixth 
century,  must  have  been  substantially  the  same  with  the  language 
of  the  Britons  who  withstood  the  valour  of  Caesar,  and,  of  course, 
must  present  us  with  a  venerable  image  of,  perhaps,  the  earliest 
language  that  appeared  in  Europe.  The  philosopher  Avho  loves 
to  trace  the  progress  of  intellect,  and  to  observe  its  original 
associations,  and  selected  forms,  in  those  barbarous  times  when 
the  arts  of  mental  cultivation  were  little  understood,  will  highly 
appreciate  the  works  of  men  who  flourished  at  a  period  so  early 
and  so  singular.  If  these  poems  be  genuine,  they  are  of  the 
greatest  value ;  and  it  cannot  be  a  matter  of  small  moment,  to 
inquire  if  they  be  genuine. 

These  ancient  poems,  and  their  advocates,  have  been  arraigned 
with  a  severity  which,  on  literary  subjects,  is  always  very  blameable. 
Whatever  latitude  may  be  given  to  the  angry  feelings  in  political 
controversy,  where  the  magnitude  of  the  contending  interests 
becomes  an  apology  for  occasional  warmth,  there  can  be  no 
justification  of  asperity  on  a  point  of  antiquarian  doubt.  Indeed, 
any  anger  between  literary  men  is  not  only  unbecoming  but 
absurd.  The  world  takes  no  part  in  their  animosity.  It  will 
always  form  its  own  conclusions,  not  from  the  language,  but  the 
facts  of  the  controversy.  We  who  now  read  with  disgust,  the 
virulence  even  of  a  Milton  or  a  Scaliger,  and  who  turn  with 
abhorrence,  from  the  malignity  of  a  Schioppius,  cannot  doubt  but 
that  our  inferior  works  will  be  as  revolting  to  the  taste  of  our 
posterity,  if  virulence  contaminate  the  pages,  which  ought  to  be 
sacred  to  fair  statement,  to  forbearing  civility,  and  dispassionate 
reasoning.  It.  is  a  disgrace  to  no  one  to  disbelieve  the  genuineness 
of  the  ancient  Welsh  poetry,  if  the  evidence  does  not  satisfy  his 
judgment;  but  neither  can  they  be  culpable  for  accrediting  it, 
who  think  that  the  balance  of  probabilities  is  decisively  in  its 
favour. 

These  poems  have  not  become  known  to  us  under  the  circum- 
stances which  attended  those  of  Chatterton  and  Macpherson,  or 
the  pseudo-Shakspeare.  They  are  not  works  now  starting  up 
suddenly  for  the  first  time  to  our  knowlege.  They  do  not  owe 
their  discovery  to  any  individual.  No  friendly  chest — no  ruinous 
turret — no  auspicious  accident  —  has  given  them  to  us.  No 
man's  interest  or  reputation  is  connected  with  their  discovery. 
Their  supporters  are,  therefore,  at  least,  disinterested.  They  have 


ANCIENT   BRITISH    POEMS.  457 

been  in  existence,  and  have  been  known  to  be  so  for  many  cen- 
turies, but  they  have  never  been  brought  forward  to  answer  any 
purpose  of  private  interest,  or  national  vanity.  Their  countrymen 
have  long  fondly  cherished  them,  but  have  been,  till  very  lately, 
even  censurably  careless  whether  any  of  their  neighbours  either 
knew  or  respected  them.  Such  indifference  as  this,  about  docu- 
ments so  curious,  never  yet  has  attended  any  forgery.  Nothing 
can  be  more  favourable  to  their  cause  —  nothing  can  more  strongly 
mark  the  difference  which  subsists  between  these  poems  and  all 
those  writings  which  are  known  to  have  been  fabricated. 

It  may  be  reasonably  asked,  Why,  as  they  have  been  so  long 
in  existence  and  credit  in  Wales,  have  they  not  become  more 
known  to  the  world  before  our  time? 

The  observation  applies,  however,  not  to  these  bards  only,  but 
to  all  the  Welsh  literature ;  for  although  that  has  been  long  in 
existence,  though  above  1000  MSS.1  of  its  different  branches  are 
still  in  being,  yet  which  of  them  has  been  consulted  or  spoken  of 
by  Englishmen?  The  Wrelsh  have  poems,  romances,  chronicles, 
grammars,  treatises  on  music,  agriculture,  end  astronomy,  theolo- 
gical, ethical,  and  medical  works  of  different  authors,  from  the 
time  of  the  bards  to  our  own,  which  are  nevertheless  as  little 
known  in  England,  or  in  Europe,  as  the  compositions  of  the 
Chinese. — With  the  writings  of  most  of  the  nations  on  the  Con- 
tinent we  are  familiar;  but  we  have  permitted  ourselves  to  be 
ignorant  of  the  literature  of  our  neighbours,  who  are  only  parted 
from  us  by  the  Severn  and  the  Wye.  Has  this  been  our  fault  or 
theirs?  Let  us  inquire. 

Almost  all  the  men  who  cultivated  literature  in  Wales  before 
the  sixteenth  century,  unfortunately  for  our  indolent  curiosity, 
wrote  in  their  native  language.  The  bards  of  the  twelfth,  and 
succeeding  centuries,  whose  genuineness  no  man  affects  to  doubt, 
their  chronicles,  their  clergy,  and  their  authors  on  other  subjects, 
did  not  extend  their  views  of  fame  beyond  their  petty  principality, 
and,  therefore,  composed  in  Welsh.  But  the  Anglo-Normans,  and 
their  descendants,  would  as  willingly  have  studied  Coptic  as 
Welsh.  Such,  at  least,  was  the  opinion  of  the  polished  and  elegant 
Anglo-Saxon  about  it,  that  in  one  of  their  grants  of  land  in  Corn- 
wall, the  king,  after  mentioning  the  Saxon  name  of  the  place, 
says,  "  which  the  inhabitants  there  called  barbarico  nomine,  by 
the  barbarous  name  of  Pendyfig."2  This  barbarous  name  was 
Welsh ! 

The  unvarying  neglect  of  this  language,  and  its  authors,  de- 
scended from  the  Anglo-Saxons  to  the  Anglo-Normans,  and,  of 
course,  the  knowledge  of  Welsh  literature  was  confined  to  the 
Welsh  counties. 

It  is  a  truth,  which  certainly  casts  some  disgrace  on  our  national 
curiosity  or  our  candour,  that  unless  Welshmen  had  themselves 

1  This  number  of  MSS.  of  course  include?  many  transcripts  of  the  same  compo- 
sitions. 

2  MSS.  Cctt.  Lib.  Claud.  B.  6.  p.  38. 


458  A   VINDICATION    OF    THE 

introduced  their  authors  to  our  notice,  we  should  to  this  day  have 
been  as  ignorant  of  their  literature  as  we  are  of  the  MSS.  and 
monuments  now  existing  in  Great  Tartary.  The  curious  and 
interesting  catalogue  of  the  Welsh  MSS.  which  Edward  Lhwyd 
made  from  personal  inspection,  and  printed  in  his  Archaeologia, 
first  made  Europe  acquainted  with  the  nature  and  extent  of  his 
countrymen's  compositions.  It  is  greatly  to  be  lamented,  that 
Lhwyd  was  patronized  so  meanly,  and  that  misfortune  was  per- 
mitted to  shed  so  much  evil  on  his  life.  He  was  one  of  those  few 
men  whose  literary  exertions  have  merited  the  liberal  gratitude 
of  their  country.  He  was  one  of  the  many  who  never  ex- 
perienced it. 

The  political  circumstances  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  having  driven 
the  Britons  into  Wales,  and  of  perpetually  warring  with  them 
afterwards,  created  so  much  hostility  and  hatred  between  the  two 
nations,  that  each  undervalued  the  other,  and  despised  both  its 
language  and  its  literature.  When  these  envenomed  feelings  abated, 
the  habit  of  neglect  long  survived  the  hostility. 

The  WTelsh  language  is  also  peculiar  and  original.  Men  who 
have  enjoyed  a  classical  education,  pass  with  ease  and  pleasantness 
to  French,  Italian,  or  Spanish.  But  the  Welsh  is  so  unlike  the 
other  languages  of  Europe,  and  its  mutations  present  so  many 
difficulties,  or  at  least  the  appearance  of  them,  to  a  learner,  that 
even  antiquaries  have  been,  and  are,  deterred  from  acquiring  it. 
Interest,  ambition,  and  fame,  which  have  led  some  to  explore  the 
Sanscreet,  and  the  Chinese,  have  been  found  so  little  allied  to  any 
proficiency  in  Welsh  knowledge,  that  even  these  Syrens  have 
never  influenced  any  to  do  that  justice  to  Wales,  which  strange 
and  distant  nations  have  frequently  obtained.  Welshmen,  on  the 
other  hand,  have  been  too  proud,  and  too  recluse.  They  did  not 
forgive  the  seizure  of  their  country,  and  they  despised  too  much 
the  warriors  who  acquired  and  kept  it.  Hence  what  Englishmen 
would  not  learu  Welsh  to  know,  the  natives  of  the  principality 
would  not  translate. 

Better  feelings  have  at  last  predominated.  Some  individuals 
appeared  in  the  last  century,  who  wished  the  literature  of  their 
country  to  be  more  diffused.  The  idea  was  too  novel  to  be  much 
attended  to.  A  spirit  of  literary  patriotism  has  begun,  however, 
to  diffuse  itself,  and  has  reached  many  individuals,  whose  exertions 
have  contributed  to  put  the  public  in  possession  of  the  Welsh 
remains.  Among  these  the  gentleman  who  has  nearly  published 
a  new  Welsh  dictionary,  who  has  given  us  a  translation  of  the 
poems  of  Llywarch  Hen,  who  edited  those  of  David  ab  Gwilym, 
and  the  Cambrian  Register,  and  what  is  still  more  important,  who 
has  essentially  contributed  to  the  preservation  and  notoriety  of 
Welsh  literature,  by  editing,  with  two  other  Cambrian  patriots, 
its  most  ancient  and  important  remains,  is  well  entitled  to  our 
praise. 

By  this  publication,  entitled  "The    Myvyrian  Archaiology  of 


ANCIENT   BRITISH    POEMS.  459 

Wales,  collected  out  of  ancient  MSS.,"1  the  public  have,  for 
the  first  time,  before  them,  in  a  printed  form,  the  Works  of  the 
ancient  Poets,  whose  genuineness  I  hope  to  vindicate,  and  those 
of  the  succeeding  poets,  down  to  the  end  of  the  fourteenth  century. 
These  occupy  the  first  volume.  The  second  contains  their  curious 
historical  triads,  some  genealogies,  and  historical  chronicles.  In 
the  third  are  printed  the  moral  aphorisms  ascribed  to  Cato  the 
wise ;  the  maxims,  and  old  sayings,  and  proverbs  of  the  Welsh ; 
their  triads  on  the  laws  of  poetry ;  the  triads  on  naval,  political, 
and  intellectual  subjects,  called  the  Triads  of  the  Bards  of  Britain  ; 
triads  on  their  most  ancient  laws ;  a  copy  of  the  laws  of  Howel-dha, 
from  a  MS.  of  the  twelfth  century ;  extracts  on  their  music,  and  a 
collection  of  ancient  British  music  in  an  obsolete  notation.  It  is 
stated,  that  other  pieces  of  their  literature  will  in  due  time  appear. 
No  other  nation  but  the  Hebrew  can  show  such  a  body  of  ethical 
and  intellectual  thought,  and  of  versified  composition  of  the  same 
antiquity. 

THE     PROPOSITION,     WHICH     IS     THE     SUBJECT     OF     THIS     ESSAY, 

STATED. 

The  proposition,  which  I  shall  proceed  to  support,  is  this :  — 
"  That   there  are   poems  now  existing  in  the  Welsh,   or  ancient 

"  British  language,  which  were  written  by  Aneurin,   Taliesin, 

"  Llywarch    Hen,   and    Merdhin,   who   flourished  between  the 

"  years  500  and  600." 

The  poems,  which  have  been  ascribed  to  these  authors,  occupy 
the  first  153  pages  of  the  Welsh  Archaiology,  and  are  entitled 
"  The  Cynveirdd,"  or  the  most  ancient  Poets. 

The  great  poem  of  Aneurin  is  entitled  the  Gododin.  Its  subject 
is  the  battle  of  Cattraeth,  in  which  he  fought  against  the  Saxons. 
He  was  a  British  chieftain  in  some  part  of  the  North,  probably 
among  the  Ottadini,  in  the  sixth  century.  The  Saxons  conquered 
in  the  battle  with  such  slaughter,  that  Aneurin  was  one  of  three 
who  were  the  only  survivors  of  the  distinguished  men  who  led  the 
Britons  to  the  conflict.  The  poet  was  afterwards  killed  treache- 
rously by  one  Eiddyn. 

His  poem  contains  920  lines,  of  varied  measure,  but  all  rimed. 
Its  object  appears  to  be  to  commemorate  the  brave  patriots  who 
were  engaged  in  the  battle.  Another  poem  on  the  Months  also 
bears  his  name;  and  of  two  poems,  entitled  "The  Incantation  of 
Maelderw,"  that  in  some  MSS.  have  Taliesin's  name,  it  may  be 
doubted  if  one  be  not  more  properly  referable  to  Aneurin.2 

The  poems  of  Taliesin  are  on  different  subjects.  The  most  im- 
portant are  those  which  concern  the  battles  between  the  Britons 

1  Printed  in  1801,  in  two  volumes,  large  octavo.     The  volume  of  poetry  contains 
584   pages  of  double  columns.      The  other,  of  prose,  extends  to  628   pages.     A 
third  volume  has  been  since  published. 

2  See  them  in  Archaiology,  pp.  61.  and  84.     The  poem  on  the  Months  is  after 
the  Gododin,  p.  14. 


460  A   VINDICATION   OF   THE 

and  the  Saxons ;  and  these  are  the  poems  for  whose  genuineness  I 
argue.  He  lived  in  the  sixth  century.  His  principal  patron  was 
Urien,  king  of  a  little  state  called  Reged,  of  which  the  position  is 
not  certain.  To  this  king  ten  poems  are  devoted,  which  celebrate 
his  patriotic  battles.  There  are  also  elegies  of  Taliesin,  on  other 
British  warriors,  as  Owain,  the  son  of  Urien,  Ercwlf,  Madawc  the 
Bold,  and  Erov  the  Fierce ;  Aeddon  of  Mon,  Uther  Pendragon, 
and  Corroi,  the  son  of  Dairy.  His  other  poems  are  of  less  value. 
Some  are  unintelligible,  because  full  of  Bardic  or  Druidical  mys- 
ticism, and  perhaps  some  are  ascribed  to  him,  of  which  he  was  not 
the  author.  These,  however,  may,  from  internal  evidence,  and 
other  circumstances,  be  discriminated  by  a  careful  and  intelligent 
critic,  well  acquainted  with  the  language.  All  that  bear  his  name 
have  been  printed  in  the  Archaiology. 

Llywarch  Hen  lived  both  in  the  sixth  and  seventh  centuries. 
He  was  a  prince  of  Argoed,  in  Cumberland.  He  visited  the  court 
of  Arthur,  and  consumed  his  most  vigorous  years  in  opposing  the 
Anglo-Saxons.  As  they  advanced,  he  took  refuge  with  his  sur- 
viving children  in  Powys,  and  shared  in  the  wars  of  the  hospitable 
Cynddylan.  Most  of  his  poems  are  of  historical  utility.  One  is 
an  elegy  on  Geraint,  a  Devonshire  leader — another  is  an  elegy  on 
Urien,  king  of  Reged  —  another  on  his  patron  Cynddylan — another 
on  Cadvvallon  the  son  of  Cadvan.  The  poem  on  his  own  great 
age,  and  the  fate  of  his  children,  who  perished  in  the  wars,  is  very 
interesting. 

Merdhin  the  Caledonian,  also  surnamed  Wyllt,  or  the  Salvage, 
has  not  left  much.  He  was  taught  by  Taliesin,  and,  of  course, 
lived  in  the  sixth  and  seventh  centuries.  His  Afallenau,  or  a  Poem 
on  an  Orchard,  which  had  been  given  to  him,  contains  some  allusions 
to  the  events  of  his  time,  which  are  curious.  As  this  bard  had  the 
reputation  of  a  prophet,  there  are  some  things  ascribed  to  him 
which  he  never  wrote,  and  some  which  he  did  write  have  been 
interpolated.1  The  dialogue  betvveeen  him  and  his  sister  is  ob- 
viously surreptitious  ;  nor  do  I  accredit  all  the  Hoianau.  Judicious 
criticism  will  easily  detect  the  spurious  poems. 

I  will  now  state  the  course  of  argument  which  I  shall  adopt  to 
prove  the  proposition  above  mentioned,  and  I  hope  to  make  it  as 
satisfactory  as  the  case  will  admit.  The  reader  will,  in  justice  to 
the  subject,  recollect  its  antiquity,  and  therefore  neither  expect 
the  unerring  precision  of  mathematical  reasoning,  nor  the  accumu- 
lation of  evidence  overpowering  doubt,  which  might  be  adduced, 
if  the  authors  in  question  had  been  modern  poets. 

The  evidence  in  favour  of  any  ancient  author  may  be  divided 
into  two  sorts  —  The  external,  and  the  internal.  I  shall  first  consider 

THE    EXTERNAL    EVIDENCE. 

I  will  begin  this  by  mentioning, 

1st,  The  old  MSS.  which  now  exist  of  these  poems,  and  then 
show, 

1  Giraldus  expressly  states  this  —  his  words  will  be  quoted  presently. 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS.  461 

2dly,  That  these  poems,  or  some  of  them,  and  their  authors, 
have  been  mentioned,  or  alluded  to,  by  a  series  of  bards, 
whose  works  still  exist  undisputed,  from  before  the  twelfth 
century,  to  a  recent  period. 

These  facts  will  show  that  they  are  at  least  no  modern  forgery, 
and   that    they  were  in   existence   in    the   twelfth   century.     The 
question    will    then    become    this — Were    these   poems   existing 
genuinely  in  the  twelfth  century,  or  were  they  then  forged? 
To  decide  this  great  question,  it  will  be  important  to  inquire, 
3dly,  If  there  were  any  bards  among  the  Britons  in  the  sixth 

century ;  and, 
4-thly,  If  such  bards  as  Aneurin,  Taliesin,    Llywarch  Hen, 

and  Merdhin  then  existed. 

If  we  shall  find  that  the  Britons  had  bards  so  early,  and  in  par- 
ticular these  individual  bards,  we  shall  have  gained  one  step  in  our 
researches,  and  this  step  will  not  be  an  inconsiderable  one. 

But  as  the  question  will  turn  on  the  probability  of  these  bards 
leaving  MSS.  as  well  as  on  their  existence,  it  will  be  necessary  to 
consider, 

5thly,  If  any  writing  of  a  century  so  remote  as  the  sixth  has 

come  down  to  us. 

Gthly,  If  the  Britons  had  then  the  art  of  writing. 
Tthly,  If  the  writing  of  any  other  Briton  of  this  period,  whose 

genuineness  is  undisputed,  has  come  down  to  us. 
Should  these  questions  be  satisfactorily  answered  in  the  affirma- 
tive, another  step  in  our  progress  will  be  gained.     If  the  genuine 
composition  of  any  other  Briton  of  this  age  has  survived  to  us,  so 
might  the  works  of  these  British  bards. 

I  think  I  shall  make  a  third  advance,  if  I  show,  from  incontro- 
vertible authority, 

Sthly,  That  in  the  twelfth  century  there  were  writings  of  old 

British  bards  extant,  which  were  then  called  ancient. 
This  chain  of  proofs  appears  to  me  to  make  the  external  evidence 
as  strong  as  the  case  will  admit.     I  submit  that  we  receive  the 
poems  of  Homer  as  genuine,  on  a  degree  of  external  evidence  not 
more  satisfactory. 

I  presume  that  I  shall  have  acquired  at  least  a  right  to  say,  that 
after  this  series  of  facts  in  favour  of  these  poems,  nothing  but  their 
internal  evidence  counteracting  them  can  warrant  us  in  discrediting 
them.  On 


THEIR    INTERNAL    EVIDENCE, 

will  endeavour  to  state, 
1st,  That  the  subjects  of  this  poetry  could  answer  no  purpose 

of  interest  in  the  twelfth  century. 
2dly,  That  their  subjects  were  the  most  unlikely  of  all  others 

for  a  forger  to  have  chosen. 
3dly,  That  Arthur  is  spoken  of  in  a  manner  inconsistent  with 

the  supposition  of  forgery. 


462  A   VINDICATION   Otf    THE 

4-thly,  That  the  subjects  are  such  as,  if  genuine,  might  be  ex- 
pected from  their  real  authors. 

5thly,  That  the  language  is  not  obvious  to  modern  Welsh- 
men, and  has  therefore  an  important  feature  of  the  language 
of  the  times  to  which  they  pretend. 
Gthly,  That  their  historical  allusions  are  true. 
7thly,  That  the  manners  they  express  are  consistent. 
8thly,  That  the  form  and  composition  of  the  poems  suit  the 

period. 

I  shall  then  attempt  to  answer  the  main  objections,  which  have 
been  urged  against  them  ;  and  conclude  with  showing  that  the 
forgery  could  not  have  been  practised  without  detection,  in  those 
times;  that  there  is  nothing  extraordinary  in  the  fact,  which  this 
essay  is  directed  to  substantiate,  that  these  poems  are  attested  by 
an  unvaried  stream  of  national  belief,  and  that  any  scepticism 
about  them  has  been  of  recent  origin. 


I.  "  THE    OLD    MANUSCRIPTS    NOW    EXISTING    OF    THESE    POEMS." 

If  there  had  been  no  ancient  MSS.  of  this  poetry  to  have  pro- 
duced, it  would  not  alone  have  been  a  conclusive  argument  against 
it,  because  the  ancient  MSS.  are  usually  superseded  by  subsequent 
transcripts,  and  because  men  often  admit  works  to  be  genuine, 
without  possessing  very  ancient  MSS.  of  them.  Of  the  numerous 
Greek  and  Latin  works,  which  we  possess,  how  few  are  there  of 
which  very  ancient  MSS.  can  be  adduced  ! 

Time  and  accident  consume  MSS.  as  well  as  buildings  and  men. 
Old  copies  decay  or  are  lost,  and  new  ones  succeed.  When 
families  die,  their  libraries  become  dispersed,  and  many  a  MS. 
and  book,  which  were  once  hoarded  as  treasures,  have  mouldered 
on  stalls,  or  have  been  used  as  waste  paper.  Sans  very  often 
inherit  neither  the  taste  nor  the  knowlege  of  their  fathers ;  and 
they  who  squander  the  estates  of  their  ancestors,  are  not  very  likely 
to  be  careful  of  their  books. 

A  great  curiosity  has,  in  the  last  century,  been  cherished  for 
the  oldest  MSS.  of  authors.  In  former  times,  however,  there 
was  no  such  anxiety  to  preserve  ancient  transcripts.  Some  MSS. 
were  preferred  to  others  for  the  costliness  of  their  decorations,  and 
some  for  the  beauty  of  the  writing  ;  but  the  mere  age  was  not  in 
former  times  particularly  appreciated.  Even  they  who  valued  the 
authors  they  preserved,  were  not  aware  of  the  importance  of  the 
earliest  MSS. ;  because  when  no  one  dreamt  of  doubting  the 
genuineness  of  a  work,  they  would  make  no  provisions  for  proving 
it  to  a  future  generation. 

It  is  therefore  a  matter  of  pure  chance,  that  any  ancient  MS.  of 
a  book  has  descended  to  us. 


ANCIENT   BRITISH    POEMS.  463 

We  should  be  somewhat  surprised,  if  we  inquired  minutely  into 
the  evidence  on  which  we  accredit  the  genuineness  of  the  numerous 
ancient  authors  of  Greece  and  Home,  because  in  many  cases  we 
should  find,  that  as  far  as  antiquity  of  MSS.  was  concerned,  it  is 
very  slight.  I  believe  that  we  have  in  no  case  the  MSS.  actually 
penned  by  the  author,  scarcely  any  in  the  author's  time,  and  very 
few  within  two  or  three  centuries  after  him.  We  have  often 
adopted  the  title  of  the  MSS.  we  have  found,  and  have  ascribed 
them  to  the  authors  whose  names  were  prefixed.  In  some  of  the 
most  celebrated,  we  can  attest  the  genuineness  by  a  series  of 
quotations  and  allusions  of  succeeding  ages.  In  many  we  only  find 
notices  that  such  authors  wrote  on  such  topics.  Several  have  been 
received  without  either  of  these  protections.  And  yet  we  have 
generally  admitted  them  to  be  genuine,  and  laugh  at  the  extrava- 
gance of  Hardouin,  who  rashly  pronounced  the  classics  to  be 
modern  forgeries. 

The  fact  which  I  have  urged,  that  these  poems  have  passed  in 
Wales  from  age  to  age  unquestioned,  operates  against  the  existence 
of  many  ancient  MSS.  They  could  not  have  anticipated  doubt  in 
a  case  where  they  neither  had  any,  nor  heard  of  any ;  and  could 
not  therefore  have  provided  against  it  by  carefully  hoarding  the 
most  ancient  MSS.  for  their  posterity  to  produce.  The  doubt, 
however,  having  been  raised  in  our  times,  there  can  be  no  question 
but  that  the  old  MSS.  now  remaining  will  be  henceforward  very 
anxiously  preserved. 

There  is  another  reason  why  old  MSS.  cannot  be  expected  to 
abound  in  Wales.  This  is,  that  for  so  confined  a  district,  it  has 
been  very  often  the  object  of  military  spoil.  It  was  invaded  and 
ravaged  by  many  Anglo-Saxon  kings.  It  had  mourned  the  depre- 
ciations of  the  Irish,  and  still  more  of  the  North-men.  Our  Harold 
renewed  their  distresses  in  the  angriest  form  before  the  Norman 
conquest.  It  suffered  under  William  and  the  other  Norman  kings; 
and  no  one  can  forget  the  conquest  of  Edward  the  First.  Welsh 
history  abounds  with  civil  feuds,  and  their  correspondent  ruin. 
The  destruction  of  the  superb  library  at  Raglan  Castle  occurred  in 
the  time  of  Cromwell,  and  many  other  libraries  were  dispersed  or 
destroyed. 

Yet  notwithstanding  these  losses,  there  are  two,  if  not  three 
ancient  MSS.  extant,  which  have  no  appearance  of  having  been 
written  later  than  the  twelfth  century.  One  of  these  is  the  Black 
Book  of  Caermarthen,  which,  with  the  other,  is  now  in  the  library 
at  Hengurt,  in  Merionethshire.  There  is  also  another  MS.  in  the 
Red  Book  of  Hergest  in  Jesus  College,  Oxford,  which  seems  to 
have  been  written  in  the  fourteenth  century. 

The  MSS.  in  the  library  at  Hengurt  are  described  by  Lhvvyd 
in  his  ArchaBologia  Britannioa,  published  1707. 

Mr.  Lhwyd  says,  that  the  library  of  Hengurt,  collected  in  the 
reign  of  Charles  the  First  by  that  learned  and  candid  antiquary 
Kobert  Vaughan,  of  Hengurt,  esquire,  consists  of  about  seventy 


464  A   VINDICATION   OF   THE 

old  MSS.  on  parchment,  and  a  considerable  number  of  others  on 
paper. 

*'•  The  oldest  MSS.  I  saw  at  Hengurt,  is  y  Lhyvyr  dy  o  Gaer 
Vyrdhyn,  or  the  Black  Book  of  Caerraartlien.  It  is  a  quarto  of 
fifty-four  leaves,  containing  poems  of  the  sixth  century,  by  Myrdhyn 
Wyllt,  Taliesin,  Llyvvarch  Hen,  and  Elaeth.  The  former  part  of 
this  book  is  in  a  large  fair  character,  and  seems  considerably  older 
than  the  latter,  and  the  latter  might  possibly  have  been  transcribed 
by  that  noted  Bard  Cyndhelu  Brydydh  Mawr,  or  at  least  in  his 
time,  which  was  about  the  year  1160.  I  am  sensible  Dr.  Davits 
places  this  poet  ninety  years  later ;  but  in  this  MS.  fol.  52.,  I  find 
he  writes  an  elegy  on  the  death  of  Madog  ab  Mredydh,  Prince  of 
Powys,  which  was  in  the  year  1158." — P.  225. 

That  Lhwyd  is  correct  in  placing  Cyndhelu  about  1160  there 
can  be  no  doubt.  His  poems  prove  it. 

In  another  part  of  his  catalogue,  he  expresses  himself  in  Welsh 
of  this  same  MS.  what  may  be  literally  translated  thus : 

"  The  Black  Book  of  Caermarthen,  a  volume  of  fifty-four  leaves 
quarto,  parchment,  in  the  library  of  Mr.  Vaughan,  at  Hengurt. 
The  first  half  of  this  seems  to  have  been  written  in  a  very  ancient 
large  hand.  The  rest  is  in  a  later  hand,  but  ancient"1  He  then 
specifies  its  contents.  Among  these  are  the  principal  poems  of 
Merdhin  and  Llywarch  Hen,  with  some  of  Taliesin.  The  more 
recent  hand-writing  comes  in  at  fol.  45. 

From  those  who  have  lately  inspected  this  MS.  I  understand 
that  the  first  part  is  written  like  prose,  without  the  distinctions  of 
the  poetical  lines,  which  is  a  mark  of  its  antiquity.  The  Welsh 
Archaiology  enables  me  to  give  the  reader  a  specimen  of  this,  as 
the  editors  have  printed  some  pages  out  of  it  with  exactness.  It 
is  in  a  large  hand. 

Gogonedauc  argluit 

hanpich  guell.     Athue 

dicco  de  egluis.   achagell  A 

kagell.  ac  egluis.     A  vast- 
ad,  a  diffuis.  A.  Teir  fin- 

haun  yssit.   Due  uch  guit. 

ac  un  uch  eluit.   A.  yris- 

gaud  ar  dit.  A.  siric  ap' 

wit,  Athuendiguiste  aw- 

raham  pen  fit.   A.  Vuchet 

tragiuit.  A.  adar  aguen- 

en.  A.  attpaur  a  dien.2 

It  requires  some  attention  to  distinguish  the  lines  and  their 
rimes,  which  are  these : 

Gogonedauc  argluit  hanpich  guell 
.Ath  uedicco  de  egluis  achagelL 
A.  kagell  ac  egluis 
A.  vastad  a  diffuis 

1  P.  261.  2  Archaiology,  p.  575. 


ANCIENT   BEITISH   POEMS.  465 

A.  Teir  finhaun  yssit 

Due  uch  guit 

Ac  un  uch  eluit 

A.  yris  gaud  ar  dit 

A.  siric  ap'  wit 

Ath  uendiguiste  awraham  pen  fit 

A.  Vuchet  tragiuit 

A.  adar  aguenen 

A.  attpaur  a  dien. 

The  first  part,  by  the  style  of  writing,  seems,  as  I  am  informed, 
to  be  the  production  of  the  tenth  century,  or  thereabouts.  The 
latter  part  resembles  in  the  hand-writing  other  MSS.  which  are 
known  to  have  been  written  in  the  time  of  Cyndhelu,  who  flourished 
in  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  century. 

Another  ancient  MS.  in  this  library,  Lhwyd  concisely  mentions 
under  the  title  of  "  The  Book  of  Taliesin,"  l  because  it  contains 
most  of  his  poems.  It  is  a  parchment  MS.  The  writing  is  ancient. 
I  have  not  myself  seen  it,  but  I  am  assured  that  it  has  the  appear- 
ance of  a  MS.  of  the  twelfth  century.  From  the  report  which  I 
have  heard  of  the  liberality  of  its  present  proprietor,  Colonel 
Griffith  Howel  Vaughan,  I  believe  I  do  not  err  in  stating,  that  no 
gentleman,  whose  curiosity  should  lead  him  to  Hengurt,  would  be 
refused  the  liberty  of  seeing  these  two  curious  MSS. 

In  the  time  of  Lhwyd  there  was  another  ancient  MS.  in  this 
library,  which  he  entitles  "  The  Book  of  Aneurin."2  It  was  an 
octavo,  and  contained  the  Gododin,  and  some  other  poems  ascribed 
to  Aneurin. 

This  was  also  in  parchment,  and  I  am  informed  had  the  appear- 
ance of  a  MS.  of  the  twelfth  century.  It  continued  in  the  Hen- 
gurt library  from  the  days  of  Lhwyd  to  our  time,  but  within  the 
last  twenty  years  has  disappeared  from  it.  I  will  presume  that  it 
has  been  only  borrowed,  and  that  it  will  be  honourably  returned 
to  the  collection  at  Hengurt. 

The  Red  Book  of  Hergest  is  still  in  the  library  of  Jesus  College, 
at  Oxford.  Lhwyd  says  that  it  is  in  parchment,  in  folio,  contain- 
ing 465  leaves3;  that  it  exhibits  antiquities  of  various  kinds,  and 
was  written  at  the  end  of  the  fourteenth  century.4  It  contains  the 
poems  of  Llywarch  Hen,  some  of  Merdhin,  and  Taliesin,  besides 
many  poems  of  the  following  centuries.5 

1  Lhwyd.  Arch.  p.  261.  2  Lhwyd.  ib.  p.  254. 

8  According  to  the  account  of  a  gentleman  who  inspected  this  MS.  in  1783, 
Lhwyd  has  stated  the  pages  inaccurately.  This  gentleman's  remark  is,  "  Y  Llyfr 
Coch  is  a  folio,  containing  360  leaves,  720  pages,  and  1440  columns." 

4  Pp.  254.  and  261. 

5  It  also  contains  three  Welsh  chronicles,  an  ancient  Welsh  grammar,  and  some 
Welsh  romances,  as  Buchedd  Carlemain,  of  Charlemagne  Ystori  Bown  (or  Bevis), 
o  Hamtwn,  Ystor  i  Cilydd  fab  Celyddon  Wledig,  or  the  History  of  Cilydd,  son  of 
King  Celyddon,  Ystori  Efrauc  larll  y  Gogledd,  or  the  History  of  Efrauc,  Earl  of  the 
North,  Ystori  Gereint  fab  Erbin,  or  the  History  of  Gereint,  the  son  of  Erbin.     The 
Mabinogi,  or  original  Welsh  tales,  and  the  Ystori  y  Seithwyr  Doethion,  or  the 
History  of  the  Seven  Wise  Men.     It  has  also  the  ancient  Welsh  medical  treatise 
called  Meddygon  Myddfai,  and  the  Triads,  entitled  Trioedd  Ynys  Prydain. 

VOL.  III.  II  H 


466  A   VINDICATION   OF   THE 

In  the  Hengurt  library  are  two  more  recent  transcripts  of  these 
old  poems,  which  may  be  also  mentioned.  One  MS.  was  written 
Dy  Sir  Hugh  Pennant,  in  the  time  of  Henry  VIII.  It  contains  the 
poems  of  Merdhin  and  many  others.1 

Another  copious  transcript,  entitled  "  Y  Kynveirdh  Cymreig,  or 
the  Ancient  Welsh  Bards,"  was  written  by  Mr.  Robert  Vaughan,  in 
the  time  of  Charles  I.  It  contains  the  Gododin  ;  most  of  Taliesin's 
songs  ;  those  of  Llywarch,  and  some  others.2 

There  is  another  transcript,  called  Kutta  Kyvarwydh.3 

In  noticing  these  MSS.  I  am  only  stating  the  contents  of  the 
Hengurt  library,  and  of  the  one  at  Jesus  College.  There  are 
many  other  Welsh  collections  which  contain  MSS.  or  transcripts  of 
these  ancient  poems,  of  various  ages  before  and  since  the  fourteenth 
century.  The  Welsh  MSS.  in  the  library  of  the  Earl  of  Mac- 
clesfield  are  not  yet  known.  They  were  collected  by  the  Rev. 
Moses  Williams,  who  left  them  to  Mr.  William  Jones,  the  father  of 
the  late  celebrated  Sir  William  Jones.  Mr.  Jones  bequeathed 
them  to  the  late  Earl  of  Macclesfield,  but  they  have  not  been  yet 
allowed  to  be  publicly  inspected. 

As  they  who  wish  to  investigate  the  subject  of  the  MSS. 
more  closely  may  desire  to  know  the  best  places  for  their  research, 
I  will  refer  them  to  the  "General  Advertisement"  to  the  Welsh 
Archaiology,  which  contains  a  statement  of  the  principal  collec- 
tions, not  of  these  bards  only,  but  of  all  the  Welsh  literature. 

I  do  not  propose  this  work  to  be  a  vindication  of  all  the  poems 
that  have  been  generally  attributed  to  Aneurin,  Taliesin,  Merdhin, 
or  Llywarch  Hen,  or  promiscuously  published  as  theirs.  My  ob- 
ject is  to  authenticate  the  genuineness  of  such  of  them  as  I  think 
beyond  all  dispute ;  and  they  are  the  following  : 

Of  ANEURIN. 
The  Gododin. 

Of  LLYWARCH  HEN. 

The  Elegy  on  Geraint  ab  Erbin. 

Ditto  on  Urien  Reged. 

Ditto  on  Cynddylan. 

Ditto  on  Cadwallon. 

The  Poem  on  his  old  age. 

Ditto  to  Maenwyn. 

Ditto  to  the  Cuckoo. 

Of  MERDHIN. 
The  Avallenau. 

Of  TALIESIN. 

The  Poems  to  Urien,  and  on  his  battles. 
His  Dialogue  with  Merdhin. 
The  Poems  on  Elphin. 
And  his  Historical  Elegies. 

1  Lhwyd,  256.  *  Ibid.  258.  3  257. 


ANCIENT  BRITISH  POEMS.  467 

In  selecting  the  above,  I  do  not  mean  to  insinuate  that  some 
others,  which  are  ascribed  to  these  authors,  may  not  be  genuine 
likewise.  I  am  satisfied  that  some  are  not  genuine,  and  that  some 
have  been  interpolated.  There  are  several  others,  however,  espe- 
cially of  Taliesin,  which  may  be  genuine.  But  I  conceive  that 
the  question  which  presses  is,  not  whether  this  or  that  poem  is  to 
be  accredited,  because  a  simpler  investigation  of  its  evidences 
might  determine  that,  if  a  given  number  had  been  already  admitted, 
but  whether  there  are  any  which  ought  to  be  placed  in  an  age  so 
early.  The  prevailing  scepticism  denies  that  there  are  any  genuine 
poems  of  the  sixth  century  extant.  It  asserts,  that  every  Wels-i 
poem,  referred  by  Welshmen  to  this  ancient  period,  is  a  factitious 
composition  of  the  twelfth  or  succeeding  century.  My  duty, 
therefore,  if  I  attempt  to  impugn  this  scepticism,  is  to  show  that 
there  are  genuine  works  of  the  sixth  century  now  in  existence.  I 
adduce  the  poems  above  selected  as  such.  If  my  arguments  are 
successful  as  to  these  poerns,  then  any  others  may  be  added  to  the 
accredited  number,  which  judicious  and  learned  criticism  shall 
allow  to  be  genuine,  after  due  consideration. 

Now  of  the  Gododin,  I  have  mentioned,  that,  until  very  lately, 
a  MS.  of  it  was  in  the  Hengurt  library,  which  seemed  to  be  of 
the  handwriting  of  the  twelfth  century.  I  am  informed  that  it  was 
in  handwriting  and  appearance  very  similar  to  the  book  of  Taliesin, 
which  is  yet  in  the  library,  and  may  be  seen  by  any  one.  A  com- 
plete transcript  of  the  Gododin  was  made  by  Mr.  Vaughan,  in  the 
time  of  Charles  I.,  and  many  copies  of  it,  of  various  dates,  exist  in 
Welsh  collections. 

The  poems  of  Llywarch  Hen,  above  mentioned,  are  in  the 
Black  Book  of  Caermarthen,  and  in  the  Red  Book  of  Hergest. 
They  are  a  part  of  Mr.  Vaughan's  transcript,  and  of  others. 

The  Avallenau  of  Merdhin  is  in  the  Black  Book  of  Caermarthen, 
with  others  that  are  ascribed  to  him.  It  is  in  Sir  Hugh  Pennant's 
transcript,  made  in  the  time  of  Henry  VIII.,  in  the  Kutta  Kyva- 
ruydh,  and  in  other  transcripts. 

Of  Taliesin,  the  Dialogue  with  Merdhin,  the  Graves  of  the 
Warriors,  and  a  few  others,  are  in  the  Black  Book  of  Caermarthen. 
Most  of  those  which  I  have  mentioned  to  be  his  are,  with  others 
in  the  MS.  called  the  Book  of  Taliesin,  in  the  Hengurt  library, 
which  is  placed  in  the  twelfth  century,  or  nearly  so.  Some  are  in 
the  Red  Book  of  Hergest,  and  all  are  in  Mr.  Vaughan's  transcript, 
and  many  in  y  Kutta  Kyvaruydh. 

What  other  ancient  MSS.  of  any  of  the  works  of  these  Bards 
are  in  the  Macclesfield  or  other  collections,  I  cannot  state,  because 
I  am  not  informed.  But  I  conceive,  that  from  the  above  state- 
ment, I  am  authorized  to  affirm,  that  there  are  MSS.  of  poems  of 
these  four  Bards  now  extant,  which  were  written  in  or  before  the 
twelfth  century.  I  will  confirm  this  assertion  by  showing, 

II.  THAT  these  poems,  or  some  of  them,  and  their  authors,  have 
been  mentioned  or  alluded   to  by  a  series  of  Bards,  whose 
ii  u  2 


468  A  VINDICATION   OF   THE 

works  still  exist  undisputed,  from  before  the  twelfth  century 
to  a  recent  period. 

There  is  a  poem  which  bears  the  same  name  with  one  of  Ta- 
liesin's,  but  which  is  attributed  to  Golyddan.  It  is  called  Arymes 
Prydein  Vawr.  From  its  internal  evidence,  it  seems  to  have  been 
written  in  the  end  of  the  seventh,  or  in  the  eighth  century.  He 
mentions  that  the  Britons  will  recover  their  country  again,  and 
adds1,  "  Dysgogan  Merddin/' —  Merddin  foretells  it.  This  is  a 
direct  allusion  to  that  passage  of  the  Avallenau,  which  we  shall 
hereafter  quote,  and  which  Jeffery  has  imitated.  In  this  passage 
Merdhin  foretells  the  return  of  the  Britons. 


In  an  ancient  composition,  which  is  usually  placed  in  the  tenth 
century,  called  Englynion  y  Clywaid,  we  find  Llywarch  quoted  as 
a  Bard  : 

"  Hast  thou  heard  what  Llywarch  sang  ? 
(The  intrepid  and  brave  old  man) 
Greet  kindly,  tho'  there  be  no  acquaintance." 

A  glyweisti  a  gant  Llywarch, 
Oedd  henwr  drud  dihavarch  : 
Onid  kyvarwydd  cyvar  ch. 

Arch.  Cynveirdd,  p.  173. 

In  the  same  poem  we  find  Taliesin  mentioned  as  a  Bard,  and  his 
son  quoted : 

"  Hast  thou  heard  what  Avaon  sang  ? 

(The  son  of  Taliesin,  whose  muse  was  just.) 
The  countenance  cannot  conceal  the  sorrow  of  the  heart." 
A  glyweisti  a  gant  Avaon, 
Vab  Taliesin  gerdd  gyvion  : 
Ni  chel  grudd  gystudd  calon.  P.  173. 

None  of  the  poems  of  Avaon  have  survived. 


In    another  of  the  same  poems  we  find  Aneurin  incidentally 
mentioned,  and  as  a  Bard  : 

"  Hast  thou  heard  the  saying  of  Kennyd, 
The  son  of  Aneurin,  the  well-skilled  Bard  ? 
There  are  none  free  from  care  but  the  provident." 

A  glyweisti  ^wedyl  Cennyz 
Vab  Aneurin  varz  celvyz  : 
Nid  dioval  ond  dedwyz. 

In   the  same  poem,  both  Taliesin  and  Merdhin  are  distinctly 
specified,  and  as  contemporaries : 

"  Hast  thou  heard  the  saying  of  Taliesin. 

In  conversation  with  Merdhin  ? 
'  It  is  natural  for  the  indiscreet  to  laugh  immoderately.'  " 

1  Welsh  Archaiology,  p.  156. 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS.  469 

A  glyweisti  cwedyl  Taliesin, 
Yn  3'tnzizan  a  Merzin  : 
Gnavvd  i  anghall  tra^werthin. 

In  another  poem  of  the  same  age,  or  perhaps  earlier,  we  find 
an  obvious  allusion  to  the  poem  of  Aneurin  on  the  battle  of 
Cattraeth : 

"  Like  Cattraeth  great  and  glorious." 

Eilywod  Gattraeth  vaur  vygedauc. 

Welsh  Arch.  p.  180. 

Why  was  Cattraeth  great  and  glorious  ?  Not  from  the  event, 
for  that  was  peculiarly  disastrous  to  the  Britons  ;  but  it  was  made 
glorious  by  the  much  celebrated  poem  of  Aneurin  upon  it.  Unless 
we  presume  this  poem  to  have  then  existed,  the  line  has  no 
meaning. 

These  six  notices  of  these  ancient  Bards  are  taken  from  poems 
which,  according  to  the  general  consent  of  the  best  Welsh  critics, 
were  written  before  the  twelfth  century. 

The  allusions  to  these  Bards  in  the  authors  of  the  twelfth  century 
are  very  numerous.  There  are  not  fewer  than  fourteen  passages 
distinctly  referring  to  these  Bards,  or  some  of  their  poems,  in  the 
works  of  the  twelfth  century.  I  will  produce  them  as  nearly  as 
possible  in  the  order  of  their  chronology. 

1.  Between  the  years  114-0  and  1172  was  HYWEL,  the  son  of 
Owen,  of  Gwynedh.  His  father  was  honoured  with  some  of  the 
best  poems  of  Gwalchmai *  and  Cynddelu  2,  the  two  stars  of  the 
Welsh  Parnassus  ;  and  to  his  son  Hywel,  whom  I  am  going  to 
quote,  Cynddelu  also  addressed  an  ode.3 

This  prince  wrote  some  odes  on  Love,  and  some  on  War.  In 
one,  which  is  entitled  Gorhofedh,  or  his  Delights,  he  mentions 
Merdhin,  and  speaks  of  him  as  a  Bard. 

"  To  construct  an  ancient  or  primitive  song, 
A  song  of  praise,  such  as  Merdhin  sang." 

Kyssylltu  canu  kyssevin 

Kert  volyant  val  y  cant  Mertin.       Welsh  Arch.  p.  278. 

Here  the  prince  explicitly  mentions  Merdhin,  not  merely  as  a 
Bard,  but  as  one  in  his  days  (or  in  the  twelfth  century),  ancieni 
or  primitive.  To  construct  an  ancient  song,  such  as  Merdhin  sang, 
is,  in  effect,  to  say  that  Merdhin's  songs  were  ancient. 

The  expressions  seem  to  indicate  that  Merdhin's  poetry  existed 
in  his  time  ;  for  how  could  he  have  talked  of  constructing  or 
putting  together  a  song  like  Merdhin's,  unless  some  of  Merdhin's 
poetry  was  in  being. 


CYNDDELU  was  a  Bard  who  lived  between  1150  and  1200,  and 
whose  genius,  although  various,  yet  excelled  in  the  bolder  strains 

1  Archaiol.  p.  196—198.  2  Ibid.  204—207. 

3  Ibid.  p.  258. 

H  H  3 


470  A   VINDICATION   OF   THE 

of  heroic  poetry.     His  compositions  were  numerous.     Forty-nine 
of  his  pieces  have  descended  to  us. 

2.  In  his  elegy  of  Rhiryd,  he  mentions  Taliesin  byname,  and  as 
a  distinguished  Welsh  Bard.     The  passage  will  speak  for  itself:  — 

"  Whilst  there  was  the  solemn  feast,  and  suitable  wealth, 
To  me  no  one  would  speak  but  agreeably ; 
To  me  the  mild  chief  intermitted  not  his  numerous  gifts ; 
To  me  the  valiant  one  made  not  the  two  cheeks  of  disgrace; 
The  song  was  not  a  voice  of  disgrace  to  the  people  of  Cynvarch. 

"  From  the  head  of  Taliesin,  in  bardic  learning  exalted, 
A  bardic  lay  shall  come  to  me." 

Tra  vu  \yg  kyvet  yg  kyuoeth  yawn, 
Nym  llauarei  y  nep  nain  bei  digawn 
Nym  ditolei  y  lary  o  lawer  dawn  ; 
Nym  goruc  deur  wr  deurut  warthlawn : 
Ny  bu  warthlef  kert  kynverching  werin. 

0  benn  Taliesin  bartrin  beirtrig 
Barteir  oin  kyveir. 

CYNDDELU,  Marunad  Ririd.  p.  230. 

3.  In  another  poem,  an  elegy  on  Owen  of  Gwynedh,  Cynddelu 
visibly  alludes  to  the  poem  of  Taliesin  on  the  battle  of  Argoed 
Llwyvain  : 

"  Hastening  mutually  to  urge  on, 
In  heroic  manner,  in  the  great  field  so  illustrious, 
The  horned  array  of  the  winged  warrior 
Was  the  energy,  the  heroism  of  Owen. 
In  the  tumult,  the  leader  of  slaughter  heaps  carcasses, 
As  in  the  bloody  conflict  of  Argoed  Llwyvain" 

Yn  ebrwyd  gyfarwain 

Y'gwrfoes  yg  orfaes  cyfrgain 

1  gornawr  gwriawr  goradain 
Ygwrial  ygwryd  Owain 
Ygorun  aergun  aergyfrain 

Yn  aergad  yn  Argoed  Llwyfain. 

CYND.  Mar.  Ow.  Gwyn.  p.  207. 

The  namesake  of  the  hero  of  Cynddelu  had  been  praised  by 
Talie.«in  in  his  poem  on  the  battle  of  Argoed  Llwyvain  on  this 
occasion. 

The  Britons,  under  Urien  and  his  son  Owen,  were  invaded  by  a 
Saxon  leader,  whom  Taliesin  names  Flamddwyn.  This  word  lite- 
rally means  flame-bearing,  and  therefore  is  probably  not  the  real 
name  of  the  Saxon  general,  but  an  angry  epithet  descriptive  of  his 
ravages  Taliesin  mentions  that  he  made  an  insolent  demand  of 
hostages  and  submission  from  the  Britons  : 

"  Flamddwyn  demanded  with  great  impetuosity, 
Will  they  give  hostages  —  are  they  ready  ?  " 

Atorelwis  Flamddwyn  fawr  drybestawd  : 
A  ddodynt  yngwystlon  :  a  ynt  parawd  ? 

TALIESIN,  Gwaith  Arg.  LI.  53. 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS.  471 

He  then  distinguishes  the  eager  courage  of  Owen,  who  was  the 
first  to  give  the  answer  of  patriotism  to  the  invaders  : 

"  He  was  answered  by  Owen,  Let  the  gash  appear — 
They  will  give  none — the  hostages  are  not,  shall  not  be  ready." 

Yr  attebwys  Owain  ddwyrain  fossawd 
Nid  dodynt,  nid  ydynt,  nid  ynt  parawd. 

TA  LIES  IN,  Gwaith  Arg.  LI.  53. 

The  poet  then  mentions  the  furious  conflict  which  followed  from 
this  refusal  of  submission. 

Now  the  compliment  which  Cynddelu  paid  to  the  hero  of 
his  elegy,  Owen  of  Gwynedh,  by  alluding  to  the  battle  of  Llwyvain, 
was  this :  the  refusal  and  defiance  to  Flamddwyn  was  given  by 
Owen,  the  son  of  Urien  ;  and  this  spirited  conduct  produced  the 
celebrated  conflict  which  followed.  By  comparing  the  battle  of 
his  Owen  with  that  in  which  the  Owen  of  Taliesin  had  distinguished 
himself,  Cynddelu  appears  to  have  meant  to  have  exalted  the  cha- 
racter of  his  own  hero,  by  assimilating  it  to  the  merit  and  celerity 
of  his  recorded  namesake. 

4.  This  same  author,  Cynddelu,  also  alludes  in  another  place  to 
the  poem  of  Taliesin  on  the  battle  of  Argoed  Llwyvain  : 

"  He  hurried  on  impetuously  to  the  assault  like  the  flame- 
spreading  Flamddwyn." 

Ffwyr  ffysgiad  fal  ffieimiad  Flamddwyn. 

CYND.  Dadol.  Rhys.  235. 

"Who  was  this  Flamddwyn  ?  It  has  been  already  mentioned  that 
it  is  the  descriptive  name  of  the  Saxon  hero  in  the  poem  of  Taliesin, 
on  the  battle  of  Argoed  Llwyvain ;  and  it  is  remarkable  that  he  is 
distinguished  by  Taliesin  for  the  circumstance,  to  illustrate  which 
his  name  is  here  introduced. 

The  point  of  the  simile  is  the  hurrying  to  the  attack — he  hurried 
impetuously  to  it  like  Flamddwyn.  Now  when  Taliesin  mentions 
Flamddwyn,  it  is  with  the  same  circumstance  of  impetuosity  and 
haste :  thus,  when  he  first  mentions  him,  he  says, 

Dygrysowys  Flamddwyn. 
"  Flamddwyn  hastened  quickly  " 
to  his  hostile  object. 

When  he  mentions  him  again,  he  says, 

Atorelwis  Flamddwyn  fawr  drybestawd. 
"  Flamddwyn  demanded  with  great  impetuosity." 

It  seems  that  Cynddelu  introduced  the  simile  of  Flamddwyn 
from  recollecting  this  poem  and  these  expressions  of  Taliesin. 


5.  Cynddelu  also  mentions  Merdhin.     I  will  quote  the  passage 
at  length,  that  the  reader  may  have  some  idea  of  the  manner  of 

H  H  4 


472  A   VINDICATION    OF   THE 

these  "Welsh  Bards.  The  subject  of  the  poem  from  which  this  ex- 
tract is  made  is  the  death  of  Owen.  The  poem  is  an  elegy  on 
the  death,  the  effect  of  which,  on  many,  he  now  proceeds  to 
describe : 

"  On  the  progeny  of  Run  lie  the  red  earth  and  stones : 
Ominous,  not  glad  tidings,  was  the  fate  of  the  Chief: 
It  is  an  omen  of  the  pain  of  agitated  terror, 
To  the  finger  from  the  splendour  of  the  palace, 
To  the  minstrels  whose  request  was  for  slender  coursers.1 
But  to  the  crimsoned  wolf  of  terror,  and  to  the  ravens,  it  was  a 

boon. 

Frequently  it  will  come  to  the  memory  of  the  profound  Bards ; 
To  Cynddelu  it  forbodes  delay  to  his  claims  of  honour. 
Of  the    honour'd  sovereign  —  the  armour  of  the  host  of  raging 

slaughter — 

Of  Owen,  God  has  determined  the  day; 

Of  the  venerated  head  appropriately  predominating  in  Britain. 
Thus  in  the  conflict  of  Arderydd,  wrath  stalked  through  the  battle, 
Amid  ruin  and  falling  slaughter 
Over  myriads  of  men,  over  Merdhin,  who  was  illustrious." 

Ar  hil  Run  rud  weryd  a  main 

Y  dragon  coeling  nid  coelfain  ei  dwyn 

Ys  coel  brwyn  braw  dilain 

I  gerdawr  a'm  preidiawr  a'm  prain 

I  eilwyon  am  eirchion  archfain 

I  flaid  nid  i  fraw  fud  i  frairi 

I  feird  dwfn  dyf  yd  a  gofiain 

I  Gyndelw  oed  ardelw  urdain 

Urd  Wledig  Unrig  llu  aergrain 

Urdws  Duw  diwyrnawd  Owain 

Urdawl  ben  priawdnen  Prydain 

Mai  gwaith  Arderyd  gwyth  ar  dyrfain  cad 

In  argrad  yn  aergrain 

Uch  rayrd  wyr  uch  Myrdhin  oed  cain. 

Mar.  Ow.  Gwyn.  207. 

He  goes  on  to  describe  the  motions  of  the  birds  of  prey  on  the 
battle,  which  I  will  add  for  its  strong  imagery : 

"  Over  the  hawk's  station,  over  the  hawk's  banquet  of  heads, 
Over  the  quivering  of  the  spears  reddening  was  the  wing. 
Over  the  howling  of  the  storm  the  course  of  the  seagull  was 

manifest. 
Over  the  blood  whirling,  the  blood  flowing,  the  exulting  ravens 

were  screaming. 

1  Literally  "for  the  slender-bodied  ones."  The  Welsh  poetry  has  frequently  in- 
stances of  descriptive  adjectives  being  used  to  express  noun  substantives.  Thus 
the  Bards  sometimes  put  meinir  for  a  charming  \voman.  The  word  literally  means 
any  thing  slender  and  lively.  For  the  same  interesting  object,  they  have  also  the 
compound  eiliw-manod,  or  "  resembling  in  mien  the  light  driven  snow." 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS.  473 

Over  the  blood  gushing,  over  the  treasure  of  the  fierce-wing'd 

race, 
Was  the  clamour  of  the  apt  energy,  aptly  spreading  thro'  the  sky." 

Uch  gwalchlan  uch  gwalchlad  pennain 

Uch  gwayw  ryn  yn  rudaw  adain 

Uch  gwaed  gwynt  golau  hynt  gwylain 

Uch  gwaed  lyry  gwaedlanw  gwaedai  gigfrain 

Uch  gwaed  frau  uch  adnau  ednain 

Yg  gawr  huysgwr  huysgain  yn  wybyr. 

Mar.  Ow.  Gwyn.  207. 

In  this  passage  we  see  Merdhin  mentioned  as  being  illustrious 
or  splendid,  and  as  having  been  in  the  battle  of  Arderydd.  Now 
Merdhin  the  Bard  was  in  this  battle  ;  and  why  was  he  particu- 
larized with  the  epithet  "  illustrious  ?  "  The  poem,  already  quoted, 
of  Howel  explains  it.  It  was  the  effect  of  his  bardic  fame. 


6.  Another  princely  Bard  was  Owen  Cyveilioc.  He  flourished 
between  1150  and  1197.  He  was  the  prince  of  Powys.  He  was 
engaged  in  some  intestine  conflicts  with  Howel l  ;  he  fought  with 
our  Henry,  and  at  last  excited  against  himself  Owen  of  Gwynedd, 
the  hero  of  the  poetry  of  Gwalchmai  and  Cynddelu.  This  hero  de- 
feated and  expelled  Owen  Cyveilioc  in  1166  from  Powys,  to  which, 
however,  he  was  readmitted. 

This  Owen  of  Powys  has  written  a  very  interesting  poem  called 
"  Hirlas,"  or  the  Blue  long  Horn  ;  and  in  this  we  meet  with  an 
undeniable  allusion  to  the  poem  of  Aneurin  on  the  battle  of  Cat- 
traeth.  The  poem  is  given  in  English  among  Evans's  specimens2  ; 
but  as  his  translation  is  too  free  to  suit  the  severity  of  documents 
for  accurate  reasoning,  1  will  turn  it  into  more  literal  English. 

After  speaking  of  Madawc  and  Meilir,  as  "  men  habituated  to 
tumult,"  as  "  the  shields  of  their  army,"  "  the  teachers  of  battle," 
he  suddenly  introduces, 

"  Hear  how  with  their  portion  of  mead,  went  with  their  Lord  to 

Cattraeth 

Faithful  the  purpose  of  their  sharp  weapons, 
The  host  of  Mynydauc,  to  their  fatal  rest. 
They  obtained   the  recording,    tho'  pernicious  to  their  active 

leader. 

They  did  not,  like  my  warriors  in  the  hard  struggle  of  Maelor, 
Liberate  the  prisoner,  yet  their  praise  has  been  established." 

Kigleu  am  dal  met  myned  dreig  Kattraeth 

Kywir  eu  harvaeth  arveu  lliveid 

Gosgort  Vynytawc  am  eu  cysgeid 

Kawssant  y  hadrawt  cas  vlawt  vleineid 

Ni  wnaeth  a  vvnaeth  vynghedwyr  ynghalet  Vaelor 

Dillwng  karcharor  dullest  voleid.          Hirlas  Euein,  266. 

1  See  Wynne's  History  of  Wales,  187. 

2  P.  7.     See  it  better  translated  in  Southey's  Madoc. 


474  A  VINDICATION   OF   THE 

I  think  that  this  passage  affords  very  satisfactory  testimony  to 
the  existence  of  the  Gododin  at  this  period,  even  though  Aneurin's 
name  is  not  here  mentioned. 

My  reasons  for  the  opinion  are  these  : 

1.  The  prince  alludes  to  the  warriors  who  went  with  Mynydauo 
to  Cattraeth,  as  having  drank  their  mead.     Now  the  great  topic 
perpetually  recurring  in  the  Gododin  is,  that  the  Britons  lost  the 
battle  of   Cattraeth,  and  suffered  so  severely   because   they  had 
drank  their  mead  too  profusely.     The  passages  in  the  Gododin,  on 
this  point,  are  numerous  ;  for  example, 

"  Men  went  to  Cattraeth  ;  loquacious  were  their  hosts  : 
Pale  mead  had  been  their  feast,  and  was  their  poison." 

Gwyr  aeth  Gattraeth  oed  ffraeth  y  lu 
Glasved  eu  hancwyn  ae  gwenwyn  vu. 

ANEURIN,  Gododin,  p.  2. 

"  They  had  drank  together  the  sparkling  mead   by  the   light  of 

rushes  : 
Pleasant  was  its  taste,  long  was  its  woe." 

Cyt  yven  vedd  gloew  wrth  liw  babir 
Cyt  vei  da  ei  vlas  y  gas  bu  hir.  Gododin,  p.  3. 

"  In  fair  order  round  the  banquet  they  feasted  together  ; 
Wine,  mead,  and  mirth  they  enjoyed." 

Gloyw  ddull  y  am  drulyt  gytvaethant 

Gwin  a  mel  a  mal  amuesant.  Ibid.  p.  9. 

2.  The   prince   mentions  that  the    Britons   went  to  Cattraeth 
under  the  conduct  of  Mynydauc,  their  leader,  and  he  calls  them 
Gosgordd  Mynydauc,  the  host  of  Mynydauc.     Now  Aneurin,  in 
many  places,  mentions  Mynydauc  as  the  leader  of  the  Britons,  and 
in  no  fewer  than  five  places  uses  the  very  phrase  to  express  them, 
which  Owen  selects  as  if  borrowing  from  him.     I  mean  Gosgordd 
Mynydauc.     Thus  Aneurin  said, 

"  The  warriors  went  to  Cattraeth  with  the  dawn  ; 
They  strove  in  the  flight  daringly  ; 
Eleven  hundred  and  three  hundred  were  hurling 
Drenched  in  blood ;  they  were  vehement  in  the  darting  of  the 

lance : 

They  stationed  themselves  with  manly  gallantry 
From  the  host  of  Mynydauc  the  courteous. 
The  warriors  went  to  Cattraeth  with  the  dawn, 
Confident  in  exposing  themselves  to  their  inevitable  fate : 
They  had  drank  the  yellow,  sweet  ensnaring  mead. 
Merry  had  been  the  hours,  merry  the  singers ; 
Red  became  their  swords  and  plumage, 
Their  white  shining  blades,  and  square  helmets, 
From  the  host  of  Mynydauc  the  courteous." 

Gwyr  a  haeth  Gattraeth  gan  wawr 

Travodynt  yn  hed  yn  hovnawr 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS.  475 

Milcant  a  thrychant  a  em  daflawr 
Gwyarllyt  a  gwynodynt  waeulawr 
Ef  gorsaf  eng  gwriaf  eng  guriawr 
Rac  Gosgordd  Mynydawc  mwynvawr. 

Gwyr  a  aeth  Gattraeth  gan  vawr 
Dygymyrrus  eu  hoet  eu  hangenawr 
Med  yvynt  melyn  melys  maglawr 
Blwydyn  bu  llewyn  llawen  cerdawr 
Coch  eu  cledyfaur  na  phlwawr 
Eu  llain  gwynygalch  a  phedryolet  benawr 
Rac  Gosgord  Mynydawr  mwyn  vawr. 

Gododin,  p.  2. 

The  Gosgordd  Mynydauc,  and  the  sad  effects  of  the  mead,  are 
mentioned  by  Aneurin  again  : 

"  The  warriors  had  hastened  swift  all  running  together; 
Short  were  their  lives  drunk  over  the  distilled  mead. 
The  host  of  Mynydauc  abounding  with  gold  were  in  distress. 
The  price  of  their  banquet  of  mead  was  their  lives." 

Gwyr  a  gryssiasant  buant  gytneit 

Hoedlvyrion  medduon  uch  med  hidleit 

Gosgordd  Vynyddawc  eurawc  yn  rheit 

Gwerth  eu  gwledd  o  vedd  vu  eu  heneit.         Ibid.  p.  6. 

Aneurin  mentions  the  Gosgordd  Mynydauc  twice  more,  as, 

"  Of  the  host  of  Mynydauc  none  escaped, 

Except  one  weapon  altogether  weak  and  precipitated." 

O  Osgordd  Vynyddawc  ni  ddiangwys 

Namyn  un  aryf  amddiphyrf  amddiff'wys.          Ibid.  p.  1 1. 

And, 

"  From  Cattraeth  their  army  was  loquacious, 
Of  the  host  of  Mynydawr,  great  in  misery, 
Of  three  hundred,  but  one  man  came  out ; 
From  the  wine-feast ;  from  the  mead-feast  they  had  hastened." 

Rac  Cattraeth  oedd  ffraeth  eu  11  u 

O  osgordd  Vynyddawr  vawr  dru 

O  drychant  namyn  un  gwr  ny  ddyvu 

O  winveith  a  meddveith  est  gryssiasant.         Ibid.  p.  9. 

3.  When  to  the  above  remark  it  is  added  that  the  prince  of 
Powys  says  this  tribe  of  Mynydauc  had  "  obtained  a  recording," 
and  that  their  praise  was  established,  can  we  doubt  that  he  spoke 
of  the  Gododin  of  Aneurin,  and  had  taken  from  it  the  allusion, 
which  has  been  cited  from  him.  In  the  Gododin,  these  unfor- 
tunate Britons  have  obtained  a  recording,  and  their  mead  is 
distinctly  mentioned  as  the  cause  of  their  calamity.  Hence  I 
consider  this  passage  in  Owen's  poem  as  a  satisfactory  testimony 
of  the  existence  of  the  Gododin  in  his  time.  The  prince  has 


476  A   VINDICATION    OP    THE 

also  a  line  in  his  poem  which  is  so  similar  to  one  in  the  Gododin 
as  to  warrant  the  supposition  that  it  was  borrowed  from  it : 

Nid  yn  hyn  dihyll  nam  hen  deheu. 
The  line  in  the  Gododin  is  this  : 

Ni  bu  hil  dihyll  na  hen  deheu. 

Before  I  dismiss  the  prince  of  Cyveilioc,  I  cannot  but  crave 
permission  to  mention  a  very  interesting  and  original  elegiac  turn 
which  occurs  in  his  poem  of  the  Hirlas. 

The  prince  was  a  turbulent  warrior,  generally  fighting  with 
some  of  his  neighbours.  His  Hirlas,  however,  shows  that  he 
possessed  a  strong  poetic  genius,  and  applied  it  to  celebrate  the 
warriors  who  accompanied  him  in  his  quarrels.  The  plan  of  the 
poem  is  ingenious  and  picturesque.  He  fancies  himself  surrounded 
by  his  chiefs  at  the  festive  table,  rejoicing  in  their  victory  ;  and  he 
orders  his  cupbearer  to  pour  out  the  generous  beverage  to  those 
whom  he  intends  to  celebrate,  and  whom  he  selects  and  describes 
successively.  Two  of  his  accustomed  companions  and  favourite 
warriors  were  Moreiddig  and  Tudyr,  who  had  just  perished  in  a 
preceding  battle.  In  the  ardour  of  his  festivity  and  panegyric,  he 
forgot  that  they  were  no  more.  Therefore,  after  directing  the 
horn  of  mead  to  be  sent  to  his  warriors,  and  after  addressing  each 
of  them  with  appropriate  praise,  he  proceeds  to  send  it  to  Moreid- 
dig and  Tudyr.  He  recites  their  merit — he  turns  to  greet  them 
—  but  their  place  is  vacant — he  beholds  them  not  —  he  hears 
their  dying  groan  —  he  recollects  their  fate  —  his  triumphant 
strains  cease  —  his  hilarity  flies,  and  the  broken  tones  of  mournful 
exclamation  suddenly  burst  out.  Shall  I  be  pardoned  if  I  digress 
awhile  to  insert  the  passage  in  a  close  translation. 

To  enhance  the  compliment  which  he  is  going  to  pay,  he 
threatens  death  to  his  cup-bearer  if  he  execute  his  office  unskil- 
fully. 

"  Fill,  cup-bearer,  seek  not  death  — 
Fill  the  horn  of  honour  at  our  banquets, 
The  long  blue  horn,  of  high  privilege,  of  ancient  silver, 
That  covers  it  not  sparingly  ; 
Bear  to  Tudyr,  eagle  of  slaughter, 
A  prime  beverage  of  florid  wine. 
Thy  head  shall  be  the  forfeit  if  there  come  not  in 
The  most  delicious  mead 

To  the  hand  of  Moreiddig,  encourager  of  songs  ; 
May  they  become  old  in  fame  before  they  leave  us  ! 
Ye  blameless  brothers  of  aspiring  souls, 
Of  dauntless  ardour  that  would  grasp  ev'n  fire ; 
Heroes,  what  services  ye  have  achieved  for  me  ! 
Not  old  disgustingly,  but  old  in  skill ; 
Unwearied,  rushing  wolves  of  battle  ; 
First  in  the  crimsoned  rank  of  bleeding  pikes, 
Brave  leaders  of  the  Mochnantians,  from  Powys, 
The  prompt  ones,  in  every  need, 


ANCIENT   BEITISH   POEMS.  477 

Who  rescue  their  borders  from  violence, 

Praise  is  your  meed,  most  amiable  pair  I 

Ha!  — the  cry  of  death — And  do  I  miss  them  — 

O  Christ !  —  how  I  mourn  their  catastrophe  — 

O  lost  Moreiddig  —  how  greatly  shall  I  need  thee  I  " 

Hirlas  Euein,  p.  266. 

7.  In  the  same  century,  from  the  year  1160  to  1220,  lived  the 
bard  LLYWARCH  AB  LLYWELYN,  or  as  he  has  been  most  commonly 
called,  Llywarch  Prydyd  y  Moch.  He  has  left  thirty-two  poems. 
In  one  of  his  odes  to  the  son  of  lorwerth,  this  bard  mentions 
Taliesin  as  a  bard,  and  also  a  circumstance,  which  is  the  subject 
of  one  of  Taliesin's  poems,  to  which  therefore  Llywarch  P.  y 
Moch  must  be  supposed  to  be  alluding.  The  words  of  Llywarch 
are : 

"  I  will  address  my  Lord 

With  the  greatly  greeting  muse, 

With  the  dowry  of  Cyridwen, 

The  ruler  of  Bardisiu, 

In  the  manner  of  Taliesin 

When  he  liberated  Elphin 

When  he  overshaded  the  bardic  mystery 

With  the  banners  of  the  bards. 

Cyvarchaf  ym  ren 
Cyvarchvawr  awen 
Cyvreu  Kyridwen 

Rhwyf  bartoni 
Yn  dull  Taliesin 
Yn  dillwng  Elfin 
Yn  dyllest  bartin 

Beirt  vanyeri. 

LLYWEL.  y  Canu  Byclian,  303. 

The  poem  of  Taliesin,  which  he  wrote  to  obtain  Elphin's  release 
from  the  prison  where  his  uncle  Maelgwn  had  confined  him,  yet 
exists.  It  is  called  the  Mead  Song.  It  has  considerable  merit,  and 
may  be  thus  faithfully  translated  : 

TALIESIN'S  MEAD  SONG. 

"  I  will  implore  the  Sovereign,  Supreme  in  every  region, 
The  Being  who  supports  the  heavens,  Lord  of  all  space, 
The  Being  who  made  the  waters,  to  every  body  good ; 
The  Being  who  sends  every  gift  and  prospers  it, 
That  Maelgwn  of  Mona  be  inspired  with  mead,  and   cheer  us 

with  it 

From  the  mead  horns  —  the  foaming,  pure  and  shining  liquor 
Which  the  bees  provide,  but  do  not  enjoy.. 
Mead  distilled  I  praise — its  eulogy  is  every  where, 


478  A   VINDICATION    OF   THE 

Precious  to  the  creature  whom  the  earth  maintains. 
God  made  it  for  man  for  his  happiness  ; 
The  fierce  and  the  mute,  both  enjoy  it. 
The  Lord  made  both  the  wild  and  the  gentle, 
And  has  given  them  clothing  for  ornament, 
And  food  and  drink  to  last  till  judgment. 
I  will  implore  the  Sovereign,  Supreme  in  the  land  of  peace, 
To  liberate  Elphin  from  banishment, 
The  man  that  gave  me  wine,  ale,  and  mead, 
And  the  great  princely  steeds  of  gay  appearance, 
And  to  me  yet  would  give  as  usual : 
With  the  will  of  God,  he  would  bestow  from  respect 
Innumerable  festivities  in  the  course  of  peace. 
Knight  of  Mead,  relation  of  Elphin,  distant  be  thy  period  of 
inaction."  Arch.  p.  22. 

Golychaf  wledig  pendefig  pob  wa 

Gwr  a  gynneil  y  nef  Arglwydd  pob  tra 

Gwr  a  wnaeth  y  dwfr  i  bawb  yn  dda 

Gwr  a  wnaeth  pob  Had  ac  ai  Ihvdda 

Meddwer  Maelgwn  Mon  ag  an  meddwa 

Ai  feddgorn  ewyn  gwerlyn  gwymha 

As  gynnull  gwenyn  ac  nis  mwynha 

Med  hidleid  moleid  molud  i  bob  tra 

Lleaws  creadur  a  fag  terra 

A  wnaeth  Duw  i  ddyn  er  ei  ddonha 

Rhaidrud  rhai  mud  ef  ai  mwynha 

Rhai  gvvyllt  rhai  dof  Dofydd  ai  gwna 

Yn  dillig  iddynt  yn  dillad  ydd  a 

Yn  fwyd  yn  ddiawd  hyd  frawd  yd  barha 

Golychaf  i  wledig  pendefig  gwlad  hedd 

I  ddillwng  Elphin  o  alltudedd 

Y  gwr  am  rhoddes  y  gwin  ar  cwrwf  ar  medd 

Ar  meirch  mawr  modur  mirein  eu  gwedd 

Am  rothwy  etwa  mal  y  diwedd 

Trwy  fodd  Duw  y  rhydd  trwy  enrhydedd 

Pump  pemhwnt  calan  ynghaman  hedd 

Elffinawg  farchawg  medd  hwyr  dy  ogledd. 

TALIESIN,  Canu  y  medd,  p.  22. 

Taliesin  wrote  two  other  poems  concerning  Elphin  which  are 
yet  extant.  One  called  "  The  Consolation  of  Elphin  ; "  the  other 
entitled  "  To  the  Wind  ; "  but  I  think  the  Mead  Song  was  the 
poem  which  Llywarch  P.  y  Moch  had  in  his  contemplation  when 
he  said  he  would  address  the  Lord,  like  Taliesin,  to  liberate  Elphin, 
because  the  very  phrase  used  by  Llywarch  in  speaking  of  this  poem, 
"yn  dillwng  Elphin,"  "to  liberate  Elphin,"  is  in  the  Mead  Song. 

8.  Nor  is  this  all  the  inference  to  be  deduced  from  this  poem  of 
Llywarch's.  The  first  four  lines  of  Llywarch  will  be  found  on  a 
comparison  so  nearly  similar  to  four  commencing  lines  of  another 


ANCIENT   BRITISH  POEMS.  479 

poem  of  Taliesin,  that  I  think  no  one  can  dispute  that  he  borrowed 
them  from  Talien. 

LLYWARCH.  TALIESIN. 

Cy  varchaf  ym  ren  Kyvarchaf  im  Rhen 

Cyvarchvawr  awen  Ystyriav  Awen 

Cyvreu  Kyridwen  Py  ddyddwg  angen 

Rwyf  bartoni.  Cyn  no  Chyridwen. 

"  I  will  address  the  Lord  "  I  will  address  the  Lord 

With  the  greatly  greeting  Muse,  With  the  meditating  Muse, 

With  the  dowry  of  Cyridwen,  That  endured  necessity 

The  ruler  of  Bardism."  Before  Cyridwen."  l 

The  first  line,  and  part  of  the  second,  are  exactly  the  same  in 
both.  The  singular  idea  in  the  other  lines  proves  the  intentional 
imitation  of  Lly  warch  P.  Moch.  To  speak  of  Cyridwen,  a  mytho- 
logical personage  very  little  mentioned  elsewhere,  could  not  have 
happened  to  both  in  an  introduction  so  very  similar  both  in  metre 
and  words,  unless  the  one  had  borrowed  it  from  the  other.  I 
therefore  submit  that  this  imitation  of  Llywarch  attests  that  this 
poem  of  Taliesin,  called  "  The  Mab  Gyvreu  Taliesin,"  was  in 
being  in  Lly  warch  s  time.  I  think  also,  by  Llywarch  mentioning 
Taliesin,  and  alluding  to  another  poem  of  his  immediately  after 
this  imitation  of  him,  that  it  warrants  the  assertion,  according  to 
the  experienced  laws  of  the  association  of  ideas,  that  Llywarch 
deemed  the  lines  he  was  imitating  to  be  Taliesin's.  If  so,  this 
single  passage  is  evidence  that  the  Mead  Song,  and  the  Mab 
Gyvreu  of  Taliesin,  were  existing  and  accredited  as  his  in  the 
twelfth  century. 


9.  Llywarch  P.  Moch,  in  this  same  poem,  gives  also  an  attest- 
ation of  Merdhin  ;  he  says, 

"  Merdhin  prophesied 
That  a  king  would  come 
From  the  Cymry  nation, 

Out  of  the  oppressed. 
Druids  declared, 
That  liberality  shall  be  renewed 
From  the  progeny  of  the  eagles 

Of  Snowdon." 

Darogan  Mertin 
Dyvod  breyenhin 
O  Gymry  werin 

O  gamh  wri 

1  Cyridwen  means  literally,  "  the  producing  woman."  She  is  one  of  the  beings 
peculiar  to  the  ancient  Welsh  mythology,  and  appears  to  have  been  considered  by 
the  Bards  as  the  productress  of  things  ;  in  a  word,  to  have  borne  that  character, 
which  Lucretius  gives  to  Venus  in  his  introduction  to  his  De  Natura  Rerum. 
There  are  several  mythological  personages  mentioned  in  ancient  Welsh  literature, 
who  are  worth  attending  to,  because  in  them  we  perhaps  see  some  curious  remains 
of  the  earliest  traditions  of  the  western  parts  of  Europe. 


480  A   VINDICATION    OF   THE 

Dywawd  derwyton 
Dadeni  haelon 
O  hil  eryron 

"  O  Eryri.  LL.  Canu  Bych.  304. 

This  prediction  of  Merdhin's,  of  better  fortune  to  Wales,  was  also 
noticed  by  Golyddan,  whom  we  have  quoted  before.  The  passage 
now  existing  in  Merdhin's  Avallenau,  to  which  these  bards  seem  to 
have  alluded,  will  be  presently  adduced. 


10.  The  same  bard  has  also  the  following  allusion  to  the  Gododin 
of  Aneurin  : 

"  Like  Caeawg  the  foremost  hero  ministering   to   the  birds  of 
prey." 

Adar  weinidawc  Caeawc  cynran  drud.  P.  298. 

Caeawg  is  much  celebrated  in  the  Gododin,  and  is  several  times 
mentioned  there  with  epithets  expressing  the  same  quality  as 
Llywarch  in  this  passage  intends  to  denote.  This  quality  was  his 
eagerness  to  be  the  foremost  in  the  battle,  which  Aneurin  signifies 
by  cynhaiawc  and  cynhorawc,  and  Llywarch  by  cynran ;  all  the 
three  adjectives  are  nearly  synonymous. 

As  Llywarch  P.  Moch  was  one  of  the  most  distinguished  poets 
of  the  twelfth  century,  it  may  relieve  this  tedious  detail  if  I  inter- 
mix a  specimen  of  his  mode  of  describing  a  battle.  Battles  were 
the  favourite  transactions  of  that  age,  and  therefore  engrossed 
most  of  the  bardic  lays.  They  are  usually  noticed  with  some 
original  touches,  which  to  us  who  are  nurtured  in  a  happier  state  of 
intellect  and  society  will  seem  horrible  and  disgusting.  How  much 
Is  it  to  be  regretted  that  the  melioration  of  our  taste  should  be  so 
distinct  from  the  amendment  of  our  conduct ! 

"  Melancholy  it  is  to  us,  the  bards  of  the  world,  that  earth  lies 

upon  him  : 
Sorrow  is  over  us  ; 

He  was  our  leader  before  the  wrath  of  fate  separated  us. 
The  ravagers  ravaged  onwards  with  fury  ; 

Dreadful  was  the  crimson  gushing  from  the  men  before  so  mild : 
Dead  was  the  greatest  part  in  the  tumult. 
Of  the  various  coloured  waves,  broken  was  the  sound  of  their 

roar : 

They  were  not  silent ; 

A  briny  wave  l,  extensive  from  exerting  rage ; 
Another  wave,  fierce  of  red  gore. 
When  the  leader  of  the  glittering  hosts  overcame 
Llewelyn,  the  chief  of  wide-spreading  Alun. 
A    myriad    was    slain  —  the    lure    of    the    ravens   incessantlv 

screaming  — 

1  The  scene  of  this  conflict  was  ths  strait  of  the  Menai,  which  separates  Angle- 
sey from  the  main  land. 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS.  481 

All  warriors  —  and  a  thousand  in  captivity 

When  we  passed  from  Forth  Aethwy. 

On  the  steeds  of  the  sea  flood  over  the  great  tumult  of  the  waves 

There  were  thronging  spears  —  awful  was  their  fury  — 

Conspicuous  was  the  red  rippling  blood  — 

Terrible  was  our  onset  —  it  was  unlovely  — 

It  was  misery  —  it  was  death  unparalleled  : 

It  was  a  doubt  to  the  world,  if  there  were  left 

A  residue  of  us  for  the  dissolution  of  age." 


11.  GWYNVARDD  BRYCHEiNiAwc  flourished  between  1160  and 
1220.  He  has  left  us  two  small  poems,  one  addressed  to  the  Lord 
Rhys,  the  prince  of  South  Wales  l,  the  other  to  St.  David. 

In  the  one  addressed  to  Rhys,  he  quotes  Merdhin  thus,  p.  270. 

"  For  Tegeingyl,  for  the  land  of  the  angles  thronging  together 
For  the  fellow  brother  of  Medrawd,  of  whom  Merdhin  prophe- 
sied." 

Am  Degeingyl,  am  dir  Eingyl  yn  ymdyrru 
Am  gydvrawd  Medrawd  Merdhin  darogan. 

GWYN.  BR.  p.  269. 

Merdhin  is  here  mentioned  as  prophesying  of  Medrawd.  If  we 
turn  to  his  Avallenau,  we  shall  find  that  he  there  so  speaks  of 
Medrawd  : 

"  Sweet  apple-tree,  conspicuous  as  the  hill  of  our  congress 
Towering  above  the  wood  surrounding  its  roots  unshaded  I 
I  will  prophesy  the  coming  again 
Of  Medrawd  and  Arthur,  the  sovereign  of  the  host, 
As  at  Camlan,  preparing  to  conflict." 

Asallen  beren  bren  eil  wyddsa 
Cwn  coed  cylch  ei  gwraidd  digwascotva  ; 
A  mi  ddysgoganas  dyddaw  etwa 
Medrawd  ac  Arthur  modur  tyrfa 
Camlann  darmerthan  difieu  yna. 

MYRD.  Avail,  p.  153. 

I  submit,  that  when  the  passage  of  Gwynvardd  is   compared 
with  this  of  Merdhin,  it  will  seem  probable  that  this  part  of  the 
Avallenau  was  alluded  to  by  Gwynvarrd,  and  consequently  that 
t  the  Avallenau  was  in  existence  in  his  time. 

12.  ELIDIR  SAIS  lived  between  1160  and  1220.  Eleven  of 
his  poems  are  preserved.  In  his  Dadolwch,  or  atonement  to 
Llywelyn,  the  son  of  lorwerth,  he  mentions  both  Taliesin  and 
Merdhin  by  name,  and  speaks  of  their  poetry  as  being  an  object 
of  sight,  consequently  existing. 

This  passage  is  certainly  important,  and  if  the  lines  were  to  be 
cited  by  themselves,  they  would  be  found  to  express  the  id  a  I 

1  Wynne's  History,  p.  193. 
VOL.  III.  I  I 


482  A   VINDICATION   OF   THE 

have  suggested.  But  the  true  sense  of  any  passage  depends  some- 
times on  the  other  parts  with  which  it  is  connected.  Now  it  is 
proper  that  I  should  state  that  the  part  in  which  these  few  lines 
occur  is  obscure,  and  of  difficult  construction.  But  as  it  can 
answer  no  honourable  purpose  to  lay  before  the  reader  a  delusion, 
where  he  expects  a  proof,  I  will  translate  the  whole  poem  of  Elidir 
Sais,  as  literally  as  possible,  and  leave  it  to  his  own  judgment  to 
decide  the  force  of  the  evidence,  which,  in  my  opinion,  implies  an 
inspection  of  existing  works  : 

"  Natural  is  the  quaffing  of  the  clear  bright  wine 
From  the  horn  of  the  buffalo, 
From  the  fold  of  the  Bugle  : 
Natural  is  the  singing  of  the  cuckoo  in  the  beginning  of  the 

summer, 

Natural  is  the  increasing  growth  of  the  springing  blade  : 
Natural  to  the  wise  is  his  intellectual  wealth  ; 
But  not  natural,  not  tranquil  is  it  to  be  sorrowful. 

"  Regret  has  done  me  great  injury 

For  the  brothers  of  dignity,  the  best  men  of  the  west ; 
Brothers  separated  in  lamentable  -terror  by  foes ; 
Oh  God,  and  Mary,  and  the  sisters  !     Can  I  smile  ? 
Can  I  be  rejoiced  with  a  mind  wild  with  anxiety  ? 

"  He  came  as  a  lion  with  lightning  impelling, 

The  excelling  hawk,  the  victorious  hawk  of  enterprise ; 
Llewelyn,  the  gentle  sovereign, 

Of  courteous  manners  ;  the  director  of  the  filling  of  the  circu- 
lating glass.1 

"  I  am  not  accustomed  to  the  habit  of  soaring  2 ; 
I  have  not  been  roaming 
To  view  3  the  paths  of  the  songs  of  Taliesin  ; 
Lo  !  I  am  not  so  agile 

As,  the  end  of  the  frail  conflict  of  Breiddin 
To  express,  out  of  the  bardic  strains  of  Merdhin. 

"  I  will  give  thee  counsel :  who  art  most  excellent  in  disposition  ; 
Whose  dread  spreads  beyond  the  sea  ! 
Consider,  when  you  oppress  beyond  the  borders, 
To  make  every  one  extend  his  head  to  his  knees ; 
Be  to  the  weak  an  equal  distribution  of  the  spoil ! 
Be  truly  mild  to  the  songs  of  the  right  line ! 
Be  of  ardent  courage  in  the  slaughter  —  adhere  to  thy  labour  ; 
Destroy  England,  and  plunder  its  multitudes. 

"  Mercy  be  to  thee  in  thy  stony  fortress 
For  loving  the  prophetic  Deity." 

1  i.e.  Of  the  banquet.  f  Literally,  "whirling  round." 

3  i.  e.  To  track  or  imitate  from  inspection,  as  I  conceive  ;  but  the  word  literally 
means  to  behold,  or  to  view. 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS.  483 

Gnawd  yr  yfawdd  gly w  gloyw  win  —  o  fual, 
O  fuarth  buelin, 
Gnawd  cathleu  cogeu  cyntefin 
Gnawd  y  tys  tywys  o  egin 
Gnawd  y  doeth  cyfoeth  cysyewin 
Ni  nawd  nid  llonydd  allwynin 
Hiraeth  am  ry  wnaeth  rewin 
Braint  brodyr  gwellwyr  gollewin 
Broder  de  braw  aele  elin 
Duw  a  mair  a  chwair  yn  chwerthin 
Dothyw  Hew  a  lluchyg  gorddin 
Detholwalch  buddugfalch  byddin 
Llywelyn  llyerw  freyenhin 
Llary  ddefawd  llyw  gwyrddrawd  gwydrin 
Nid  wys  gynnefawd  gynnefin  amchwyf 

Ni  rybum  gerddenin 
Edrych  cyrdd  cerddau  Taliesin 
Edrych  ni  mor  wyf  eddein 
Ry  ddarfod  brau  gysnod  Breiddin 
Ry  ddywawd  oi  farddwawd  Ferddin 
Cyssul  ath  roddaf  oth  rin  wyd  goreu 

Gorofu  tra  merin 
Ystyrych  pan  dreisych  dros  ffin 
Ystwng  pawb  hyd  ben  ei  ddeulin 
Bydd  wrth  wann  gyfran  gywrenhin 
Bydd  iawn  llary  wrth  gorddau  iownllin 
Bydd  wrddrud  aer  ddylud  addilin 
Dilein  Lloegr  a  llwgr  oi  gwerin 
Trugaredd  ath  so  oth  feinin  gaerwedd 
O  garu  Duw  ddewin. 

ELIDE  SAIS,  Dad.  345. 

The  import  of  the  passage  appears  to  me  to  be,  that  the  poems 
of  Taliesin  and  Merdhin  existed  in  this  author's  time,  or  how 
could  they  be  viewed,  imitated,  or  spoken  from  ? 

13.     This  author  mentions  Merdhin  in  another  place. 

"  Though  polished  my  bardic  style  after  Merdhin." 
Llathreit  vy  mardeir  uedy  Myrdin.          Awdl  i  Duw.  p.  302. 

How  could  his  style  have  been  formed  from  that  of  Merdhin, 
if  poems,  believed  to  have  been  written  by  him,  had  not  then 
existed  ? 


14.  This  author,  in  his  elegy  on  the  death  of  Rhodri,  has  also 
a  passage,  which  undoubtedly  alludes  to  the  Gododin  of  Aneurin, 
for  the  reasons  mentioned  above  of  the  similar  allusion  of  Owen 
Cyveilioc,  that  is,  he  connects  three  things  together,  which  are  to 
be  met  with  together  in  the  Gododin,  and  I  believe  only  there. 

i  i  2 


484  A  VINDICATION   OF   THE 

These  were  a  mead-replenished  army,  a  great  disaster,  and  Cattra- 
eth  the  scene  of  it. 

"  Woe  to  Britain,  and  its  society  ! 

From  the  loss  of  Rhodri,  how  greatly  suitors  will  be  straightened  I 
I  was  honoured  by  the  mead  replenishing  army ; 
Oh,  loss  to  me  !  a  misfortune  far  worse 
Than  the  ruin  in  the  lands  of  Cattraeth  could  have  caused." 

Gwae  Brydain  am  briodoriaeth 

O  golli  Rhodri  neud  rhygaeth  eirchiaid 

Am  parchai  llu  meddfaeth 

O  golled  ym  galled  mawrwaeth 

Gallas  drais  diredd  Cattraeth. 

ELIDR  SAIS,  34-8. 


THIRTEENTH    CENTURY. 

EINIAWN  AB  GWGAWN  lived  between  1200  and  1260.  In  the 
poem  which  he  addressed  to  Llywelyn  the  Great,  often  called  the 
son  of  lorwerth,  he  has  this  passage  : 

"  Llywelyn,  mayest  thou  be  older,  and  of  longer  good  fortune, 
Than  the  venerable  Llywarch,  with  the  aptly  ready  flesh-piercer." 

Llywelyn  boed  hyn  boed  hwy  dichwein 

No  Llywarch  hybarch  hybar  gicwein. 

EIN.   Canu  i  L.  321. 

This  clearly  alludes  to  Llywarch  Hen  the  bard.  The  epithet 
venerable,  is  but  a  synonym  to  Hen,  or  Aged  ;  and  the  wish  of 
better  fortune,  applies  truely  to  the  afflictions,  which  his  poems  so 
often  mention.  The  other  singular  expression,  which  more  lite- 
rally means  "  that  which  is  sheathed  in  flesh,"  appears  to  me  to 
allude  to,  or  rather  the  idea  of  the  expression  was  taken  from,  the 
remarkable  opening  of  Llywarch's  elegy  on  Urien  Reged.  In  this 
the  bard,  in  the  full  ardour  for  revenge,  begins  his  poem  with  this 
apostrophe  to  his  spear: 

"  Let  me  be  guided  onward,  thou  ashen  thruster ; 
Fierce  thy  presence  in  the  mutual  conflict ; 
'Tis  better  to  kill  than  parley.1 

"  Let  me  be  guided  onward,  thou  ashen  thruster  ; 
Fiercely  was  it  said,  in  the  passage  of  Lech 
Dunawd,  the  son  of  Pabo,  never  flies. 

"  Let  me  be  guided  onward,  thou  fierce  ashen  thruster ; 
Bitter  and  sullen  as  the  scornful  laughter  of  the  sea, 
Was  the  war  of  the  shouting  multitude 
Of  Urien  Reged,  burning  and  furious." 

Dymcyvarwyddiad  ynhwch  dywal 
Baran  yn  nghyvhvch 

1  Archaiol.  p.  1 03,  and  in  Owen's  Llywarch,  p.  22. 


ANCIENT  BEITISH   POEMS.  485 

Gwell  yd  Had  nog  yd  ydholwch 
Dymcyfarwyddiad  ynhwch  dywal 
Dywedydd  yn  nrws  Llech 
"  Dunawd  val  Paho  ni  thech." 
Dymcyfarwyddiad  ynhwch  dywal  chwern 
Blwng  chwerthin  mor  ryvel  dorvloeddiad 
Urien  Reged  greidiawl  gravel. 

LLYWARCH  H£N,  Mar.  Vr.  103. 

Such  lines  as  these  might  lead  a  bard  to  designate  Llywarch 
with  a  spear,  whose  sheath  was  flesh.  This  apostrophe  seems  the 
natural  parent  of  the  image. 


Between  1200,  and  1250,  lived  PHYLIP  BRYDYDD.  He  has  left 
six  poems.  In  one,  called  a  Contention  with  the  Poetasters,  he 
mentions  Taliesin  in  a  very  remarkable  manner  : 

"  The  ancient  song  of  Taliesin,  to  the  King  of  the  Elements." 
Hengerd  Talyesin  y  teyrned  elvyd. 

PH.  BRYD.  Amrys.  378. 

Here  is  an  author,  who  flourished  in  1230,  describing  Taliesin's 
poetry  as  being  at  that  time  ancient.  An  ancient  song,  of  course, 
implies  a  song  written  some  centuries  before  the  writer  who  uses 
the  epithet.  If  about  1230,  a  bard  styled  Taliesin's  poetry,  ancient 
poetry,  with  what  propriety  can  we  say  in  contradiction  to  him, 
that  it  was  not  ancient,  but  had  been  then  recently  forged.  Surely 
this  bard  Phylip,  whom  we  may  justly  call  ancient  now,  was  a 
better  judge  of  what  was  ancient  in  his  day,  than  we  are  at  the 
distance  of  almost  six  centuries  after  him. 

By  the  song  of  Taliesin  to  the  King  of  the  Elements,  it  is 
highly  probable  that  he  means  Taliesin's  Poem  to  the  Wind, 
which  yet  exists. 

DAVID  BENVRAS  lived  between  1190  and  1240.  He  has  left 
twelve  poetical  pieces,  chiefly  elegies  and  heroic  odes.  One  of 
his  odes  to  Llewelyn  the  Great,  he  opens  with  this  invocation : 

"  May  the  Being  who  made  the  splendours  of  the  West ; 

The  sun  and  chilling  moon,  glorious  habitations ; 
i    May  he  that  rules  above  in  universal  light,  graciously  grant  to  me 
The  fulness  of  the  glowing  muse  of  Merdhin 
To  sing  the  praise  of  heroes,  as  Aneurin  sang 
In  the  day  that  he  composed  the  Gododin  : 
That  I  may  celebrate  the  felicity  of  the  people  of  the  happy  land 
Of  the  chief  of  Gwyned,  the  prosperous  boundary." 

Gwr  a  wnaeth  llewych  o'r  gorllewin 
Haul  a  lloer  addoer  addef  iessin 
Am  gwnel  radd  uchel  rwyf  cyfychwin 
Cyflawn  awen  awydd  Fyrddin 
ii  3 


486  A  VINDICATION   OF   THE 

I  ganu  moliant  mal  Aneurin  gynt 
Dydd  y  cant  Ododin. 
Gwynedd  bendefig  ffynnedig  ffin 
Gwanas  deyrnas  deg  cywrenhin. 

D.  BENVRAS,  Awdl  i  Lyw. 

We  have  here  a  full  attestation  of  these  points : 

That  in  this  bard's  days  there  was  a  poem  called  the  Gododin ; 

That  its  author  was  Aneurin  ; 

That  its  subject  was  the  praise  of  heroes ; 

That  Merdhin  had  also  composed  poetry  ; 

That  Merdhin's  poetry  was  then  extant, 

For  the  bard  describes  it   as  "  the  fulness  of  the  glowing 
muse  ! " 

That  both  Aneurin's  and  Merdhin's  poetry  were  then  highly 
estimated. 

To  feel  the  complete  force  of  this  testimony,  let  us  recollect 
that  this  bard  was  born  in  the  twelfth  century. 

This  same  bard,  David  Benvras,  is  also  a  witness  in  favour  of 
Taliesin  —  for  in  the  same  ode  he  sings, 

"  If  it  had  happened  to  me  to  have  been  a  prophet, 
If  I  had  the  bardic  style  of  the  primitive  bardic  genius, 
I  could  not  have  narrated  the  merit  of  his  martial  labours  ; 
Not  Taliesin  could  have  done  it."  P.  308. 

Be  im  byw  be  byddwn  dewin 
Ym  marddair  mawrddawn  gyssevin 
Adrawdd  ei  ddaed  aerdrin  ni  allwn 
Ni  allai  Daleissin.  Ibid. 

It  is  obvious,  from  the  association  of  the  bard's  ideas  in  this 
extract,  that  he  deemed  Taliesin  one  of  the  early  bards  of  his 
country,  and  that  Taliesin's  muse  was  directed  to  describe  the 
actions  of  warriors.  It  is  also  my  impression,  that  if  Taliesin's 
fame  had  not  been  upheld  by  works  of  his  then  existing,  he  would 
not  have  been  so  particularised. 

The  same  bard  also  mentions  Llywarch ;  for  in  praising  one 
Gruffud,  he  says, 

"  Gruffudd  with  crimson'd  arms  will  be  likened 

In  the  spear  of  honour  to  Llywarch,  the  son  of  Elidir." 

Gruffudd  arfeu  rhudd  rydebygir 
Greid  barch  i  Llywarch  fab  Elidir. 

D.  BENV.  Mar.  Ruffudd.  320. 

The  poet  Llywarch  was  the  son  of  Elider  Lydanwyn.  "We 
have  already  mentioned  how  Llywarch  distinguished  his  spear  in 
his  elegy  on  Urien. 

LLTGAD  GWR  was  a  bard,  and  lived  between  1220  and  1270. 
He  has  left  five  poems  on  warlike  subjects.  Two  are  odes  to 


ANCIENT   BRITISH    POEMS.  487 

Llywelyn,  the  son  of  Gruffud,  the  last  British  prince  who  ruled 
in  Wales.     In  one  of  these  he  says, 

"  His  fiery  revages,  like  those  of  Flaraddwyn,  extended  far." 
Hirbell  val  Flamddwyn  y  flaragyrcheu. 

LLYGAD  GWR,  p.  345. 

This  is  an  allusion  to  that  poem  of  Taliesin's  before  mentioned, 
in  which  it  is  said  that  Flamddwyn  spread  from  Argoed  to  Ar- 
vynydd. 

"  Flamddwyn  hastened  with  four  bodies  of  men 
To  surround  Godeu  and  Reged  ; 
He  spread  from  Argoed  to  Arvynydd." 

Dygrysowys  Flamddwyn  yn  bedwarllu 
Goddeu  a  Reged  i  ymddullu 
Dyfwy  o  Argoed  hyd  Arfynydd. 

T  A  LIES  IN,  Gwaith  Arg.  LI.  53. 

GWILYM  DHU,  who  flourished  between  1280  and  1320,  in  his 
poem  to  Sir  Gruffudd  Llwyd  in  prison,  also  alludes  to  Flamddwyn, 
p.  409  ;  and  in  the  same  poem  expressly  mentions  Taliesin,  p.  410, 
and  Elfin  ;  and  is  clearly  allowed. 

After  mentioning  that  his  hero,  Gruffudd,  was  a  prisoner,  he 
invokes  St.  David  thus : 

"  If  mine  were  the  power  characterised  in  Taliesin 

When  he  fetched  Elfin,  the  breaker  of  the  spear  of  conflict, 
The  impulse  should  be  to  the  benefit  of  Gruffudd." 

Pei  mau  pwyll  ddiau  ddyad  Talyesin 
Pan  gvrchawdd  Elffin  par  trin  trychiad 
Pwylfyiidd  Ruffudd. 

GWILYM  DHU  i  Syr  Gruffudd  Llwyd,  410. 

In  the  same  poem  he  "also  mentions  Llywarch  : 
"  The  contemplated  reverence  of  Llywarch,  the  ruler  of  a  tribe." 
Myfyr  barch  Llywarch  llywydd  ciwdawd.  Ib.  410. 

In  his  elegy  on  Trahaiarn,  he  mentions  many  bards,  and  among 
them,  he  notices  Merdhin  : 
"  Good  was  the  fortune  of  the  song  to  Gwion  the  divine ; 

Good  was  Merdhin,  with  his  descent  from  the  tribe  of  Meirchion. 

Good  was  Llevoed,  ever  the  supporter  of  morality." 

Da  fu  ffawd  y  wawd  i  Wiawn  ddewin 
Da  Fyrddin  a'  i  lin  o  Iwyth  Meirchiawn 
Da  Lefoed  erioed  da  radlawn  arddelw. 

GWILYM,  Mar.  Trahaiarn,  411. 


IORWERTH  VYCHAN  wrote  poetry  between  1290  and  1340.     In 
his  ode  to  a  pretty  woman,  he  mentions  Merdhin  as  a  poet: 

i  i  4 


488  A  VINDICATION   OF   THE 

"  More  precious  with  the  splendid  bards  every  long  day, 
That  when  Merdhin,  of  profound  learning,  sang  of  Gwendydd." 

Ys  rawy  gan  y  beird  heird  bob  hirddyd 

Na  fan  gant  Myrddin  mawrddysc  Gwendydd.         415. 


RHISSERDYN,  between  1290  and  1340,  composed  an  ode  to 
Hywel  ab  Grufudd.  In  this  he  mentions  Aneurin  as  a  bard,  with 
whose  style  of  composition  he  was  acquainted,  and  Merdhin,  as  an 
author,  whose  compositions  he  possessed  and  valued. 

"  A  tongue  with  the  eloquence  of  Aneurin's  splendid  panegyrics." 

"  I  will  preserve,  in  honoured  authority,  the  memorials  of  Merdhin/' 

Tavawt  un  arawt  Aneurin  gwawt  glaer. 

Kaf  am  urddawl  rwysc  koven  Myrdin. 

RHISS.  i  Hywel.  433. 


MADOC  DWYGRAIG,  a  poet  between  1290  and  1340,  has  left 
ten  poems.  In  the  verses  to  a  loose  woman,  he  mentions  Merdhin, 
and  obviously  alludes  to  his  Avallenau.  The  first  two  words, 
Afallen  beren,  of  all  Madoc's  stanzas,  are  those  which  begin 
almost  all  the  stanzas  of  Merdhin's  Avallenau.  Indeed,  Madoc's 
poem  is  a  complete  parody  on  it.  He  mentions  Merdhin  in  it 
twice : 

"  An  apple-tree 
Equally  bearing  a  profusion  of  leaves  was  given  to  Merdhin." 

Ail  yn  dwyn  rhyddail  i  rhodded  Fyrddin. 

MADAWG,  i  Ferch  487. 
"  Shall  I  become  like  Merdhin."  Ibid.  488. 


Of  SEVNYN'S  poems,  between  1320  and  1378,  three  remain.  In 
his  elegy  on  lorworth  Gyrioc,  he  mentions  Merdhin  and  Aneurin 
thus :  505,  506. 

"  May  I  have  the  gift  of  amusing  language, 
Large  as  the  greatly  gifted  vineous  movements  of  Merdhin's 
imagination." 

"  The  report  of  thousands  is  the  praise  of  Aneurin." 

Maith  mawrddwyn  gwindaith  Myrddin  geudawd 
Medd  cyhoedd  miloedd  molawd  Aneurin. 

SEVNYN,  Mar.  lorw.  503,  504. 

This  is  a  strong  indication  of  Aneurin's  celebrity. 


IORWERTH  LLWYD,  who  lived  between  1310  and  1360,  mentions 
Merdhin : 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS.  489 

"  The  eloquent  and  wisely  expressed  inquiries  of  Merdhin." 
Hyawdl  doethfin  holion  Myrdhin.  P.  506. 

And  alludes  to  Elphin,  p.  506.  on  whom  Taliesin  wrote. 


GRUFUDD  AB  MAREDUDD,  who  lived  at  the  same  period,  men- 
tions Llywarch  twice,  p.  458.  and  476. 


So  David  ab  Gwilym,  one  of  the  favourites  of  the  Welsh  muse, 
in  this  century,  mentions  both  Merdhin  and  Taliesin.1 

I  am  sensible  that  I  must  have  trespassed  to  my  own  disadvan- 
tage on  the  patience  of  the  reader,  by  this  long  and  wearying 
detail,  which  has  even  wearied  myself.  But  such  a  series  of 
evidence  as  this,  is  of  the  last  importance  on  such  a  question  as 
the  present.  A  series  like  this,  we  should  exact  and  search  for, 
if  Pindar  or  Eschylus  had  been  put  upon  their  trials.  It  is  a 
series  of  proofs  which  forgery  can  never  have.  It  can  only  attend 
genuine  works,  and  I  adduce  it  as  forming  a  very  substantial  part 
of  that  column  of  evidence  by  which  the  ancient  Welsh  poetry 
must  now  be  supported. 

SUMMARY    OF    THE    PRECEDING    EVIDENCE. 

I  will  beg  leave  to  assist  the  reader's  recollection  by  a  short 
summary  of  the  preceding. 

Before  the  twelfth  century,  we  have  found  all  the  four  ancient 
bards  mentioned  as  bards,  and  some  of  their  observations  recited. 
In  one,  Taliesin  and  Merdhin  were  mentioned  as  contemporaries, 
who  conversed  together.  The  Avalleiiau  and  the  Gododin  were 
in  others  indirectly  alluded  to. 

In  the  works  of  the  twelfth  century,  we  found  Merdhin's  poetry 
mentioned  several  times.  Once  his  Avallenau  obviously  referred 
to,  at  another  time  his  works  spoken  of  as  extant,  and  at  another 
time  as  being  then  ancient. 

Taliesin  is  not  only  several  times  mentioned  as  a  bard  of  dis- 
tinction and  repute,  but  his  poems  were  spoken  of  as  having  been 
seen,  and  of  course  extant;  his  poem  on  the  battle  of  Argoed 
Llwyvain  was  three  times  alluded  to ;  his  Mead  Song  and  his 
Mab  Cyvreu  were  quoted. 

The  Gododin  of  Aneurin  was  twice  indirectly  alluded  to. 

In  the  thirteenth  century,  Llywarch  was  mentioned  with  epithets 
and  circumstances  that  seemed  borrowed  from  his  poems. 

The  Gododin  was  expressly  mentioned  as  Aneurin's,  and  with 
high  panegyric,  and  as  extant.  His  power  of  heroic  poetry  was 
twice  besides  alluded  to. 

Taliesin  is  mentioned  often  as  a  bard  of  great  celebrity,  and 

1  See  p.  8.  51. 222.  of  his  works,  edited  by  Messrs.  Owen  Jones,  and  William  Owen, 
now  Dr.  Owen  Pughe. 


490  A   VINDICATION   OF   THE 

who  sang  heroic  poetry.  His  poem  to  the  Wind  was  expressly 
named,  and  as  a  poem  esteemed  ancient  in  this  century.  His 
poems  on  Argoed  Llwyvain,  and  on  Elfin,  were  also  alluded  to, 
and  his  poetic  powers  are  spoken  of  as  objects  of  emulation. 
Merdhin  is  repeatedly  mentioned  as  a  bard,  and  as  having  left 
works  of  great  estimation ;  his  Avallenau  is  even  parodied,  and  his 
style  is  mentioned  as  an  object  of  imitation. 

I  submit  that  all  this  must  be  allowed,  to  prove  that  the  works  of 
these  bards,  for  which  I  am  reasoning,  were  in  being  in  the  twelfth 
century.  On  this  vantage  ground  I  take  my  stand.  It  is  a  great 
point  gained,  to  show  that  this  degree  of  antiquity  at  least  cannot 
be  denied  to  them.  It  must  afford  the  reader  much  satisfaction, 
I  apprehend,  to  be  assured  that  when  his  attention  is  called  to 
these  interesting  remains,  it  will  not  be  bestowed  on  a  modern 
forgery. 


The  questions  now  to  be  discussed  will  be  therefore  these : 
Were  these  poems  fabricated  in  the  twelfth  century,  or  before  ? 
or,  Are  they  as  genuine  as  they  pretend  to  be? 

That  they  could  not  be  fabricated  in  the  twelfth  century,  will, 
I  hope,  appear  from  some  of  the  leading  topics,  which  I  shall 
arrange  by  and  by,  under  the  head  of  their  internal  evidence. 
But  I  will  take  the  opportunity  now  of  requesting  the  reader  to 
remark,  and  there  is  not  one  tittle  of  evidence  extant,  that  they 
did  first  appear  in  the  twelfth  century.  It  is  an  assertion  which 
cannot  be  proved,  and  which,  therefore,  is  gratuitous  and  visionary. 
I  wish  to  put  this  strongly,  and  for  this  reason.  If  there  were 
any  sort  of  direct  evidence,  to  show  that  these  poems  were  made 
in  the  twelfth  century,  then  all  the  good  effect  I  could  hope  to 
gain,  by  adducing  facts  and  reasoning,  in  order  to  place  them  in 
the  sixth,  would  be,  that  I  should  present  one  mass  of  testimony 
against  another  mass  of  testimony.  It  would  be  a  case  of  opposing 
probabilities.  It  would  be,  like  what  trials  about  horses,  footways, 
and  boundaries  too  commonly  are ;  I  mean  a  competition  of  evi- 
dence, in  which  the  court  and  jury  can  hardly  discern  which  side 
they  ought  in  justice  to  prefer. 

But  the  present  argument  is  not  of  this  species.  In  considering 
whether  these  poems  belong  to  the  sixth  century,  or  the  twelfth, 
there  is  no  opposing  wall  to  pull  down,  no  mistaken  testimony  to 
refute.  The  supposition  which  places  them  in  the  twelfth  century, 
has  not  one  fact  to  warrant  it.  There  are  the  decisive  proofs  of 
MSS.  and  the  series  of  quotations,  which  I  have  already  adduced, 
to  prove  that  they  must  have  been  in  existence  in  the  twelfth 
century ;  but  there  is  no  document  existing  that  confines  them  to 
this  century,  or  that  imposes  any  restriction  on  the  liberty  of 
inquiring  to  what  previous  century  they  belong. 

No  reasoner,  and  no  antiquary,  will  allow  mere  guesses,  or 
mere  assertions,  to  be  sufficient  to  limit  them  to  the  twelfth,  or 
to  any  other  age.  But  finding  the  ground  unoccupied,  they  will 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS.  491 

feel  themselves  free  to  examine  what  the  period  is  in  which  the 
weight  of  proof  inclines  to  place  the  first  existence  of  these  poems. 
The  evidence  already  adduced  to  show  that  they  were  extant  in 
the  twelfth  century,  if  fairly  reasoned  from,  will  compel  us  to 
infer  that  they  were  in  existence  anterior  to  the  twelfth.  Those 
MSS.  of  these  poems,  which  seem  to  belong  to  this  century,  point 
our  attention  to  a  preceding  age.  They  do  not  adduce  the  poems 
as  anonymous  poems,  which  might  have  been  the  works  of  authors 
of  the  twelfth  century,  but  they  state  them  to  be  more  ancient 
compositions.  So  the  bards  of  the  twelfth,  and  other  centuries, 
who  cite  or  allude  to  them  or  their  authors,  do  not  refer  to  them 
as  works  of  their  contemporaries,  but  as  of  bards  whom  we  know 
to  have  belonged  to  an  anterior  period.  Therefore  the  natural 
tendency  of  the  evidence  already  stated,  is  to  show  that  we  must 
inquire  into  a  period  preceding  the  twelfth  for  the  chronology  of 
their  authors. 

III.  The  next  fact  which  I  shall  proceed  to  substantiate  is, 
there  were  bards  among  the  Britons  in  the  sixth  century. 

It  is  certainly  necessary  to  ascertain  whether  there  were  any 
bards  at  all  in  the  sixth  century,  because  if  such  men  did  not  then 
exist  among  the  Britons,  the  question  cannot  be  agitated  further. 

That  there  were  bards  in  the  sixth  century,  seems  to  me  to  be 
a  position  which  may  be  proved  two  ways ;  1st,  by  inference  — 
that  is,  proving  their  existence  both  before  and  after  that  period, 
and  inferring  from  thence,  that  they  were  also  in  the  middle  in- 
terval ;  2dly,  by  direct  evidence  of  authors  contemporary  with  the 
sixth  century.  I  will  beg  leave  to  use  both  species  of  proof,  lest 
any  gentleman  should  think  that  the  direct  evidence  is  not  alone 
sufficiently  conclusive. 

It  may  be  therefore  first  stated,  that  there  were  Bards  among 
the  Britons,  who  composed  and  sang  poetry,  on  the  actions  of  cele- 
brated men,  before  the  fourth  century,  and  in  the  tenth  and 
twelfth  centuries. 

The  Celtic  population  of  Gaul  and  Britain  was  distinguished  by 
a  remarkable  set  of  men,  whom  the  classical  authors  called  Druids. 
Caesar  has  described  them  with  his  usual  intelligence,  and  if  we  do 
justice  to  his  inquiring  mind,  sedate  judgment,  and  military  habit 
of  exactness,  we  shall  not  doubt  his  precision.  He  says,  that  their 
singular  discipline  flourished  most  in  Britain,  and  that  one  of  the 
Druidical  practices  was  to  commit  to  memory  a  great  number  of 
verses.1  Other  authors  have  discriminated  the  Druids  into  three 
sorts  of  persons,  who  are  named  the  Druids,  the  Ovates  or  Vates, 
and  the  Bards.  These  three  orders  are  stated  by  Strabo 2,  by 
Diodorus  Siculus  3,  and  Ammianus  Marcellinus.4  The  Bards  are 
called  poets,  and  composers  of  hymns,  by  Strabo  ;  and  they  sung 
to  instruments  like  lyres,  according  to  Diodorus.  Lucan  also 

1  De  Bell.  Gal.  1.  vi.  *  Geog.  1.  iv.  p.  197 — 302. 

3  1.  v.  p.  213—308.  4  1.  xv.  p.  75. 


492  A  VINDICATION   OF   THE 

mentions  them  as  celebrating  the  deeds  of  their  heroes  in  verse. 
His  words,  literally  translated,  are,  "  You  also,  ye  Vates,  who 
transmit  to  immortality  by  your  praises  the  spirits  of  the  brave,  of 
those  slain  in  battle ;  Bards  I  ye  may  securely  pour  your  numerous 
songs."  l 

Other  authors  speak  of  them  in  the  same  strain.  Appian  ex- 
hibits a  Bard  as  celebrating  a  king  for  his  descent2,  as  well  as  for 
his  wealth  and  courage ;  and  Posidonius  declares  that  the  Celts 
carried  Bards  with  them,  as  the  companions  of  their  table  who  sang 
their  praises.3 

Some  of  these  authors  lived  before  the  first  century;  some  after- 
wards. Marcellinus,  who  flourished  in  the  fourth,  says,  "  The 
Bards  chanted  in  heroic  verses,  to  the  sweet  notes  of  the  lyre,  the 
brave  deeds  of  the  illustrious."4 

That  these  singular  people  had  a  degree  of  knowlege  among 
them,  which  is  not  common  to  barbarous  nations,  is  clear  from 
what  Strabo,  Caesar,  and  Mela  state  of  the  Druids.  Strabo,  after 
mentioning  the  Bards,  says,  that  the  Ovates  sacrifice  and  con- 
template the  nature  of  things,  and  that  the  Druids,  besides  the  study 
of  nature,  dispute  concerning  moral  philosophy.  They  thought 
that  neither  the  souls  of  men,  nor  the  world,  would  be  destroyed, 
though  they  would  suffer  at  some  period  from  fire  and  water.5 
Caesar6,  and  Mela7,  declare  that  they  disputed  and  taught  their 
youth  about  the  stars  and  their  motion,  the  magnitude  of  the 
world,  the  nature  of  things,  and  the  power  and  energy  of  the  im- 
mortal Gods. 

That  Bards  existed  in  Britain  in  and  before  the  tenth  century,  is 
obvious  to  all  who  inspect  the  laws  of  Howel  Dha.  He  reigned 
soon  after  the  year  900.8  His  laws  not  only  mention  the  Bards, 
but  speak  of  them  as  a  regular  and  established  order  of  men.  They 
are  described  as  being  in  an  organised  state  in  different  ranks  and 
degrees,  with  various  duties  and  emoluments  assigned  to  them,  and 
as  forming  an  important  and  respected  part  of  the  royal  household. 

The  one  called  Bardd  Teulu,  was  the  Bard  of  the  family. 
There  was  also  a  Bardd  Cadeirioc,  who  was  superior  to  the  others.9 
He  is  also  called  the  Pencerdd,  the  chief  of  song ;  and  he  was  the 
Bard  who  had  obtained  the  Cadair.10  The  other  Bards  were  in  some 
degree  subjected  to  him,  for  no  Bard  was  to  ask  for  any  thing  with- 
out his  leave,  while  he  held  the  office,  excepting  Bards  from  other 
sovereignties.11 

At  the  three  principal  feasts,  the  family  Bard  was  to  sit  near  the 
Penteulu,  the  head  of  the  household.12  The  importance  of  this 
position,  we  may  estimate  by  observing  a  preceding  law,  which 
dictates  that  the  Penteulu  was  to  be  the  king's  son,  or  nephew,  or 
brother,  or  a  person  of  suitable  dignity.13  He  was  to  give  the  harp 

1.  i.  2  In  his  Celtico.                     8  Ath.  Diep.  1.  vi.  p.  246. 

1.  xv.  c.  9.  p.  73.  5  1.  iv.  p.  302.                    6  1.  vi. 

1.  iii.  c.  2.  p.  243.  8  He  went  to  Rome  in  926. 

Leges  Howel,  p.  36.  10  Ibid.  68.                           »  Ibid.  69. 

z  Ibid.  35.  I3  Ibid.  15. 


ANCIENT  BRITISH   POEMS.  493 

to  the  Bard,  who  was  to  sing  to  him  whenever  he  pleased.1  The 
Bardd  Cadeirioc  was  one  of  the  fourteen  who  sat  at  the  king's  table, 
near  the  judge  of  the  court.2 

The  family  Bard  enjoyed  free  land,  a  horse,  and  clothing  from 
the  king  and  queen.3  He  was  supported  by  the  Penteulu,  and 
had  other  privileges. 

When  songs  were  required,  the  Bardd  Cadeirioc  was  to  sing  first 
the  praise  of  God,  then  of  the  king ;  after  him,  the  family  Bard 
displayed  his  powers.  When  an  army  was  ready  to  engage,  the 
Bard  was  to  sing  the  "  Unbeniaeth  Prydain."  The  monarchy  of 
Britain.4 

If  we  advance  to  the  twelfth  century,  we  find  the  most  decisive 
evidence  of  their  continuing  existence  and  credit.  Giraldus  Cam- 
brensis,  who  was  born  in  1150,  mentions,  that,  on  a  certain  day, 
Llewelyn,  prince  of  Gwynedh,  held  a  great  court,  at  which  all  his 
nobles  were  present.  At  the  end  of  the  dinner,  a  man  of  elo- 
quence came  forward.  Giraldus  adds,  "  He  was  of  that  kind  which, 
in  the  British,  as  well  as  in  the  Latin  language,  are  called  bards."  5 

That  these  bards  applied  their  muse  to  historical  purposes,  is 
proved  by  the  speech  of  the  Welsh  prince,  who  says,  "  As  long  as 
Wales  shall  stand,  this  noble  deed  will  be  transmitted  with  de- 
served praises  and  applauses  by  historical  writings,  and  by  the 
mouths  of  those  singing."5 

But  if  we  appeal  to  the  Welsh  libraries,  we  shall  find  that  there 
are  poems  now  remaining  of  many  Bards  who  lived  in  the  twelfth 
century.  I  will  name  the  Bards,  and  note  the  pages  which  their 
works  occupy  in  the  Welsh  Archaiology  7,  and  the  times  wherein 
they  flourished. 

1120—1160  Meilyr,  ---.--  Page  189 
1150—1190  Gwalchmai,  -  193 

1150—1200     Cynddelu,  -  -  -     204- 

1150—1197     Owain  Cyveiliawg,       -  -     265 

1150—1200     Daniel  ab  LI.  Mew, 269 

1160 — 1220     Gwynvardd  Brycheiniawg,    -  -  269 

1160—1220     Gwylym  Ryvel,  -         -  -     274- 

]140 — 1172     Hywel  ab  Owain  Gwynedd,  -     275 

1160—1220     Llwyarch  ab  Llywelyn,  -     279 

1170—1220     Meilyr  ab  Gwalchmai,  -     329 

1170—1220     Einiawn  ab  Gwalchmai,        -  -     329 

1160—1210     Seisyll,  -  -     338 

1160—1220     Elidyr  Sais,  -  -     345 

1170 — 1210     Dewi  Mynyw,      -  -     54-3 

1  Leges  Howel,  p.  16,  17.  2  Ibid.  14. 

3  Ibid.  35.  4  P.  36.     See  more  of  them,  p.  29.  68,  69. 

5  "  Processit  in  fine  prandii  coram  omnibus  vir  quidam  lingue  dicacis,  cujus- 
jusmodi  lingua  Britannica  sicut  et  latina  Bardi  dicuntur  unde  Lucanus  plurima 
concreti  fuderunt  carmina  Bardi."  GIBALDUS  de  Jure  et  Statu  Menev.  Ecc.  ap. 
Wharton's  Anglia  Sacra,  vol.  ii.  p.  559. 

8  "  Quod,  quamdiu  Wallia  stabit,  nobile  factum  hujus  et  per  historias  scriptas 
et  per  ora  canentium  dignis  per  tempora  cuncta  laudibus  atque  preconiis  efferretur." 
GIRALD.  76. 

7  In  the  first  volume. 


494  A   VINDICATION   OF   THE 

The  succeeding  centuries  abound  with  Bards  whose  works  are 

also  extant.  I  will  mention  only  the  poets  of  the  following,  or 

thirteenth  century,  to  give  the  reader  an  idea  of  the  Welsh  poetry 
extant. 

1230—1280  Llywelyn  Vardd,  ....    Page  355 

1250—1290  Bleddyn  Vardd,  -  -     363 

1210—1260  Grufudd  ab  Gwrgeneu,                  -  -     373 

1200—1250  Phylip  Brydydd,  -  -     375 

1210—1260  Prydydd  Bychan,         -  -     379 

1230—1270  Einiawn  ab  Madawg  Rhahawd      -  -     391 

1270—1320  Gwerneg  ab  Clydno,     *  -         -     392 

1240—1280  Hywel  Voel  ab  Griffri,  -     392 

1263—1300  Gruufdd  ab  yr  Ynad  Coch,  -•  -     394 

1220—1300  Madawg  ab  Gwallter,  -  -     404 

1280—1320  Gwilym  Dhu,       -         -  -     408 

1280—1330  Llywelyn  Brydd  Hodnaut,    -  -     412 

1280—1330  Hillyn,                   -  -     413 

1290—1340  lorwerth  Vychan,  -     414 

1290—1340  Llywelyn  Dhu,     -  -     416 

1290—1340  Llywarch  Llaety,  -     416 

1290—1340  Casnodyn,  -      "  -  -     421 

1290—1340  Rhisserdyn,           -  -     428 

1290—1340  Gruffud  ab  D.  ab  Tudor,      -  -     477 

1290—1340  Madawg  Dwygraig,      -  -     481 

There  are  as  many  Bards  in  the  two  subsequent  centuries. 

V.  That  there  were  similar  Bards  in  the  sixth  century. 

Whoever  maturely  weighs  the  circumstances  adduced  in  the 
preceding  argument,  will  not  be  unwilling  to  admit  this  assertion 
the  moment  it  is  made.  Because,  if  they  do  not  warrant  the  infer- 
ence, that  Bards  continued  to  be  in  Britain,  during  the  centuries 
between  the  fourth  and  tenth,  what  a  strange  supposition  must  be 
made  ?  They  are  proved  to  have  existed  here  before  the  fourth, 
in  the  tenth,  twelfth,  and  following  centuries.  To  reconcile  with 
these  facts  a  denial  of  their  existence  in  the  sixth,  we  must  believe 
that  after  having  flourished  in  the  island,  they  became  extinct ; 
that  they  re-appeared  again  about  the  tenth,  to  vanish  again  and 
resuscitate  in  the  twelfth  century,  since  which  period  they  have 
remained  till  near  our  times.  To  explain  the  frequent  vanishings 
and  re-appearances  of  these  apparitions  by  reasoning  or  history, 
will  certainly  be  found  much  more  difficult  than  to  admit  the 
probable  inference,  that  they  never  disappeared  at  all,  but  continued 
to  flourish  from  the  fourth  century  to  the  twelfth  ;  an  inference 
which  the  laws  of  Howel  corroborate,  because  the  Bards  appear 
there  in  a  character  of  much  dignity  and  credit,  with  every  appear- 
ance of  a  long  previous  establishment. 

That  there  were  Bards  in  the  sixth  century  is  a  more  credible 
fact  than  even  their  authenticated  existence  in  the  first.  Because, 
between  these  periods,  the  Roman  conquest  and  colonization  of 


ANCIENT   BRITISH  POEMS.  495 

the  island  took  place.  The  Romans  continued  in  Britain  till  the 
beginning  of  the  fifth  century ;  and  it  is  expressly  stated  by 
Tacitus,  of  one  of  their  governors,  what  is  probable  of  most  of  his 
successors,  that  his  policy  was  directed  to  improve  and  civilize  the 
Britons.  Now  it  would  be  a  new  discovery  to  make,  that  Roman 
civilization  would  diminish  the  knowlege  or  intellectual  talents 
of  a  semi-barbarous  people.  Surely,  if  there  had  been  any  literary 
talent  in  Britain  before  the  Romans  came,  it  would  be  rather  aug- 
mented than  destroyed  by  the  literature  and  intercourse  of  this 
polished  nation  for  almost  four  hundred  years. 

The  continuity  of  the  bardic  profession  from  the  days  of  Caesar 
to  more  recent  times,  appears  to  me  to  be  strongly  intimated  by 
the  continued  use  and  application  of  the  term  Bards  to  the  Welsh 
poets  during  all  the  interval.  Strabo,  Diodorus,  and  Posidonius, 
called  the  poets  of  the  Celtic  nations  Bardoi.  Lucan  and  Marcel- 
linus,  Bardi.  The  laws  of  Howel  Dha  exhibit  the  Welsh  poets  of 
the  tenth  century  under  the  same  name  of  Bardd.  Giraldus,  in 
the  twelfth  century,  attests  that  they  then  also  bore  the  same 
appellation ;  and  all  the  Welsh  poems  and  authors  existing  desig- 
nate them  through  every  age  by  the  same  term.  So  indigenous  is 
this  word  in  the  Welsh  language,  that  it  is  the  root  of  twenty- 
two  combinations,  all  alluding  to  the  original  meaning.  We  have 
also  the  evidence  of  a  Roman  author,  that  the  word  was  borrowed 
from  the  Celtic  in  Gaul,  from  which  Britain  was  peopled.  Sextus 
Pompeius  Festus  says,  that  Bardus  is  a  word  which,  in  ancient 
Gaul,  signified  singer,  a  man  who  sung  the  praises  of  the  brave. 
He  adds,  that  it  was  derived  from  their  order  of  Bards.1 

Two  great  events  happened  in  Britain  in  the  fifth  century, 
which  peculiarly  tended  to  inspire  and  perpetuate  its  Bards.  One 
was  the  secession  of  the  Britons  from  the  Roman  government,  and 
the  assertion  of  their  independence,  about  the  year  4-10.2  The 
other  was  the  invasion  of  the  Saxons.  What  subjects  could  have 
given  to  poetry  more  energy  and  importance  than  these  incidents. 
The  Bardic  genius  must  not  only  have  burnt  with  new  zeal  and 
inspiration,  but  the  chiefs  must  have  more  liberally  encouraged, 
and  the  people  more  enthusiastically  applauded  it. 

We  have  one  direct  evidence  that  there  were  British  poets  in 
the  sixth  century,  who  sang  the  praises  of  the  great,  in  a  casual 
passage  of  Venantius  Fortunatus.  In  panegyrising  the  Dux  Lupus, 
he  tells  him,  that  the  British  Chrotta  sings  him : 

Roman  us  que  lyra  plaudat  tibi,  barbarus  harpa 
Graecus  anhillata,  chrotta  Britanna  canat? 

This  was  the  ancient  Welsh  crwth,  a  sort  of  violin.  It  is  men- 
tioned in  the  laws  of  Howel  Dha.  It  is  probably  the  same  to 
which  Cuthbert,  in  the  eighth  century,  the  pupil  of  our  venerable 

1  Bardus,  Gallice  cantor  appellatur,  qui  virorum  fortium  laudes  canit :  a  gente 
Bardorum.  Gloss. 

*  See  History  of  Anglo-Saxons,  vol.  i.  p.  180. 

*  L.  vii.  p.  169.  ed.  Mogunt.  1617. 


496  A  VINDICATION   OF  THE 

Bede,  alludes :  "  I  should  like  to  have  a  cytharista  who  could  play 
on  the  cithara,  which  we  call  Rottte,  because  I  have  a  cithara." l 

There  are  two  passages  of  Gildas,  who,  as  well  as  Fortunatus, 
lived  in  the  sixth  century,  which  seem  to  me  to  be  meant  of  Bards. 
The  first  is  a  part  of  his  violent  declamation  against  the  British 
kings2:  "By  their  erected  greediness  of  ears  are  heard  not  the 
praises  of  God,  from  the  tuneful  voice  of  the  youths  of  Christ 
sweetly  modulating,  and  the  spirit  of  ecclesiastical  melody ;  but 
their  own  praises,  which  are  nothing,  from  the  mouths  of  scoundrel 
proclaimers,  full  of  lies,  foaming  with  ardour  together,  and  braying 
it  like  bacchanals" 

If  we  consider  the  passage,  I  think  we  must  perceive  that  it  is 
an  intended  contrast  between  two  sorts  of  vocal  music,  the  eccle- 
siastical and  that  used  before  chieftains.  The  first  is  described 
with  smooth  and  applausive  epithets  :  the  other  is  not  described, 
but  is  branded  with  angry  phrase.  Now,  if  we  recollect  the 
enmity  which  at  all  times  subsisted  between  the  Welsh  bards  and 
the  monks ;  the  custom  of  the  bards,  to  sing  at  the  feasts  the 
praises  of  their  chiefs;  the  direction  in  Howel's  laws,  that  they 
should  do  so  ;  and  the  very  virulent  phraseology  in  which  Gildas 
indulges  throughout  his  epistle ;  I  presume  it  will  not  be  incorrect 
to  say,  that  he  alludes  to  Bards  in  this  paragraph.  Gildas  is  not 
the  first  man  to  whom  bards  and  secular  music  have  been  offensive. 
If  Plato  could  banish  Homer  ;  if  a  prince,  to  whom  Ariosto  pre- 
sented his  poems,  could  ask  him  where  the  devil  he  got  such 
fooleries ;  if  the  monks,  in  the  middle  ages,  could  so  abuse  the 
minstrels,  and  they  the  monks,  as  we  know  they  reciprocally  did, 
we  shall  not  be  surprised  that  Gildas  called  the  bards  scoundrels, 
and  censured  their  encomiastic  songs,  as  bacchanalian  uproar.3 

In  another  passage,  he  says,  amidst  his  inculpation  of  the  British 
clergy,  that  they  were  slow  to  hear  the  precepts  of  the  saints ; 
"  but  strenuous  and  intent  to  listen  to  idle  things,  and  the  foolish 
fables  of  secular  men."4  What  were  these  recited  fables  of  the 


1  16  Bibl.  Mag.  p.  88. 

2  "  Arrecto  aurium  auscultantur  captu  non  Dei  laudes  canora  Christ!  tyronum 
voce  suaviter  modulante,  pneumaque  ecclesiastics  melodise ;  sed  proprise  (que  nihil 
sunt)  surciferorum  referto  mendaciis  simulque  spumanti  flegmate  —  preconum  ore, 
ritu  bacchantium  concrepante."     GILDAS,  Epist.  p.  13.  ed.  Gale. 

3  A  passage  in  the  Cyvoesi  Merdhin  shows,  that  if  Gildas  talked  with  fury  of  the 
Bards  of  this  period,  they  were  as  angry  with  the  Monks ;  for  Merdhin  says, 

I  will  not  receive  the  sacrament 

From  the  detestable  Monks, 

With  their  gowns  on  their  haunches : 

May  the  sacrament  be  administered  to  me  by  God  himself. 

Ny  chymmeras  gymun 

Gan  ysgymun  Veneich 

Ac  eu  taygeu  ar  eu  clun 

Am  cymuno  Duw  e  hun.     Arch.  149. 

4  "Ad  pracepta  sanctorum — oscitantes  ac  stupidos  et  ad  ludicra  et  ineptas  secu- 
larium  hominum  fabulas  —  strenuos  et  intentos."     GII.DAS,  p.  23. 


ANCIENT   BRITISH    POEMS.  497 

secular  men,  for  which  the  clergy  deserted  their  religious  reading  ? 
Is  it  any  undue  construction  of  the  words,  to  suppose  they  meant 
the  compositions  of  the  bards? 

But  why  should  it  be  supposed  that  the  Britons  had  not  bards 
in  the  sixth  and  seventh  centuries?  The  Franks  then  had  poets 
— the  Saxons  had  poets — the  Irish  had  poets.1  Let  us,  then,  not 
deny  them  to  the  Welsh ! 

ADDITIONAL  REMARKS. 

That  there  were  ancient  poets  and  their  compositions  among  the 
Bretons  of  Armorica,  was  the  assertion  and  belief  of  our  ancient 
English  and  Anglo-Norman  poets  and  trouveurs  and  others.  Some 
may  be  mentioned  from  M.  de  la  Rue's  Recherches  sur  les  Ou- 
vrages  des  Bardes  Armoricanes,  8 — 20. 

It  is  not  only  Chaucer  who  says  that  they  made  rhimed  poems 
in  their  language : 

These  olde  gentil  Bretons  in  her  dayes 
Of  diverse  aventures  maden  layes, 
Rimeyd  in  hir  firste  Breton  tongue, 
Which  layes  with  hir  instrument  they  songe, 
In  Armoricke  that  called  is  Bretaigne. 

Nor  is  it  only  the  old  metrical  romance  of  Emare  that  notices 
them ; 

Ther  is  on  of  Brytagne  layes 
That  was  used  by  olde  dayes. 

But  in  the  older  poem,  intitled  "  Songe  du  Dieu  d' Amour,"  of 
the  twelfth  century,  they  are  thus  mentioned : 

De  Rotruenges  etait  fait  tot  li  pons, 
Totes  les  planches  de  dits  et  de  chansons : 
De  sons  de  harpes,  les  estaces  del  fons, 
Et  les  saliies  des  doux  lais  des  Britons. 

MS.  Bib.  Paris,  No.  7595. 

In  the  thirteenth  century  the  French  trouveur  Regnaud  declared 
that  he  translated  his  "Lai  d'Ignaures"  from  a  Breton  original. 
He  makes  the  hero  lord  of  the  castle  of  Auriol,  in  Bretagne. 
MS.  ibid. 

Another  trouveur,  in  his  "Lai  de  1'Epine,"  says,  "It  is  taken 
from  the  histories  preserved  at  Cardiff,  in  the  church  of  St.  Aaron. 
These  stories  are  equally  known  in  Bretagne,  and  in  other  places." 
MS.  ibid. 

This  authority  connects  the  Breton  and  Welsh  compositions  of 
this  sort. 

1  Bede,  in  his  Life  of  St.  Patrick,  mentions  two  poets  in  Ireland  in  the  time  of  the 
saint.  "  In  memoria  Dubtag  poetam  optimum  —  quidam  adolescens  poeta  nomine 
Pheg."  Bede's  Works,  iii.  p.  320.  This  passage  of  Bede,  which  I  met  with  in 
going  over  his  works,  gives  a  solid  foundation  for  the  belief  that  there  were  Irish 
Poets,  or  Bards,  in  the  seventh  century. 
VOL.  III.  K  K 


498  A   VINDICATION   OF   THE 

Another  trouveur  translated  the  "Lai  de  Graalent  Mor,"  who 
was  one  of  the  half-historical  and  half-fabled  heroes  of  Bretagne  ; 
and  says  that  it  was  sung  all  over  that  country.  MSS.  Bib.  Paris, 
7989. 

In  the  twelfth  century,  Chretien  de  Troyes  says,  in  his  Roman 
du  Chevalier  au  Lion,  "  If  I  agree  so  much  with  the  Bretons,  it  is 
because  they  have  preserved  by  their  songs  the  memory  of  the 
men  who  acquired  honour  by  their  great  artists."  MS.  ibid.  La 
Rue,  p.  16. 

The  "  Lay  of  Tristan  "  also  mentions  the  Breton  poems : 

Bons  lais  de  harpe  vous  apris 

Laes  Bretons  de  notre  pais.  LA  RUE,  p.  20. 

Mr.  de  la  Rue's  book  on  the  Armorican  Bards  was  printed 
in  1815.  But  eight  years  before  this,  in  the  year  1807,  I  pub- 
lished, in  the  second  edition  of  the  History  of  the  Anglo-Saxons, 
the  following  particulars  concerning  them,  which,  having  omitted 
in  the  next  edition  to  put  them  into  an  appendix,  I  will  here 
reprint. 

That  the  Gothic  nations  had  poets  we  learn  from  Tacitus1; 
but  when  we  consider  what  has  been  delivered  to  us  of  the  intel- 
lectual cultivation  of  the  Druids,  we  cannot  put  the  Gothic 
Scalds  into  competition  with  the  Keltic  Bards,  who  were  one  of 
the  most  distinguished  branches  of  the  Druidical  order.  We  not 
only  find  them  attending  the  kings,  to  sing  their  genealogies  and 
praises2,  and  recording  the  actions  of  the  illustrious3;  but  we  are 
also  informed,  that  the  lessons  of  the  Druids  to  their  disciples 
were  conveyed  in  a  great  number  of  verses.4  These  must  have 
been  numerous  indeed,  as  youth  remained  twenty  years  under 
their  Druidical  education5;  and  if  we  recollect  that  the  Druids 
taught  their  youth  about  the  stars  and  their  motion,  the  magnitude 
of  the  world,  the  nature  of  things,  and  the  power  and  energy  of 
the  immortal  gods,  we  shall  be  inclined  to  think  that  the  Keltic 
Bards  were  superior  in  some  respects  to  the  Gothic  Scalds,  in  the 
degree  of  their  mental  cultivation. 

The  Keltic  Bards  were  not  confined  to  Britain.  They  had  also 
pervaded  France;  and  more  especially  were  in  those  parts  which 
the  Kelts  continued  to  occupy.  As  the  Romans  spread  their 
conquest  over  Gaul,  the  Keltic  customs  gave  way  to  Roman 
civilization,  and  to  Christianity.  But  there  are,  in  every  country 
invaded  by  a  foreign  enemy  of  dissimilar  manners,  some  corners, 
to  which  the  more  stubborn  of  the  ancient  races  retire  with  the 
prejudices  and  habits  of  their  ancestors.  Cornwall  and  Wales 
were  the  places  in  Britain  in  which  the  Druids  sought  refuge  from 
the  Romans,  and  the  Britons  from  the  Saxons ;  and  Armorica,  or 
Bretagne,  seems  to  have  been  the  part  of  France  which  became 

1  De  Mor.  Germ. 

*  App.  in  Celtic.  —  Posid.  ap.  Athen.  1.  vi.  p.  246. 

.        *  Lucan.  1.  i.     Amm.  Marc.  1.  xv.  c.  9.     Festus  Gloss. 

4  Caesar  de  Bell.  Gall.  1.  vi.  *  Ibid.  1.  vi. 


ANCIENT  BRITISH   POEMS.  499 

the  last  asylum  of  the  ancient  Kelts.  That  the  Druids  and  the 
Pagan  worship  were  respected  in  Armorica,  in  the  fourth  century, 
is  evident  from  the  poems  of  Ausonius ;  who  mentions  of  his  friend, 
as  a  flattering  distinction,  that  he  was  a  warden  of  the  temple  of 
Belenus,  and  descended  from  the  Druids  of  Armorica.1  The 
Bards  may  be,  therefore,  supposed  to  have  flourished  in  this  region, 
as  a  part  of  the  Druidical  system. 

When  the  Britons  fled  from  the  Saxons,  they  transplanted  them- 
selves in  numerous  colonies  to  Armorica,  in  the  fifth  and  sixth 
centuries.  Ruval  settled,  with  a  large  body,  in  the  north  part  of 
the  province,  from  Leon  to  Dol.2  Fracanus,  the  kinsman  of  Cato, 
probably  Cai,  the  friend  of  Arthur,  went  thither  with  his  family.3 
We  also  find  Conomer,  a  British  king,  in  the  upper  regions  of 
Bretagne ;  and  Weroc,  another,  ruling  at  Vannes.4  Grallon 
governed  in  those  parts  which  are  called  Cornwall.5  This  was 
the  district  near  Brest ;  of  which  Quimper  was  the  metropolis.6 
Caradoc  Vreichvras,  the  personal  friend  and  warlike  companion  of 
Arthur,  and  who  had  governed  Cornwall  in  England  under  him, 
also  established  a  kingdom  in  Bretagne.7 

These  emigrations  of  some  of  the  most  active  characters  in  Britain 
must  have  occasioned  a  great  influx  of  bards  accompanying  their 
chiefs ;  because  bards  were  a  regular  and  established  part  of  every 
chieftain's  family ;  and  their  songs  made  a  principal  part  of  all 
their  festivities.8  Many  of  their  clergy,  who  were  the  only  other 
part  of  the  people  who  attended  to  intellectual  cultivation,  went 
thither  also.9  Gildas,  one  of  their  most  esteemed  literary  men  of 
that  day,  emigrated  with  the  rest.10  The  yellow  plague,  which 

Nee  reticebo  senem, 

Nomine  Phcebitium, 

Qui  Belerri  aedituus 

Nil  opis  inde  tulit : 

Sed  tamen,  ut  placitum, 

Stirpe  satus  Druidum, 

Gentis  Aremoricae.  Prof.  10. 

Also, 

Tu,  Bagocassis,  stirpe  Druidorum  satus, 
Si  fama  non  fallit  fldem, 
Beleni  sacratum  ducis  e  templo  genus  ; 
Et  inde  vobis  nomina.  Prof.  4. 

2  Lobineau  Hist.  Bretagne,  p.  6,  7. 

3  Vita  Winwal.  an  American  MS.  app.  Boll.  Act.  Sanct.  1  Martii,  256. 

4  Vita  Gildae  ap.  Bouquet,  t.  iii.  p.  453.  »  Vit.  Winw.  259. 

«  Vit  S.  David,  MSS.  of  Utrecht  ap.  BolL  1  Mart.  139. :  and  see  Bolland, 
1  Feb.  602. 

7  Vita  Paternus,  MSS.  Cott.  Lib.  Vesp.  A.  14.  and  Brev.  Venet.  ap  Boll.  2  April, 
p.  381.     It  was  calculated  in  the  year  1818,  that  there  were  about  900,000  persons 
who  still  spoke  the  Breton  language  in  France. 

8  Leges  Howel  Dha,  p.  35,  36.  68,  69.  and  14 — 17.     Taliesin  is  stated  to  have 
been  in  Armorica,  in  Jeffry's  poem,  MSS.     Vesp.  E.  4.  p.  124. 

9  As  St.  Teiliaw.    Vit.  ap.  Boll.  1  Feb.  308.     The  emigrants  in  Bretagne  sent 
for  Sampson  from  Wales,  and  made  him  bishop  of  Doll.     MSS.  Vesp.  A.  14.  p.  47. 
St.  Paternus  settled  in  Armorica,  ib.  MSS.  p.  77 — 80. 

10  Vita  Gild,  ubi  supra. 

K  K   2 


500  A   VINDICATION   OF   THE 

raged  at  that  time,  increased  the  frequency  and  largeness  of  the 
emigrations.1  The  turbulent  period  which  afterwards  followed 
in  Wales  must  have  made  Bretagne,  for  a  long  time,  a  favourite 
retreat. 

From  the  preceding  facts,  of  the  continuance  of  the  Druids  in 
Armorica,  and  consequently  of  their  Bards,  and  of  the  British 
emigrations,  it  is  clear,  that  poetry  must  have  flourished  more  in 
Bretagne,  during  the  sixth  and  seventh  centuries,  than  in  Britain 
or  any  other  part  of  the  continent.  The  Franks  having  occupied 
the  best  part  of  Gaul,  and  the  Saxons  having  overspread  England, 
the  ruder  Gothic  manners  of  both  nations  diffused  much  national 
barbarism,  in  the  countries  which  they  occupied.  As  the  Keltic 
and  British  Bards  were  superior  in  cultivation  to  the  Gothic 
Scalds,  so  the  Bards  of  Bretagne  must  have  been  the  most  improved 
poets  which  then  existed  in  those  parts  of  Europe  from  which  the 
Gothic  nations  had  recently  expelled  the  Romans.  Among  the 
Gothic  nations,  the  Christian  clergy  discountenanced  their  Scalds, 
because  the  Scalds  were  the  advocates  of  their  Pagan  superstitions  ; 
but  the  British  Bards  having  adopted  Christianity,  always  main- 
tained their  rank  and  influence  in  Wales  and  Bretagne ;  though 
they  sometimes  bickered  with  the  monks. 

From  singing  warlike  odes  to  flatter  the  chiefs,  or  mystical 
mythology  to  please  themselves,  the  transition  to  chanting  or  re- 
citing more  circumstantial  or  narrative  poetry,  to  please  the 
people,  was  neither  difficult  nor  improbable.  Emigrations  and  new 
settlements,  and  the  penury  and  distress  which  must  have  followed 
such  violent  changes  of  former  habits,  made  the  chiefs  less  able  to 
reward  their  Bards ;  and  must  have  driven  the  Bards  to  increase 
their  means  of  support  by  interesting  the  people  as  well  as  their 
lords.2  If  the  metaphors  of  lyric  poetry  satisfied  the  chieftain, 
the  details  of  narrative  fiction  would  alone  be  level  to  the  com- 
prehension of  the  vulgar.  To  compose  in  a  slavish  mixture  of 
alliteration  and  rime  was  more  laborious  than  a  prose  recitation ; 
and  therefore  the  Bards,  who  sought  to  interest  the  people,  would 
begin  gradually  to  use  the  unlaboured  tale,  rather  than  the  arti- 
ficial verse. 

That  some  of  the  Bards  of  Wales  actually  submitted  to  the  com- 
position of  tales,  is  evidenced  by  their  Mabinogion,  which  still 
exist3  :  and  that  the  Bards  of  Bretagne  indulged  in  this  species  of 

1  Vit.  S.  Teil.  Boll.  1  F.  308. 

2  One  sentence  of  the  prophecy  ascribed  by  Jeffry  to  Merlin  proves  this  to  be 
the  fact.     It  says  of  Arthur,  "  he  shall  be  celebrated  in  the  popular  mouth,  and 
his  actions  shall  be  food  to  those  who  narrate  them."     Jeffry,  1.  vii.   c.  3.   and 
Alanus,  p.  22.     Jeffry  tells  us,  in  the  first  chapter  of  his  work,  that  the  actions  of 
Arthur  and  other  British  kings  were  celebrated  by  many  people,  and  were  recited 
from  memory. 

3  The  first  four  sections  of  the  Mabinogion,   which  means   literally  Tales  for 
Youth,  are  the  Story  of  Pwyll  Prince  of  Dymed — The  Story  of  Bran  the  Blessed  — 
The  Story  of  Manawydan  —  The  Story  of  Math,  the  Son  of  Mathonwy.     All  these 
tales  are  singular  and  original.    But  the  most  elaborate  of  all,  is  the  Tale  of  Peredur, 
which  is  indeed  a  regular  romance  of  Arthur,  but  full  of  Welsh  costume.     It  is  a 
work  of  the  middle  ages;  but  has  not  so  ancient  an  air  as  some  of  the  others. 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS.  501 

composition  is  clear,  from  Bretagne  having  been  made  the  scene 
of  so  many  of  the  old  romances.  That  such  tales  existed,  and  were 
dear  to  all  ranks  of  people,  in  the  sixth  century,  seems  intimated 
by  a  passage  in  Gildas,  who  chides  the  British  clergy  of  that  age, 
for  being  slow  to  hear  the  precepts  of  the  saints,  "  but  strenuous 
and  intent  to  listen  to  idle  things,  and  the  foolish  fables  of  secular 
men."1  This  seems  to  allude  to  the  compositions  of  the  Bards; 
and  of  these,  rather  to  their  narrative  tales,  than  to  their  elaborate 
poems.  The  strange  poem  of  Taliesin,  called  the  Spoils  of  Annwn, 
implies  the  existence  of  mythological  tales  about  Arthur2;  and  the 
frequent  allusions  of  the  old  Welsh  Bards,  to  the  persons  and  in- 
cidents which  we  find  in  the  Mabinogion,  are  further  proofs  that 
there  must  have  been  such  stories  in  circulation  amongst  the 
Welsh. 

That  in  the  sixth  and  seventh  centuries,  there  were  Bards  in 
Artnorica  and  Wales,  who  descended  from  their  bardic  character, 
to  gain  popularity  and  subsistence  by  telling  stories  and  amusing 
the  people,  seems  to  be  confirmed  by  a  satire  of  Taliesin ;  which 
expresses  the  most  decided  hostility  to  such  wandering  Bards,  or 
Minstrels. 

It  may  amuse  the  curious  to  translate  the  poem,  which  describes 
the  ordinary  Minstrels  not  inaccurately,  though  satirically ; 

GALL  FROM  THE  BARDS. 

"  The  minstrels  (cler)  exercise  themselves  in  false  customs 
Their  praise  is  not  in  the  regular  melody ; 
They  sing  the  fame  of  insipid  heroes ; 
They  are  always  diffusing  falsehoods ; 
The  commandments,  the  statutes  of  God,  they  break  ; 
Married  women  by  their  praise, 
With  irrational  thoughts  they  greatly  deceive ; 
The  beautiful  virgins  they  corrupt, 
May  they  beware  how  they  trust  such, — 
And  rank  them  with  men  of  truth  ! 
Age  and  time  they  consume  in  vain  : 
In  the  night  they  carouse,  in  the  day  they  sleep ; 
Idle,  they  get  food  without  labour ; 
They  hate  the  churches,  but  seek  the  liquor  houses ; 
The  false  thieves  consent  together ; 
For  courts  and  feasts  they  enquire ; 
Every  indiscreet  discourse  they  detail ; 
Every  deadly  sin  they  praise ; 

They  wander  over  all  the  villages,  towns,  and  lands ; 
They  discourse  on  every  filthy  trifle ; 
They  despise  the  commandments  of  the  Trinity ; 

1  Gildas,  "  ad  praecepta  sanctorum  — oscitantes  ac  stupidos  et  ad  ludicra  et  inepta 
st'cularium  hominum  fabulas  —  strenuos  et  intentos,"  p.  23. 

2  See  Vindication  of  the  Ancient  British  Toems,  p.  239.     Some  of  the  persons 
noticed  in  this,  are  the  heroes  of  the  first  two  sections  in  the  Mabinogion. 

K  K    3 


502  A   VINDICATION    OF   THE 

They  respect  neither  Sundays  nor  holidays; 

They  care  not  for  the  days  of  necessity  (death) ; 

From  every  gluttony  they  refrain  not ; 

Excesses  of  eating  and  drinking  is  what  they  desire ; 

Tenths  and  family  offerings  they  pay  not ; 

The  men  appointed,  they  mock! 

Birds  fly  ;  bees  collect  honey ; 
Fishes  swim ;  reptiles  creep  ; 
Every  thing  labours  for  its  subsistence, 
Except  minstrels,  vagrants,  and  worthless  thieves. 
Blaspheme  not  among  you  teaching,  nor  the  art  of  song ! 
For  God  gives  anguish  and  melancholy 
:    To  those  whose  habit  is  false  purposes, 
In  mocking  the  service  of  Jesus. 
Be  silent,  ye  Pos-Bard  !  unprosperous  false  ones  ! 
Ye  know  not  to  judge  between  truth  and  falsehood ; 
If  ye  be  primary  bards  of  faith, 
Of  the  work  of  God  the  artist, 
Foretell  to  your  king  his  misfortunes ! 
I  am  a  diviner  and  universal  chief  of  the  Bards ; 
I  know  every  pillar  in  the  caves  of  the  west ; 
I  released  Elphin  from  the  stone  round  tower. 
Tell  your  king  what  will  be  his  security, 
If  the  Lord  of  the  sea-coast  of  Rhianedd  come, 
To  avenge  iniquity  on  Maelgwyn  of  Gwynedd : 

On  his  hair,  on  his  teeth,  his  eyes ;  his  yellow  countenance ! 

Thus  will  he  work  his  revenge  on  Maelgwyn  of  Gwynedd  I " 

TALIESIN,  p.  26. 

This  severe  invective  against  the  ambulatory  Bards,  who  sought 
their  subsistence  by  amusing  the  people,  proves  the  existence  of 
such  a  set  of  men  at  that  time.  These  Bards,  whom  Taliesin 
tauntingly  calls  Pos-Bards,  who  disregarded  the  regular  canons  of 
bardic  melody;  and  whom  he  distinguishes  so  carefully  from  the 
Prif-Bards,  of  whom  he  was  one ;  were  probably  the  authors  of  the 
Mabinogion,  and  of  the  romantic  tales  about  Arthur  and  his  friends. 
This  poem  of  Taliesin  and  its  subject,  are  alluded  to  by  Phylip 
Brydydd,  who  lived  about  1200.  See  his  Poems,  1  W.  A.  p.  377, 
378.  As  I  cannot  ascertain  the  exact  meaning  of  the  contemptuous 
term  Pos-Bard,  I  have  placed  the  original  expression  in  the  text. 
Brydydd  applies  Go-veird,  or  "  less  than  Bards,"  to  a  similar  class 
of  persons. 

To  these  evidences  of  the  bardic  compositions  in  Bretagne,  may 
be  added  the  important  intimations  given  by  Marie  de  France,  to 
whom  M.  de  la  Rue  also  refers,  and  whose  ancient  Poesies  in  1820 
were  published  by  M.  de  Roquefort,  with  a  liberal  French  trans- 
lation, in  two  volumes,  8vo.  She  refers  repeatedly  to  Breton  tales, 
writings,  and  songs  ;  and  she  addressed  her  lays  to  our  Henry  III.; 
and  speaks  of  the  Breton  compositions. 

In  her  "Lai  de  Gugemer,"  she  says,  "I  will  briefly  relate  to 


ANCIENT  BRITISH   POEMS.  503 

you  the  tales  of  which  the  Bretons  have  made  their  lays.  Accord- 
ing to  the  letter  and  the  writing,  I  will  show  you  an  adventure, 
which  in  ancient  time  happened  in  little  Britain." — Roquefort, 
p.  50.  She  ends  it  with  adding,  "  From  this  tale  the  lay  of  Gugemer 
was  composed,  which  men  recite  to  the  harp  and  rote." 

"It  is  pleasant  to  hear  the  note."  p.  112. 

This  passage  shows  that  the  Breton  bards  sung  their  lays  to  the 
harp. 

In  her  lai  d'Equitan,  she  says,  "  The  Bretons  were  accustomed 
to  make  lays  of  the  adventures  they  experienced  for  remembrance, 
and  that  they  might  not  be  forgotten."  —  Ib.  p.  114.  It  ends 
"  Thus  the  Bretons  made  a  lay  of  it,"  p.  136. 

In  the  lay,  "  Des  Deux  Amants,"  she  mentions  here,  that  "  the 
Bretons  made  a  lay  of  it,"  p.  252  and  270,  as  of  Graelent,  p.  540. 

In  her  poem  of  "  The  Nightingale "  she  here  says  the  same, 
p.  914?  and  926,  and  she  alludes  to  these  lay-makers  as  '  ancients,' 
in  one  on  Melon,  p.  366. 

In  that  of  Eleduc,  she  says  expressly,  that  her  tale  is  "  from  a 
very  ancient  Breton  lay,"  p.  400  —  and  adds  at  its  close,  "  of  the 
adventures  of  those  three,  the  courteous  ancient  Bretons  made  a 
lai  to  commemorate  them  that  they  might  not  be  forgotten." 
P.  484. 

In  the  lay  d'Epine,  she  speaks  of  histories  of  these  adventures 
being  in  the  monastery  of  St.  Aaron  in  St.  Malo :  and  that  they 
were  sung  in  Bretagne,  p.  542 :  and  ends  with  asserting,  that  the 
Bretons  made  a  lay  of  it,  p.  580. 

The  fair  inference  from  these  facts  is,  that  if  there  were  an- 
cient Breton  compositions  of  bards  existing  in  the  twelfth  and 
thirteenth  centuries,  it  cannot  be  improbable  that  Welsh  bards  in 
Britain  should  have  made  poems  in  the  sixth  and  seventh  centuries. 
It  is  this  asserted  state  of  their  anterior  minds,  which  accounts  for 
their  subsequent  writings  ;  —  for  it  is  inconceivable  to  me,  how  a 
people  so  rude  in  political  state,  life,  and  manners,  as  the  Welsh 
were  in  the  middle  ages,  could  have  had  such  compositions  as  in- 
disputably existed  in  the  twelfth  and  following  centuries,  if  their 
.mcestors  had  not  greatly  cultivated  literature,  although  of  that 
peculiar  sort  which  their  remains  exhibit.  Its  originality, — and 
,10  other  nation  has  had  such  an  artificial  system  of  versification 
is  their  poems  exhibit, — nor  that  triad  form  into  which  they  have 
thrown  their  thoughts  and  historical  facts  ;  —  this  originality  is  to 
me  a  confirming  testimony  of  their  genuineness. 

VI.  That  Aneurin,  Taliesin,  Llywarch  Hen,  and  Merdhin, 
were  British  bards,  who  lived  in  the  sixth  century,  and  who 
left  poems  like  those  already  mentioned  to  have  been  pub- 
lished as  theirs. 

If  these  authors  had  been  Persians,  instead  of  Britons,  to  what 
authorities  should  we  have  referred  for  information  concerning 

K  K  4 


504  A   VINDICATION   OF   THE 

them  ?  Unquestionably  to  Persian  writers  —  that  is,  to  the  writers 
of  the  country  where  they  resided  —  to  writers  in  the  language 
which  they  used. 

What  information  shall  we  be  able  to  obtain  concerning  Calidas, 
the  author  of  Sacontala,  a  Sanscreet  drama,  but  from  Sanscreet 
writers  ?  By  what  authorities  could  we  examine  the  genuineness 
of  any  writings  ascribed  to  Con-fu-tse,  but  by  Chinese?  If  any 
tbing  could  be  found  about  them  in  the  literature  of  the  nations 
bordering  on  China,  it  would  be  an  additional  treasure,  but  it 
would  not  be  deemed  an  indispensable  requisite.  It  is  therefore 
obvious,  that,  from  the  very  nature  of  the  case,  we  must  expect  to 
find  our  proofs  of  the  existence  and  writings  of  the  Welsh  bards, 
in  Welsh  authors.  It  is  from  among  the  people  for  whom  they 
were  written,  and  by  whom  only  they  were  read  or  valued,  that 
we  must  deduce  their  attestations.  We  cannot  expect  to  find  them 
noticed  by  Anglo-Saxons,  whom  they  hated,  dreaded,  and  shunned; 
and  who,  as  I  have  already  shown,  though  sufficiently  barbarous 
themselves,  yet  thought  they  had  a  right  to  stigmatize  Welsh 
words  as  barbarous  expressions.  If  Bede  had  understood  Welsh, 
he  would  not  have  disgraced  his  taste  by  such  large  extracts  from 
Gildas.  Bede  has  neither  mentioned  the  Welsh  bards  nor  the 
Saxon  poets  of  his  time,  except  the  two  who  were  monks ;  I  mean 
Cedmon  and  Aldhelm. 

It  would  not  be  very  easy  to  prove  the  existence  of  any  indi- 
vidual poet  of  these  distant  periods.  There  were  both  Prankish 
and  Saxon  poets,  but  their  names  have  not  appeared  in  history, 
and  cannot  now  be  recovered.  How  many  of  the  poets  and  min- 
strels of  Europe  are  only  known  by  some  lays  having  been  trans- 
mitted to  us  under  their  names ;  but  of  their  existence  what  ex- 
ternal  evidence  can  be  brought? 

There  is  a  very  long  and  curious  Saxon  poem  in  existence, 
which  of  course  must  have  had  an  author,  and  have  been  written 
in  the  Saxon  times  ;  and  yet  the  poem  is  mentioned  in  no  writing 
that  has  survived  to  us,  nor  is  the  name  of  its  parent  known.  It 
is  a  poem  in  forty  sections,  and  occupying  140  MS.  pages.  It 
describes  the  wars  which  Beowulf,  a  Dane  of  the  Scyldinga  race, 
waged  against  the  Reguli  of  Sweden.  It  is  in  the  Cotton  library, 
Vitellius,  A.  15.  Wanley  calls  it  a  tractatus  nobilissimus  —  an 
egregium  exemplum  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  poetry  ;  and  so  it  is. 
But  if  any  one  should  take  it  into  his  head  to  pronounce  it  to  be 
a  forgery,  and  should  call  upon  its  advocates  to  prove  its  genu- 
ineness, how  could  this  be  done  by  any  external  evidence  ?  How 
could  it  be  defended  by  facts  taken  from  other  authors,  when  no 
other  writing  mentions  it?  It  could  only  be  supported  by  some 
arguments  from  the  antiquity  of  the  writing ;  from  its  internal 
evidence,  and  the  improbability  of  any  person  having  had  sufficient 
inducements  to  commit  the  fraud. 

I  put  these  observations,  merely  to  show  the  difficulty  of  proving 
even  those  compositions  to  be  genuine,  which  no  one  will  dis- 
pute. —  Greater  proofs,  in  favour  of  the  Welsh  bards,  must  not 


ANCIENT   BEITISH   POEMS.  505 

be  expected,  than  such  as  the  nature  of  the  case  will  admit  us  to 
obtain. 

Now  the  reader  will  have  the  goodness  to  recollect  the  numerous 
citations  made  in  some  pages  preceding  from  the  Welsh  bards  of 
the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries.  Most  of  these  were  so  many 
distinct  assertions  of  the  existence  of  these  four  ancient  bards.  In 
most  of  them,  one  or  other  of  these  bards  were  quoted  by  name, 
and  consequently  such  passages  are  so  many  proofs  of  the  belief 
of  their  authors,  that  these  ancient  bards  existed.  To  say  that 
these  witnesses  were  Welshmen,  cannot  invalidate  their  testimony ; 
because,  as  I  have  already  intimated,  by  whom  can  we  expect  to 
find  the  ancient  Welsh  bards  quoted,  but  by  Welshmen  ? 

We  cannot  expect  to  find  these  Welsh  bards  noticed  by  the 
Anglo-Saxons.  I  have  already  given  a  very  striking  proof  of  the 
contempt  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  for  the  Welsh  language,  by  citing  a 
charter,  in  which  a  Welsh  word  (which  was  familiarly  in  use  as  an 
epithet  of  royalty,  and  sometimes  even  as  an  epithet  of  the  Deity,) 
was  expressly  denounced  as  barbarous.  I  will  now  adduce  a  cruel 
instance  of  the  hatred  of  the  Welsh  towards  the  Anglo-Saxons. 
I  take  it  from  the  ancient  Welsh  chronicler,  Caradoc  Llangarvan. 

"  The  year  of  Christ,  959,  Owain,  son  of  Hoel  dda,  destroyed 
the  choir  of  Saint  Illtud,  in  Gorwennydh,  because  he  found  in  it 
learned  men  of  the  Saxon  nobility." 

Oed  Crist,  949,  y  torres  Owain  ab  Hywel  Dda,  gor  Llan  Illtud 
yng  Ngorwenydd  achaws  cael  ynddi  lenogion  pendevig  o  Saeson. 
— CARAD.  LL.  2  Arch.  p.  490. 

If  the  animosity  between  these  two  nations  produced  such  effects 
as  these,  it  will  be  vain  to  look  for  attestations  of  any  part  of 
Welsh  literature  among  the  Anglo-Saxons.  The  singular  fact  of 
Bede  writing  the  history  of  this  island,  without  any  other  British 
documents  than  the  poor  declamation  of  Gildas,  which  happened 
to  be  in  Latin,  is  a  sufficient  indication  that  Welsh  literature  and 
traditions  were  not  known  out  of  Wales.  The  Normans  were  as 
unacquainted  with  it. 

The  circumstances  with  which  these  ancient  bards  are  mentioned 
in  the  poetical  passages,  already  cited,  will,  if  duly  attended  to,  be 
found  to  warrant  the  chronology  which  I  have  given  to  them. 
Thus,  one  states  Merdhin  and  Taliesin  as  contemporaries,  and 
another  mentions  Merdhin  as  having  been  present  in  the  battle  of 
Arderydd,  which  we  know  from  other  documents  to  have  occurred 
in  the  sixth  century.  Another  makes  Taliesin  contemporary  with 
Elfin,  whom  the  Welsh  literature  places  in  this  century.  Llywarch 
is  mentioned  as  the  son  of  Elidir  Lydanwyn,  who  flourished  about 
this  period. 

But  the  ancient  Welsh  bards  are  also  mentioned  in  other  com- 
positions. 

The  name  of  Nennius  is  well  known  to  us,  though  his  exact 
chronology  is  not  certain.  His  editor,  Gale,  places  him  in  the 
seventh  century.  He  may  have  belonged  to  the  ninth. 


506  A   VINDICATION   OF   THE 

The  ancient  and  beautiful  MS.  of  his  work,  in  the  Cotton  li- 
brary1, contains  a  part  which  is  wanting  in  other  MSS.  This  is 
not  uncommon  to  ancient  MSS.  The  addition  in  the  Cotton  MS. 
is  a  regular  unbroken  continuation  of  the  preceding  writing,  in  the 
same  handwriting,  with  no  interruption  of  line.  The  first  part  of 
the  addition  is  a  genealogy,  and  the  latter  is  some  unconnected 
notices  of  British  and  Saxon  history.  This  part  may  have  been  his 
quotation  from  a  preceding  author,  or  it  may  be  the  addition  of  a 
subsequent  copyist.  It  suits  the  broken  hints  and  disorderly  com- 
position of  the  former  part,  and  is  so  far  like  the  style  of  Nennius. 
But  whether  it  be  his  or  not,  it  is,  at  least,  a  very  ancient  com- 
position. 

The  author's  testimony  to  three  of  these  bards  is  decisive.  I 
will  first  give  his  words,  as  originally,  but  corruptly  printed,  and 
afterwards  the  passage,  as  properly  amended  by  Evans. 

In  speaking  of  incidents  in  the  sixth  century,  he  says,  "  Item 
Talhearn  Talanguen  in  poemate  claruit  et  Nuevin  et  Taliesin  et 
Bluchbar  et  Cian  qui  vocatur  Gueinchguant  simul  uno  tempore  in 
poemate  Britannico  claruerunt." 2  In  this  imperfect  state  of  the 
passage,  we  see  Taliesin  clearly  mentioned  among  other  bards, 
who  flourished  at  the  same  time.  Two  of  these  others,  the  Welsh 
also  now  recognise,  Talhaiarn3,  and  Cian.4  They  had  bards  of 
this  name ;  but  no  Nuevin,  and  no  Bluchbar.  The  emendation 
of  Evans,  consists  in  correcting  the  names  of  Nuevin  and  Bluch- 
bar, into  Aneurin  and  Llywarch,  of  the  justness  of  which,  there 
can  be  no  doubt.  It  is  obvious,  that  the  transcriber  mistook  a 
v  for  an  r  in  Aneurin,  which  are  often  very  similar  in  MSS.  It 
is  as  probable,  that  Bluchbar  was  an  error  of  the  copyist  for 
Llywarch.  So  in  the  surnames  of  Talhaiarn  and  Cian.  They 
are  also  mis-written,  and  should  be  not  Talanguen,  but  Tatangwn; 
not  Gueinchguant,  but  Gwyngwn. 

1  Vesp  D.  21.  2  Gale,  xv.  Script.  Vol.  III.  p.  116. 

0  Hast  thou  heard  the  saying  of  Talhaiarn 
To  Arthur,  the  pusher  of  the  spear : 
'  There  is  none  mighty  but  God.' " 

A  glyweisti  cwedyl  Talhaiarn 
Wrth  Arthur  yrthwaew  tryzarn 

Namyn  Duw  nid  oes  gadarn.  EngL  Clyw. 

The  Book  of  Bardism  thus  states  another  fragment  of  this  bard : 

THE    PRAYER    OF    TALHAIARN. 

"  O  God,  grant  thy  protection ;  and  in  thy  protection,  strength ;  and  in  strength, 
discretion  ;  and  in  discretion,  justice;  and  in  justice,  love;  in  love,  to  love  God  ; 
and  in  loving  God,  to  love  all  things." 

Talhaiarn  is  also  mentioned  by  Taliesin  in  his  Angar  Cyvyndawd,  p.  35  and  36. 

4  Cian  is  mentioned  by  Aneurin  : 

"  The  son  of  Cian,  from  the  stone  of  Gwyngwyn."  P.  2. 

Maban  y  Gian  o  vaen  Gwyngwyn. 
And  by  Taliesin, 

"  When  Cian  had 
Praised  many." 
Kian  pan  ddarfu 
Lliaws  gyvolu.  P.  34. 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS.  507 

The  probability  that  the  emendations  made  by  Evans  are  proper, 
is  apparent,  when  we  see  the  incorrect  manner  in  which  other 
names  are  written  in  the  same  part.  Thus  our  Penda  is  written 
Pantha ; 

Oswy,  Osguid,  and  Osbui. 

Anna,  Onnan, 

Oswald,          Osguald. 

The  British  Urien,  Urbgen ;  and  for  Deira  and  Bernicia,  we 
have  Deur  Oberneich. 

The  passage,  which  we  have  cited,  as  amended  by  Evans,  stands 
thus : 

"  Item  Talhaiarn  Tatangwn  in  poemate  claruit  et  Aneurin  et 
Taliesin  et  Llywarch  et  Cian  qui  vocatur  Gwyngwn  simul  uno 
tempore  in  poemate  Britannico  claruerunt." 

I  consider  this,  as  one  authority,  very  respectable  from  its  an- 
tiquity, for  the  existence  of  Aneurin,  Taliesin,  and  Llywarch,  as 
distinguished  poets,  and  as  contemporaries. 

2nd.  There  is  another  curious  attestation  of  Taliesin  in  an  ancient 
MS.  of  the  laws  of  Howel  Dha,  in  the  Welsh  school  library.  The 
writing  has  the  character  of  the  twelfth  century.  It  has  a  passage 
which  is  not  in  the  printed  copy,  and  which,  on  mentioning  the 
privileges  of  the  men  of  Arvon,  cites  Taliesin  by  name  thus : 

Ac  y  cant  Dalyesin 
Kygleu  wrth  wres  eu  llawneu 
Gan  Run  yn  rudher  bydyneu 
Gwyr  Arvon  rudyon  yn  rodiheu.1 

"  And  so  Taliesin  sang : 
Behold,  by  the  wrath  of  their  swords, 
With  Khun  amid  the  tumult  of  armies, 
The  men  of  Arvon  red,  and  panting." 

This  is  an  important  passage.  It  proves  three  things :  that 
Taliesin  was  a  poet ;  that  he  left  poems  on  battles,  which  survived 
him ;  and  that  he  was  of  such  celebrity,  that  one  of  his  historic 
poems  was  quoted  in  a  legal  work.  I  am  not  certain  that  the 
poem  has  been  preserved,  in  which  these  lines  exist. 

3d.  To  the  existence,  and  high  consideration,  of  Taliesin  and 
Merdhin,  there  is  another  evidence  in  Jeffrey  of  Monmouth,  who 
lived  in  the  twelfth  century.  Jeffrey  has  written  a  Latin  poem 
on  the  life  of  Merdhin,  whom  he  calls  Merlin.  It  contains  some 
passages  of  harmonious  versification,  and  many  very  prosaic.  It 
has  not  yet  been  printed,  but  is  in  MS.  in  the  Cotton  library, 
Vespasian,  E.  4.  It  is  addressed  to  his  friend  the  Bishop  of 
Lincoln.  It  begins  thus  : 

Vatadici  vatis  rabiem,  musam  que  jocosam 
Merlini  cantare  paro,  tu  corrige  carmen 
Gloria  Pontificum. 

J  See  Welsh  Archaiology,  vol.  iii.  p.  384,  in  which  this  MS.  is  printed. 


508  A   VINDICATION   OF   THE 

After  an  introduction,  it  states  the  divisions  of  some  of  the 
British  princes,  and  their  conflict. 

Contigit  interea  plures  certamen  habere 

Inter  se  regni  proceres,  bello  que  feroci 

Insontes  populos  devastavisse  per  urbes. 

Dux  Venedetorum  Peredurus  bella  gerebat 

Contra  Guennolonum  Scotiae  qui  regna  regebat. 

Jamque  dies  aderat,  bello  prefixa ;  ducesque 

Astabant  campo,  decertabant  que  catervae, 

Amborum  pariter  miseranda  caede  ruentes. 

Venit  ad  bellum  Merlinus  cum  Pereduro ; 

Rex  quoque  Cumbrorum,  Rodarchus,  ssevus  uterque. 

I  will  beg  permission  of  the  reader  to  lay  before  him  some  more 
lines,  as  well  because  the  poem  is  not  in  the  hands  of  the  public, 
as  also  because  it  intimates  some  of  the  striking  circumstances  of 
Merdhin's  life. 

It  states,  that  in  the  battle  Merlin's  kinsman  fell.  His  grief  at 
this  incident,  is  represented  as  admitting  of  no  consolation,  and  he 
flies  maddening  to  the  woods. 

Evocat  e  bello  socios  Merlinus,  et  illic 
Precepit  in  varia  fratres  sepelire  capella ; 
Replangit  que  viros  nee  cessat  fundere  fletus ; 
Pulveribus  crines  sparsit,  vestes  que  rescidit, 
Et  prostratus  humi  nunc  hac  illacque  volutat. 
Solatur  Peredurus  eum,  proceres  que  duces  que 
Nee  vult  solari,  nee  verba  precantia  ferre. 
Jam  tribus  emensis  defleverat  ille  diebus 
Respuerat  que  cibos,  tantus  dolor  usserat  ilium. 
Inde  noyas  furias  cum  tot  tantisque  querelis 
Aera  complesset,  cepit  furtimque  recedit, 
Et  fugit  ad  sylvas  nee  vult  fugiendo  videri ; 
Ingrediturque  nemus  gaudet  que  latere  sub  ornis, 
Miratur  que  feras  pascentes  gramina  saltus  ; 
Nunc  has  insequitur,  nunc  cursu  praeterit  illas. 
Utitur  herbaruin  radicibus,  utitur  herbis  ; 
Utitur  arboreo  fructu,  morisque  rubeti. 
Fit  Sylvester  homo,  quasi  sylvis  deditus  esset. 
Inde  per  aestatem  totam  nulli  que  repertus, 
Oblitus  que  sui  cognatorum  que  suorum 
Delituit  sylvis,  obductus  more  ferino. 

In  exact  conformity  with  this  account  of  his  madness,  Merdhin, 
in  his  Avellenau,  which  we  have,  and  which  is  one  of  the  poems  in 
question,  exclaims, 

"  I  am  a  wild,  terrible  screamer,  affliction  wounds  me — raiment 
covers  me  not." 

From  these  passages  of  Jeffrey,  we  get  these  particulars : 

1.  The  chronology  of  Merdhin.  He  is  drawn  in  company 
with  Rodarchus,  King  of  Cumbria,  who  reigned  in  the  sixth 
century. 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS.  509 

2.  That  he  was  a  poet,  and  warrior. 

3.  That  the  death  of  near  relations,  in  battle,  occasioned  his 
frenzy. 

4.  That  he  fled  wild  to  the  woods. 

5.  That  he  obtained  the  surname  of  Sylvester.     All  these  par- 
ticulars harmonize  with  the  poems  ascribed  to  him,  and  with  the 
Welsh  traditions  about  him. 

I  will  quote  next  two  passages  from  the  poem  which  mentions 
Merdhin's  wish  to  see  Taliesin,  and  that  Taliesin  came  to  him. 

O  dilecta  Soror,  Thelgesino  que  venire 
Precipe,  namque  loqui  desidero  plurima  secum. 
Venit  enim  noviter  de  partibus  Armoricanis, 
Dulcia  que  dedicit  sapienti  dogmata  Gildae.  P.  124. 

Venerat  interea  Merlinum  visere  vatem 

Tune  Talyesinus.  P.  125. 

The  two  bards  then  sing  and  prophecy  together.  Here  is  a  full 
testimony  to  the  chronology  of  Merlin  and  Taliesin.  They  are 
stated  to  be  the  contemporaries  of  Gildas,  who  flourished  in  the 
sixth  century ;  and  we  must  remember,  that  the  ancient  Welsh 
poems  also  mention  their  conversing  together. 

The  speech  of  Merlin,  in  p.  129,  looks  like  a  diffuse  imitation  of 
the  last  stanza  of  the  Avallenau.  It  is  the  same  sentiment,  some- 
what amplified.  The  Avallenau  says, 

"  Sweet  apple-tree  !  most  sweet  its  produce ; 
It  grows  in  the  solitude  of  the  wood  of  Celyddon. 
It  will  be  useless  to  be  in  competition  for  its  fruit. 
Cadwaladyr  will  come  to  the  conference  of  the  ford  of  Rheon  ; 
Cynan  will  be  in  opposition,  in  motion  upon  the  Saxons ; 
The  Cymry  will  be  triumphant ;  their  chief  illustrious  ; 
Every  one  will  have  his  right,  and  Britons  will  be  joyful, 
Singing  to  the  horns  of  acclamation,  the  hymn  of  peace  and 
serenity." 

A  fallen  beren  beraf  ei  haeron 
A  dyf  yn  argel  yn  Argoed  Celyddon 
Cyt  ceisier  ofer  fydd  herwydd  ei  hafon 
Yn  y  ddel  Kadwaladr  i  gynadl  rhyd  Rheon 
Kynan  yn  erbyn  cychwyn  ar  Saeson 
Kymry  a  oruydd  kain  wydde  dragon 
Kaffant  pawb  ei  deithi  llawen  fi  Brython 
Kaintor  cyrn  elwch  Kathl  heddwch  a  hinon. 

Afall.  153. 
The  passage  in  Jeffrey  is  thus  : 

Merlinus  ait — 

Sic  sententia  summi 

ludicis  extitit,  Britones  ut  nobile  regnum 
Temporibus  multis  aniittunt  debilitate, 
Donee  ab  Armorico  veniet  temone  Conanus, 
Et  Cadwaladrus  Cambrorum  dux  venerandus ; 


510  A   VUTOICATION   OP  THE 

Qui  pariter  Scotos  Carnbros  et  Cornubienses, 
Armoricos  que  viros  sociabunt  fcedere  firmo ; 
Amissum  que  suis  reddente  diadema  colonis 
Hostibus  expulsis  renovate  tempore  Bruti, 
Tractabunt  que  suas  sacratas  legibus  urbes, 
Incipiunt  reges  iterura  superare  remotos, 
Et  sua  regna  sibi  certamine  subdere  fato.  P.  129. 

This  is  such  a  palpable  imitation  of  the  Avallenau,  especially 
if  it  be  considered  that  Merlin  is  made  to  express  it,  that  I  can- 
not doubt  that  Jeffrey  had  it  in  his  recollection ;  and  if  so,  the 
Avallenau  must  have  existed  as  Merlin,  or  Merdhin's  before 
Jeffrey. 

This  is  the  passage  to  which  it  would  seem  that  Golyddan 
alluded,  when  he  quoted  Merdhin  as  predicting  the  restoration 
of  the  Britons.1  To  this,  also,  I  am  induced  to  believe  Llywarch 
P.  Moch  referred,  when  he  cited  Merdhin  to  the  same  sentiment.2 

We  may  also  remark  of  this  conversation,  which  Jeffrey  states 
between  Merdhin  and  Taliesin,  that  one  of  the  Welsh  poems,  pre- 
served as  Taliesin's,  is  a  dialogue  between  him  and  Merdhin.3 

But  Merdhin,  who  is  indifferently  called  by  his  three  surnames, 
Caledonius,  Wyllt,  and  Sylvester,  of  which  the  last  two  are  syno- 
nymous, is  frequently  mentioned  by  Giraldus  Cambrensis,  who  lived 
in  the  twelfth  century.  (See  his  Tracts,  published  by  Camden  in 
his  Anglica  Normannica,  &c.  p.  870,  761,  839.)  Giraldus  says 
he  was  called  Caledonius,  from  the  wood  in  which  he  prophesied  ; 
and  Sylvester,  because,  falling  into  madness,  he  fled  to  a  wood, 
and  remained  there  till  his  death,  (p.  870.) 

But  all  this  impressive  combination  of  facts  is  not  the  whole  of 
the  testimony,  which  bears  upon  this  curious  subject. 

The  Welsh  have  a  very  singular  collection  of  historical  facts, 
which  they  call  TRIADS.  Three  events,  which  have  an  analogy 
in  some  point  or  other,  are  arranged  together.  It  is  certainly  a 
very  whimsical  mode  of  commemorating  events,  but  the  actions  of 
man  are  full  of  caprice.  The  fanciful  rudeness  of  the  plan,  may 
discredit  the  taste  or  judgment  of  its  authors ;  but  the  veracity 
of  the  statements  is  not  affected  by  the  singularity  of  the  form. 
If  the  Welsh  have  never  had  a  Livy,  or  a  Thucydides ;  if  they 
have  made  triads,  instead  of  histories,  we  may  blame  the  misdi- 
rection of  their  genius ;  but  we  cannot  try  the  authenticity  of  a 
record  by  its  taste  and  elegance,  or  what  will  become  of  our  spe- 
cial pleading,  our  bills  in  equity,  and  our  acts  of  parliament  ? 

I  put  these  observations  to  the  judgment  of  the  reader,  because 
a  gentleman  has  seriously  adduced  the  oddity  of  the  form  of  the 

1  See  before,  p.  468.  a  See  before,  p.  479. 

«  Arch.  p.  48. 

Two  years  after  the  above  was  published,  Mr.  G.  Ellis,  in  1805,  printed  a  sum- 
mary of  the  Latin  poem  of  Jeffrey,  in  his  specimens  of  early  English  metrical 
romances,  vol.  i.  p.  73 — 85. 

He  was  pleased  to  consider  the  Vindication  as  a  successful  defence  of  the  Welsh 
bards. 


ANCIENT  BRITISH   POEMS.  511 

triads,  as  a  sufficient  objection  to  their  historical  verity.1  It  is 
certainly  a  new  discovery  in  criticism,  that  excellence  of  compo- 
sition is  a  test  of  historical  truth.  If  this  principle  be  admitted, 
then  the  tales  of  Hawkesworth,  and  the  novels  of  Mad.  D'Arblay, 
must  be  accredited  as  historical  documents^  because  their  com- 
position is  admirable,  while  the  venerable,  but  rude  and  rustic 
chronicles  of  our  ancestors  must  be  discredited  for  their  barbarism. 
On  this  principle,  Jeifrey  of  Monmouth  has  written  authentic 
history,  because  his  style  has  been  found  pleasing ;  while  our 
ancient  Bede  must  sink  into  oblivion  for  ever,  because  much  ab- 
surdity and  much  puerility  may  be  traced  in  his  legends. 

But  there  can  be  no  doubt,  that,  on  maturer  reflection,  the 
author  of  the  critique  will  see  the  impropriety  of  his  observation  ; 
because  (independent  of  other  remarks)  it  must  not  be  forgotten 
that  the  critical  merit  of  any  composition  must  depend,  in  some 
measure,  on  its  use  and  object.  Now  the  object  of  the  triads,  was 
to  commemorate  the  events  they  state,  and  the  obvious  use  of  the 
form,  was  to  enable  the  memory  to  retain  them  more  easily.  A  triad 
is  an  artificial  association  of  threeunconnected  events,  forthepurpose 
of  aiding  the  memory.  If  the  natural  associations  of  events,  ac- 
cording to  their  chronology,  was  sufficient  to  make  them  be  recol- 
lected, why  were  such  laborious  devices  as  Grey's  Memoria  Technica 
invented  ?  Has  the  critic  forgotten  the  elaborate  arts  of  the  Roman 
orators  to  assist  their  memory  ?  Did  they  not  connect  their  topics 
with  various  obects  before  them  when  haranguing,  and  use  other 
artificial  associations  to  hinder  forgetfulness  ?  The  Druids,  we 
learn  from  Caesar,  made  their  pupils  commit  their  tuition  to  me- 
mory; and  that  the  ancient  Britons  should  continue  the  custom, 
and  should  use  the  form  of  triads  to  assist  the  memory,  cannot  be 
thought  either  absurd  or  inconsistent. 

I  hope  the  reader  will  pardon  me  for  a  moment's  digression,  if  I 
attempt  to  show  that  the  form  of  triads  is  by  no  means  so  "re- 
markably foreign  to  good  sense."  I  cannot  do  this  better,  than  by 
citing  a  few  of  the  Welsh  poetical  triads,  which  the  youths,  who 
aspired  to  be  bards,  were  directed  to  commit  to  memory,  to  direct 
their  judgment,  and  assist  their  composition.  Surely  they  will  be 
allowed  to  contain  many  valuable  observations,  expressed  with 
singular  brevity. 

The  three  foundations  of  genius  :  the  gift  of  God,  human  exer- 
tion, and  the  events  of  life. 

The  three  first  requisites  of  genius  :  an  eye  to  see  nature,  a 
heart  to  feel  it,  and  a  resolution  that  dares  follow  it. 

1  "  The  very  form  and  feature  of  the  Welsh  triads,  to  select  one  example,  would 
be  contemplated  as  a  proclamation  of  absurdity,  if  it  occurred  in  any  other  language ; 
for  what  can  be  more  puerile  than  to  build  a  variety  of  historical  facts  upon  the 
number  three  ?  It  certainly  requires  no  knowledge,  either  of  the  Irish  or  of  the 
Welsh  languages,  to  pronounce  a  judgment  upon  productions  of  this  kind  ;  and  our 
regard  for  historical  truth  must  induce  us  to  censure  the  author  who  shall  build  on 
such  foundations." — Critical  Review,  vol.  xxxiii.  New  Arr.  p.  122.  The  quantity 
of  moral  wisdom  and  valuable  thought  in  the  triads,  published  in  the  third  volume 
of  the  Welsh  Archaiology,  will  show  that  peculiarity  of  manner  and  great  intellectual 
excellence  are  very  combinable  circumstances. 


512  A   VINDICATION   OF   THE 

The  three  things  indispensable  to  genius :  understanding,  medi- 
tation, and  perseverance. 

The  three  things  that  ennoble  genius :  vigour,  discretion,  and 
knowledge. 

The  three  tokens  of  genius :  extraordinary  understanding,  ex- 
traordinary conduct,  and  extraordinary  exertion. 

The  three  things  that  improve  genius :  proper  exertion,  frequent 
exertion,  and  successful  exertion. 

The  three  things  that  support  genius :  amiable  manners,  sci- 
entific learning,  and  pure  morals. 

The  three  things  that  will  ensure  praise :  prosperity,  social  ac- 
quaintance, and  applause. 

The  three  qualifications  of  poetry  :  endowment  of  genius,  judg- 
ment from  experience,  and  felicity  of  thought. 

The  three  pillars  of  judgment :  bold  design,  frequent  practice, 
and  frequent  mistakes. 

The  three  pillars  of  learning :  seeing  much,  suffering  much,  and 
studying  much. 

The  three  pillars  of  happiness  :  to  suffer  contentedly,  to  hope 
that  it  is  coming,  to  believe  that  it  will  arrive. 

The  three  ornaments  of  thought :  perspicuity,  correctness,  and 
novelty. 

The  three  embellishments  of  song :  fine  invention,  happy  sub- 
ject, and  a  masterly  harmonious  composition. 

The  three  properties  of  song :  correct  fancy,  correct  order,  and 
correct  metre. 

The  three  ends  of  song;  to  improve  the  understanding,  to  im- 
prove the  heart,  and  to  soothe  the  reflection. 

The  three  things  which  constitute  a  poet :  genius,  knowledge, 
impulse. 

The  three  honours  of  a  poet :  strength  of  imagination,  profundity 
of  learning,  and  purity  of  morals.1 

I  would  ask  the  reader,  if  these  triads  do  not  contain  much 
wisdom,  and  also  express  it  with  emphatic  conciseness  ? 

But  it  is  the  triads  which  are  called  historical,  which  furnish 
attestations  of  the  four  bards  above-mentioned. 

The  historical  triads  have  been  obviously  put  together  at  very 
different  periods.  Some  appear  very  ancient.  Some  allude  to 
circumstances  about  the  first  population,  and  early  history  of  the 
island,  of  which  every  other  memorial  has  perished.  The  triads 
were  noticed  by  Camden  with  respect.  Mr.  Vaughan,  the  anti- 
quary of  Hengurt,  refers  them  to  the  seventh  century.  Some 
may  be  the  records  of  more  ancient  traditions,  and  some  are  of 
more  recent  date.  I  think  them  the  most  curious,  on  the  whole,  of 
all  the  Welsh  remains. 

Lhwyd  states  that  there  are  two  MSS.  of  these  historical  triads. 
One  in  the  red  book  of  Hergest,  imperfect,  written  on  parchment 

1  These  triads  are  in  the  ancient  MS.  called  the  Book  of  Bardism.  I  select 
them  from  Mr.  Owen's  preface  to  his  Llywarch  Hen,  with  a  few  slight  variations  in 
the  translation. 


ANCIENT  BRITISH  POEMS.  513 

in  the  fourteenth  century.  It  consists  of  two  chapters.  One 
simply  called  Trioedh,  or  triads.  The  other,  entitled  Trioedh  y 
meirch,  the  triad  of  the  horses. 

Another  MS.  of  the  triads,  written  about  the  same  time,  is  in 
the  Hengurt  library.  There  are  many  other  MSS.  of  the  triads 
in  the  Welsh  collections.  The  following  extract  from  the  preface 
of  the  editors  of  the  Welsh  Archaiology,  may  not  be  inapplicably 
cited. 

"  The  triads  may  be  considered  amongst  the  most  valuable  and 
curious  productions  preserved  in  the  Welsh  language ;  and  they 
contain  a  great  number  of  memorials  of  the  remarkable  events 
which  took  place  among  the  ancient  Britons.  Unfortunately, 
however,  they  are  entirely  deficient  with  respect  to  dates  ;  and, 
considered  singly,  they  are  not  well  adapted  to  preserve  the  con- 
nection of  history.  Yet,  a  collection  of  triads,  combined  together 
as  these  are,  condense  more  information  into  a  small  compass,  than 
is  to  be  accomplished  perhaps  by  any  other  method  ;  and  conse- 
quently, such  a  mode  of  composition  is  superior  to  all  others  for 
the  formation  of  a  system  of  tradition." 

The  historical  triads  distinctly  and  expressly  mention  all  the 
bards  whose  works  we  defend. 

TRIAD  92d. 
The  three  chief  bards  of  the  Isle  of  Britain : 

"  Merdhin  Emrys ; 

Merdhin,  the  son  of  Morvryn,  and 
Taliesin,  the  chief  of  the  Bards." » 

Tri  phrif  fardd  Ynys  Prydain. 
Merddin  Emrys,  Merddin  mab  Morfryn,  a 
Thaliesin  ben  Beirdd. 

• 

TRIAD. 

The  three  princely  bulls  of  the  Isle  of  Britain : 
"  Elmur,  son  of  Cadair ; 
Cynhaval,  son  of  Argad ; 
Avaon,  son  of  Taliesin.     All  three  were  sons  of  bards"* 

Tri  tharw  unben  Ynys  Prydain 
Elmur  mab  Cadair 
Cynhaval  mab  Argad. 
Afaon  mab  Taliesin.     Tri  meib  beirdd  oeddynt  ell  tri. 

71st. 

The  three  free  and  discontented  guests  of  Arthur's  court : 
"  Llywarch  Hen,  Llemenig,  and  Heledd."3 

Tri  thrwyddedawg  ac  ansoddawc  Llys  Arthur. 
Llywarch  Hen,  Lemenig,  a  Heledd. 

>  Welsh  Archai.  voL  ii.  *  Ib.  p-  4. 

s  Ib.  p.  16. 

VOL.  III.  L   L 


514  A   VINDICATION    OF    THE 

86th. 
The  three  counselling  knights  of  the  court  of  Arthur  : 

"  Cynon,  son  of  Clydno,  of  Eidyn  ; 
Aron,  son  of  Cynvarch  ; 

and  Llywarch  Hen,  son  of  Elidir  Lydanwyn."1 

Tri  chyngoriad  farchog  Llys  Arthur : 
Cynan  ab  Clydno  Eiddyn, 
Aron  ab  Cynfarch, 

a  Llywarch  Hen  ab  Elidir  Lydanwyn. 

38th. 
The  three  accursed  deeds  of  the  Isle  of  Britain  . 

"  Eidyn,  the  son  of  Einygan,  who  slew  Aneurin,  of  splendid 
panegyric,  monarch  of  the  Bards  ;  Llawgad  Trwm,  from  the  bor- 
ders of  Eidyn,  who  slew  Avaon,  the  son  of  Taliesin;  and  Llovan 
Llawddino,  who  killed  Urien,  the  son  of  Cynvarch." '2 

Tair  ansad  gyflafan  Ynys  Prydain  :  Eidyn  a  laddawd  Aneurin 
Gwawtrydd  medyrn  beirdd  ;  Llawgat  Trwm,  bargawt  Eidyn  a 
laddawd  Afaon  mab  Taliesin  ;  a  Llofan  Llawdinno  a  laddawd 
Urien  mab  Cynfarch. 

39th. 
The  three  accursed  blows  of  the  battle-axe  of  the  Isle  of  Britain  : 

"  The  blow  of  Eidyn,  on  the  head  of  Aneurin  ; 
The  blow  on  the  head  of  lago,  the  son  of  Beii ; 
and  the  blow  on  the  head  of  Golyddan,  the  Bard." 

Teir  anfad  fwyellawt  Ynys  Prydain  ; 
Bwyellawt  Eidyn  ym  pen  Aneurin, 
A'r  fwyellawt  ym  pen  lago  mab  Beli, 
A'r  fwyellawt  ym  pen  Golyddan  fardd. 

These  two  last  triads  are  very  curious,  as  they  not  only  attest 
the  existence  of  Aneurin,  but  state  the  particular  fact  of  his  violent 
death,  the  criminal,  and  even  part  of  his  genealogy. 

Thus  we  perceive  that  the  triads  expressly  attest  the  existence 
of  Aneurin,  Taliesin,  Llywarch  Hen,  and  Merdhin. 

I  think,  from  all  the  evidence  assembled  under  this  head,  I  am 
entitled  to  say,  "That  Aneurin,  Taliesin,  Llywarch  Hen,  and 
Merdhin,  were  British  Bards,  who  lived  in  the  sixth  century,  and 
who  left  poems  like  those  before  mentioned."  But  although  the 
Britons  should  be  allowed  to  have  such  Bards  at  this  period,  yet, 
in  order  that  their  works  should  have  descended  to  us,  it  is  requisite 
that  we  know, 

V.  That  the  Britons  had  the  use  of  letters  at  this  aera. 

I  believe  that  no  antiquary  doubts  this  fact.  The  numerous 
Roman  inscriptions,  which  have  been  found  in  the  island,  prove 

1  Welsh  Arcbai.  vol.  ii.  p.  18.  2  Ibid. 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   TOEMS.  515 

that  letters  were  used  in  Britain  very  commonly  by  the  Romans ; 
and  it  would  be  somewhat  miraculous,  if  this  civilized  people 
should  have  continued  so  long  in  the  island  without  imparting 
their  alphabet  to  the  natives.  But  there  are  also  several  inscrip- 
tions yet  extant,  which  were  made  by  the  Britons  in  these  cen- 
turies. I  will  only  refer  to  two.  One  is  the  inscription  on  the 
monumental  stone  raised  by  Samson,  who  lived  in  the  sixth  cen- 
tury1, to  the  memory  of  Illtutus.  It  was  found  in  the  church- 
yard of  Lantwit-Major,  in  Glamorganshire,  and  may  be  seen  in 
Camden's  Britannia,  under  that  county.  The  other  is  the  inscrip- 
tion on  the  stone  which  Mr.  Edward  Williams,  the  ingenious 
Welsh  Bard,  now  living,  induced  by  a  curious  local  tradition, 
searched  for  in  1789,  and  dug  out  of  the  same  church-yard.  It 
purports,  that  Samson  prepared  it  as  a  memorial  of  king  luthahel, 
and  another.  It  was  left  on  the  ground,  after  the  discovery,  till 
the  month  of  August  1793,  when  Mr.  Williams  procured  assist- 
ance to  erect  it  against  the  east  side  of  the  porch,  where  it  may 
now  be  seen.2 

V 

1  He  was  born  about  420. 

2  It  may  not  be  uninteresting  to  give  a  more  particular  account  of  the  finding  of 
this  stone  in  Mr.  Williams's  own  words,  as  it  is  a  singular  instance  of  the  fidelity  of 
tradition ;   I  may  also  add,  of  Mr.  Williams's  intelligent  curiosity. 

"  In  the  summer  of  1789,  I  dug  out  of  the  ground  in  Lantwit  church-yard  a 
large  monumental  stone  ;  it  is  the  shaft  of  a  cross,  and  its  history  affords  a  remark- 
able instance  of  the  fidelity  of  popular  tradition.  About  forty  years  ago,  a  very  old 
man,  his  name  Richard  Punter,  was  then  living  at  Lanmais,  juxta  Lantwin.  He, 
though  only  a  shoemaker,  was  more  intelligent  than  most  of  his  own  class  ;  he  had 
read  history  more  than  many,  was  something  of  an  antiquary,  and  had  stored  his 
memory  with  a  number  of  interesting  popular  traditions.  I  was  then  about  twelve 
or  fourteen  years  of  age  ;  like  him,  fond  of  history  and  antiquities.  lie  one  day 
showed  me  a  spot  on  the  east  side  of  the  porch  of  the  old  church  at  Lantwit,  where, 
he  said,  a  large  monumental  stone  lay  buried  in  the  ground,  with  an  inscription  on 
it  to  the  memory  of  two  kings.  The  tradition  of  the  accident  which  buried  it  in 
the  ground,  he  gave  as  follows :  Long  ago,  before  the  memory  of  the  oldest  per- 
sons that  ever  he  knew  (and  he  was  then  about  eighty),  for  their  knowledge  of  it 
was  only  traditional,  there  was  a  young  man  at  Lantwit,  commonly  called  Will  the 
Giant.  He,  at  seventeen  years  of  age,  was  seven  feet,  seven  inches  high  ;  but,  as 
'is  usually  the  case  in  premature  and  supernatural  growth,  he  fell  into  a  decline,  of 
which  he  died  at  that  age.  lie  had  expressed  a  wish  to  be  buried  near  the  monu- 
mental stone  which  stood  by  the  porch ;  his  wishes  were  complied  with  ;  the  grave 
was  dug,  necessarily  much  larger  than  graves  are  usually,  so  that  one  end  of  it 
extended  to  the  foot  of  the  stone  that  was  fixed  in  the  ground.  Just,  as  the  corpse 
had  been  laid  in  the  ground,  the  stone  gave  way  and  fell  into  the  grave,  filling  it 
up  nearly.  Some  had  a  very  narrow  escape  for  their  lives ;  but  as  the  stone  was 
so  large  as  not  to  be  easily  removed,  it  was  left  there,  and  covered  over  with  earth. 
After  I  had  heard  this  traditional  account,  I  had  a  great  desire  to  dig  for  this  stone, 
and  many  times  endeavoured  to  engage  the  attention  of  several,  and  their  assistance ; 
but  my  idea  was  always  treated  with  ridicule.  In  the  year  1789,  being  at  work  in 
Lantwit  church,  and  being  one  day  unable  to  go  on  with  my  business  for  want  of 
assistance,  it  being  then  the  height  of  corn  harvest,  and  not  a  man  to  be  found 
that  could  give  me  the  wanted  assistance,  I  employed  a  great  part  of  one  day  in 
digging  in  search  of  this  stone,  and  found  it.  I  cleared  away  all  the  earth  about 
it.  Mr.  Christopher  Wilkins,  and  Mr.  David  Jones,  two  very  respectable  gentlemen 

L,   L     2 


516 


A   VINDICATION   OF   THE 


But  if  there  were  bards  in  those  days,  who  knew  the  use  of 
writing  ;  yet,  is  it  likely  that  any  writings  of  this  distant,  rude,  and 

farmers,  on  seeing  this  stone,  ordered  their  men  to  assist  me,  and  we  with  great 
difficulty  got  it  out  of  the  ground,  and  on  it  we  found  the  following  inscription : 


IN  NOM 
INE  DI   SU 
MMI  INCI 
PIT   CRU 
X.    SAL 
VATO 
RIS   QUA 

E  PREPA 
RAVIT 

SAMSO 
NIARA 

TI  PRO 
ANIMA 

SUAET  P 
RO  ANI 
MA  IU 

THAHE 
LO  REX 

ET  ART 
MALI 
TEGA 
+    M. 


The  dimensions  of  this  stone  are  in  length  nine  feet ;  breadth  at  top  twenty-seven 
inches  ;  at  bottom  twenty-eight  inches ;  thickness  fifteen  inches." 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS.  517 

turbulent  period,  should  have  survived  to  our  times?    It  must 
therefore  be  proved, 

VI.  That  writings  of  the  sixth  century  have  come,  down  to  us 

undisputed. 

This  is  an  easy  task.  We  have  still  extant  a  numerous  collec- 
tion of  poems,  by  Venantius  Fortunatus,  who  lived  in  the  sixth 
century  in  France.  We  have  the  history  of  Gregory  of  Tours, 
his  contemporary.  We  have  the  heroic  poem  on  the  creation,  by 
Dracontius,  a  Spanish  presbyter,  also  of  the  sixth  century.  We 
have  the  little  poems  of  Columbanus,  the  Irishman.  The  poems 
of  Alcimus  Avitus,  the  archbishop  of  Vienne,  on  Genesis  and 
Exodus.  The  works  of  Ennodius,  bishop  of  Ticenensis.  The  his- 
torical poems,  from  the  Old  Testament,  of  Rusticus  Helpidius,  phy- 
sician to  the  king  of  the  Goths;  and  the  very  voluminous  works 
of  Pope  Gregory  ;  all  authors  of  the  sixth  century.  We  have  also 
Anglo-Saxon  laws  of  the  same  times,  which  have  reached  us. 

But  it  can  be  also  shewn, 

VII.  That  even  writings  of  a  Briton  of  the  sixth  century  are 

in  our  hands,  and  suspected  by  no  one. 

This  author  is  Gildas,  a  Briton  ;  and  his  works  are  in  most 
libraries.  He  wrote  in  Latin  a  little  work  of  small  merit  on  the 
British  history,  and  an  invective  against  the  British  kings  and 
clergy,  which  have  come  safely  down  to  us.  If  these  Latin  com- 
positions of  Gildas  could  weather,  unhurt,  all  the  storms  of  time, 
surely  the  compositions  of  Welsh  bards,  on  the  most  interesting 
of  all  subjects  to  Welshmen,  their  struggles  against  their  invaders, 
might  be  as  fortunate.  There  was  nothing  but  a  little  historical 
curiosity  to  preserve  the  reproaching  monk;  but  all  the  passions, 
the  prejudices,  and  the  reason  of  Wales,  were  interested  by  their 
bards,  and  ensured  perpetuity  to  their  lays.  And  why  should 
time  have  inveterately  persecuted  these  poems  more  than  the 
works  of  Gildas,  and  the  other  authors  whom  I  have  named  ? 
Why  should  the  Franks  have  been  more  interested  to  preserve 
the  poems  of  Fortunatus,  than  the  Welsh  to  perpetuate  those  of 
Aneurin  or  Taliesin  ?  And  if  we  consider  the  numerous  Latin 
poems  of  this  period,  which  have  been  transmitted  to  us  by  the 
monks,  where  is  the  wonder  that  Welsh  poetry  should  have  been 
transmitted  to  us  by  Welshmen  ? 

But  it  can  be  also  proved, 

VIII.  That  in  the  twelfth  century  there  were  writings  of  old 

British  bards  extant  in  Welsh,  which  were  then  called 
ancient  and  authentic,  and  that  Giraldus  then  found 
gome  written  compositions  ascribed  to  Merdhin,  and 
which  he  believed  to  be  his. 
L  L   3 


518  A   VINDICATION   OF   THE 

The  evidence  of  Giraldus  Cambrensis,  who  lived  in  the  twelfth 
century,  is  complete  and  decisive  on  this  subject :  he  says,  in  his 
description  of  Wales,  "  This  also  seems  remarkable  to  me,  that  the 
Cambrian  bards,  and  singers  or  reciters,  have  the  genealogy  of  the 
aforesaid  princes  in  their  ancient  and  authentic  books,  but  also 
Avritten  in  Welsh."1 

In  this  passage,  Giraldus,  who  was  born  1150,  attests,  that  in  his 
days  the  Welsh  bards  had  authentic  books,  which  were  written  in 
Welsh,  and  which  were  in  that  age  deemed  ancient.  What  is  the 
meaning  of  ancient,  unless  it  denotes  a  period  some  centuries  earlier 
than  that  in  which  he  wrote? 

Giraldus  does  not  say  merely  that  they  had  ancient  genealogies. 
He  speaks  of  the  genealogies  but  as  a  part  of  the  contents  of  these 
ancient  and  authentic  books,  and  these  books,  too,  were  books  of 
the  bards.  They  are  not  mentioned  generally  as  being  ancient 
Welsh  books  in  W'ales,  but  ancient  and  authentic  books,  which 
were  in  the  possession  of  the  Welsh  bards  and  singers.  To  remark 
that  the  Cambrian  bards  had  these  books,  and  to  call  them  their 
books,  seem  to  me  to  intimate  that  the  books  were  written  by  bards. 
It  will  be  at  least  curious  to  recollect  the  evidence  of  Posidonius 
before  the  first  century,  that  the  Celtic  bards  sung  the  ytrog,  the 
genealogy  of  their  chiefs :  because,  if  Giraldus  found  the  WTelsh 
bards  to  have  ancient  books  on  the  same  topic  in  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury, the  fact  mentioned  by  Posidonius  sanctions,  very  forcibly,  our 
arguments  of  the  antiquity  of  the  bardic  profession  in  this  country, 
and  gives  additional  credibility  to  what  is  stated  in  favour  of  the 
ancient  Welsh  literature. 

In  another  passage,  Giraldus  says  that  King  Henry  the  Second 
heard  concerning  Arthur,  "from  an  ancient  historical  singer."2 
As  I  cannot  inflict  on  Giraldus  the  disgrace  of  not  knowing  the 
meaning  of  the  words  he  uses,  I  must  presume,  from  this  authority, 
that  the  ancient  British  had  historical  singers-,  that  is,  ancient  bards 
who  had  left  historical  poems,  which,  in  the  days  of  Henry  the 
Second,  were  deemed  ancient,  and  referred  to,  and  which,  therefore, 
must  have  been  some  centuries  old  in  that  age. 

We  have  another  witness  to  the  existence  of  old  British  authors 
in  the  twelfth  century.  William  of  Malmsbury,  who  lived  in  this 
period,  says,  "  It  is  read  in  the  ancient  accounts  of  the  actions  of 
the  Britons."  He  adds,  "  these  things  are  from  the  ancient  books 
of  the  Britons."3  If  such  things  as  ancient  British  books  had  not 


1  Hoc  etiam  mihi  notandum  videtur  quod  Eardi  Cambrenses  et  cantores  seu  rc- 
citatores  genealogiam  habent  prsedictorum  principum  in  libris  eorum  antiquiis  et 
autenticis  sed  etiam  Cambrice  scriptam. —  GIR.  CAMB.  Des>crip.  p.  883. 

2  Rex  Angliae  Henricus  secundus,  sicut  ab  historico  cantore  Britone  audiverat 
antique.  —  Giraldus,  as  cited  by  Leland  in  his  Assertio  Arturi,  p.  52. 

3  Legitur  in  antiquis  Britonum  gestis — hoc  de  antiquis  Britonum  libris  sunt 

Wil.  Malm.  3  Gall,  Scrip,  p.  295. 

The  ancient  monk  of  Malmsbury,  quoted  by  Leland,  says  of  Henry,  "  Rex  autem 

hoc  ex  gestis  Britonum  et  eorum  cintoribus  hisloricis  frequenter  audiverat  " Ass 

Art.  50. 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS.  519 

been  extant  in  Malmsbury's  days,  I  cannot  persuade  myself  that 
he  would  twice  have  asserted  such  a  fact. 

I  believe  the  book  of  Jeffrey  of  Monmouth,  who  lived  also  in  the 
twelfth  century,  to  be  his  own  composition,  and  to  abound  with 
fable.  But  I  think  he  would  not  have  been  foolish  enough  to  have 
asserted,  that  he  had  translated  from  a  very  ancient  book1  in  the 
British  tongue,  which  the  archdeacon  of  Oxford  had  given  him, 
unless  there  had  been  "  very  ancient  books  "  of  the  Britons  in  ex- 
istence in  his  time,  that  is,  in  the  twelfth  century. 

I  think  I  cannot  more  decisively  prove  that  there  were  extant,  in 
the  time  of  Giraldus,  poems  of  the  sixth  century,  and  of  Merdhin, 
than  by  a  literal  translation  of  some  other  passages  from  him,  on 
this  subject. 

These  passages  are  in  his  "  Prologus  in  librum  tertium  Vatici- 
nium,"  which  is  printed  by  Usher  in  his  "  Veterum  Epistolarum 
Hibernicarum  Sylloge." 

"In  the  former  books  we  inserted  the  piedictions  of  Merlin 
Caledonius  and  Merlin  Ambrosius,  in  suitable  places,  as  occasion 
required.  Ambrosius  has  been  explained2,  but  Caledonius  having 
not  yet  put  off  his  British  barbarism  has  remained,  to  our  times, 
obscure  and  little  known.  Hence  it  seemed  to  concern  our  dili- 
gence to  draw  him,  by  scrutinizing  research,  from  his  ancient  and 
hidden  shades,  into  a  public  and  fairer  splendour."3 

"  The  fame  only  of  this  Merlin,  surnamed  Caledonius  or  Sil- 
vester, has  been  hitherto  very  distinguished.  The  memory  of  his 
prophecies  had  been  retained  among  the  British  bards,  whom  they 
call  poets,  verbally  by  many  —  in  writing  by  very  few."4 

"  Performing,  therefore,  the  office  of  an  interpreter,  and  with 
the  assistance  of  some  men,  skilled  in  the  British  language,  I  faith- 
fully expressed  the  sentence  in  every  respect  word  for  word,  as  far 
as  the  difference  of  idiom  would  admit.  But  because,  as  in  other 
works,  so  in  these,  the  invidious  art  of  the  bards  adulterating 
nature,  has  added  to  the  true  prophecies  many  of  their  own ; 
therefore,  having  thrown  out  and  reprobated  all  that  breathed  the 
air  of  modern  composition,  led  by  the  love  of  truth  alone,  the  rude 
and  plain  simplicity  of  the  ancient  style  attracted  my  mind."  He 
proceeds  to  add,  "  I  have  illustrated  the  darkness  of  the  barbaric 
tongue  with  the  light  of  the  Latin  language."5 

1  See  him,  LI.  c.  . 

2  Giraldus  apparently  alludes  here  to  the  oracles  of  Merlin  Ambrosius,  inserted 
by  Jeffrey  in  his  history. 

3  Quoniam  in  prioribus  libris  Merlini  vaticinia  tarn  Caledonii  quam  Ambrosii 
locis  competent! bus,  prout  res  exigebat  inseruimus  ;  Ambrosio  vero  dudum  exposito 
iiondum.     Caledonius  Britannicam  exutus  barbariem  usque  ad  hoc  nostra  tempora 
latuit  parum  agnitus  :   nostra?  videbatur  interesse  diligentiae  tarn  ipsum  ab  antiquis 
et  occultis  scrutabunda  inquisitione  latebris  ut  pulchrius  elucescat  in  commune  de- 
ducere.  — Usher,  p.  116. 

4  Erat  itaque  Caledonii  Silvestris  solum  hactenus  fama  percelebris  ;  a  Britannicis 
tamen  Bardis  quos  poetas  vocant,  verbo  tenus  penes  plurimos,  scripto  vero  penes 
paucissimos  vaticiniorum  eju^dem  memoria  retenta  fuerat. — Ib.  p.  116. 

5  Functus  igitur  interpretis  officio  peritis  quoque  linguae  Britannicae  viris  mecum 

L  L    4 


520  A   VINDICATION   OF   THE 

These  important  passages  of  Giraldus  prove  three  things, 

1st.  That  there  were,  in  his  time,  works  ascribed  to  Merdhin,  one 
of  the  four  bards  I  argue  for,  which  works  were  in  writing  and  in 
the  British  language. 

2d.  That  these  works  had  in  his  days  the  character  of  the  age  of 
their  author. — I  mean  that  Giraldus,  a  Welshman,  found  them 
difficult  in  their  language. 

3d.  That  this  Merdhin  was  then  much  famed  :  that  many  of  the 
Welsh  bards  had  his  compositions  by  heart,  and  some,  though  very 
few,  in  writing. 

Giraldus  also  states  his  belief,  that  some  prophecies  were 
ascribed  to  Merdhin  which  he  had  not  written.  But  he  also  ex- 
presses that  he  distinguished  these  interpolations  and  additions  by 
the  modern  air  of  their  style. 

My  opinion  is  precisely  the  same  with  that  of  Giraldus.  The 
prophetic  works  ascribed  to  Merdhin,  which  have  come  down  to 
us,  are  unquestionably  either  interpolated  or  surreptitious.  The 
fame  of  his  being  a  prophet  accounts  for  it. 

The  external  evidence  for  these  bards  may  be  now  closed. 

I  hope  that  I  have  proved, 

That  there  were  bards  among  the  Britons  in  the  sixth  century. 

That  these  four  bards,  whose  works  I  support,  then  lived. 

That  the  poems  now  extant  were  in  MS.  in  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury, which  MSS.  ascribed  them  to  these  four  ancient  bards, 
and  some  of  which  MSS.  we  have. 

That  these  bards  were  mentioned,  and  some  of  their  poems 
were  quoted,  or  referred  to,  by  many  British  bards  of  various 
ages,  from  before  the  twelfth  century  through  the  following 
ages  to  our  times. 

That  in  the  twelfth  century  there  were  writings  of  old  British 
bards  extant,  which  were  then  called  ancient  and  authentic. 
That  Giraldus  in  that  century  found  some  written  ancient 
compositions  then  ascribed  to  Merdhin,  and  which  he 
believed  to  be  his,  and  that  a  Welsh  bard  of  the  thirteenth 
century  calls  a  poem  of  Taliesin  "  the  Ancient  song  of 
Taliesin."  1 

I  have  strengthened  this  train  of  direct  evidence,  by  showing 

That  many  writings  of  the  sixth  century  have  come  down 
to  us. 

adhibitis,  in  quantum  idiomatum  permisit  diversitas,  verbo  ad  verbum  plurima, 
sententias  autem  in  singulis  fldeliter  expressi.  Sed  quoniam  sicut  in  aliis  sic  in 
istis  bardorum  ars  invida  naturam  adulterans  multa  de  suis  tanquam  prophetica 
veris  adjecit :  cunctis  moderni  sermonis  compositionem  redolentibus  quasi  repro- 
batis  et  abjectis  sola  veritatis  arnica  sermonis  antiqui  rudis  et  plana  simplicitas 
diligenter  excepta  mentem  allexit. — Barbara  linguae  tenebras  Latini  luce  sermonis 
illustravi.  —  Usher,  p.  117. 
1  See  bt fore,  p.  485, 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS.  521 

That  the  Britons  had  then  the  art  of  writing ;  and, 
That  the  writing  of  a  Briton  of  that  age,  whose  genuineness 
no  one  disputes,  has  confessedly  come  down  to  us,  and  yet 
the  interest  to  preserve  this  was  inconsiderable  in  compari- 
son with  the  feeling  which  must  have  operated  to  perpetuate 
these  poems. 

On  this  evidence  I  submit,  that  unless  the  internal  evidence  of 
these  poems  is  very  clearly  and  decisively  hostile  to  their  antiquity, 
no  reasonable  man  can  discredit  their  genuineness.  I  proceed  to 
consider  this  branch  of  my  subject  under  the  heads  which  I  have 
already  stated,  p.  461,  and  which  seem  to  me  to  be  the  topics  that 
bear  most  upon  the  subject. 

THE  INTERNAL  EVIDENCE  :  — 

I.  That  the  subjects  of  this  poetry  could  answer  no  purpose  of 
interest  in  the  twelfth  century, 

will  be  obvious  to  all  who  inspect  them.  For  what  are  they  ? 
They  are  poems  in  praise  of  warriors  who  lived  and  fought  in  the 
sixth  century.  What  profit  could  any  one  have  got  by  praising 
the  warriors  mentioned  in  the  Gododin  ?  And  what  living  chief 
was  interested  in  the  encomiums  of  Caeawg,  Mynydaur,  or  the 
other  persons  mentioned  by  Aneurin  ?  They  form  part  of  no 
genealogies. — They  had  not  even  been  Welsh  princes.  —  They 
were  merely  warriors  in  the  north  parts  of  the  island.  What  in- 
terest could  be  reaped  by  any  forger  taking  the  trouble  to  write 
920  lines  on  such  an  unfortunate  conflict  as  that  which  is  the  sub- 
ject of  the  Gododin?  It  must  have  been  forgery  for  the  mere  toil 
of  forgery,  if  it  were  so.  The  same  may  be  said  of  Llywarch's  long 
poem  on  his  Old  Age,  and  his  Address  to  the  Cuckow.  Nor  do  I 
see  in  what  a  bard  could  be  benefited  in  throwing  away  so  many 
poems  on  Urien,  a  Northern  chieftain,  as  Taliesin  has  done ;  and, 
at  the  same  time,  leaving  unsung  so  many  Welsh  kings  and  war- 
riors, related  to  the  existing  princes  of  the  twelfth  century. 

It  appears  to  me  very  forcibly, 

II.  That  the  subjects  of  these  ancient  poems  were  the  most 
unlikely  of  all  others  for  a  forger  to  have  chosen. 

We  can  perceive  at  once,  why  such  poems  as  those  of  Ossian 
should  be  fabricated,  even  independent  of  individual  advantage. 
In  making  a  Fingal,  an  irresistible  warrior —  an  Alexander  of  the 
third  century  who  only  moves  to  conquer — whose  presence  is  so 
decisive  of  a  conflict,  that,  in  compassion  to  the  fame  of  other 
warriors,  he  keeps  awhile  out  of  it.  In  forming  such  a  character 
there  is  an  obvious  gratification  of  national  vanity. 

But  the  poem  of  Aneurin  is  one  of  the  greatest  humiliations  of 
national  vanity  that  could  be  exhibited.  It  celebrates  a  conflict 
so  disastrous  to  the  Britons,  that  very  few  escaped.  It  inflicts  on 


522  A   VINDICATION   OF   THE 

them  the  disgrace  of  going  drunk  into  the  battle.  That  a  bard 
who  had  fought  in  it  himself,  and  had  lost  the  friends  whom  he 
extols,  should  compose  his  elegiac  dirges  to  their  memory  I  can 
conceive.  But  I  cannot  believe,  that  if  some  centuries  hence  a 
Frenchman  should  wish  to  forge  a  poem  of  the  present  day  for 
French  readers,  he  would  choose  for  his  subject  the  battle  of  the 
Nile.  I  do  not  think  that  an  Austrian  poet,  who  wished  to  impose 
surreptitious  poems  on  his  countrymen,  would  exactly  write  them 
on  the  battles  of  Hohenlinden  or  Marengo. 

To  make  fables  as  Jeffrey  has  done  on  a  great  character  like 
Arthur  is  conceivable.  To  describe  a  British  hero  as  out-doing 
even  an  Alexander  in  military  exploits ;  to  make  valour  wither  at 
his  approach,  and  armies  perish  before  his  sword,  would  have 
clouded  the  fame  of  any  poem  with  a  suspicion,  which  scarcely 
any  degree  of  evidence  could  remove.  But  the  Welsh  bards  ex- 
hibit nothing  of  this  sort.  If  we  take  up  Llywarch,  we  find  his 
first  poem  is  an  elegy  on  Geraint.  a  chieftain  of  Devonshire,  who 
did  not  drive  the  Saxons  to  the  sea,  as  a  vainglorious  forger  would 
have  depicted,  but  who  perished  in  the  battle.  Instead  of  an 
Ambrosius,  whom  history  would  have  allowed  them  to  have  cele- 
brated—  instead  of  a  Vortimer,  from  whose  actions  every  Briton 
had  a  share  of  glory ;  we  have  a  prince  perpetually  applauded 
who  was  really  so  insignificant  as  to  have  almost  escaped  the 
notice  of  history.  I  mean  Urien  of  Reged.  A  forger  would  not 
have  chosen  such  a  hero;  he  would  not  have  thought  of  him. 
But  it  is  extremely  natural,  that  such  a  character,  even  though 
obscure,  should  be  praised  by  the  bards  whom  he  patronized.  In 
their  eyes  and  in  their  gratitude  he  was  great  and  interesting, 
though  on  the  theatre  of  human  action  he  was  very  inconsiderable. 

If  a  forger  had  chosen  a  subject,  he  would  have  selected  the 
struggles  against  Hengi?t,  for  they  were  so  far  successful  as  to 
confine  this  invader  to  Kent;  he  would  have  selected  the  heroes 
who  confronted  the  formidable  West  Saxons,  that  established  the 
Anglo-Saxon  monarchy ;  because  the  contests  with  them  would 
have  inevitably  given  glory ;  but  he  would  not  have  chosen  the 
obscure  conflicts  in  the  north,  because  they  were  precisely  the 
least  interesting  and  the  least  noticed  in  history  of  the  whole. 

If  these  poems  appeared  to  answer  any  purpose  of  politics  or 
religion  ;  if  they  taught  any  peculiar  notions,  on  either  of  these 
subjects,  which  the  passions  of  the  people  or  the  interests  of  their 
rulers  in  the  twelfth  century,  required  to  have  impressed ;  there 
would  be  shown  a  reason  for  the  forgery. 

But  the  moment  we  read  these  poems,  we  see  that  no  object  of 
this  sort  could  possibly  have  been  in  the  view  of  their  authors 
when  they  composed  them.  What  political  purpose  could  be 
obtained,  what  interest  advanced,  by  the  praises  of  the  unfortunate 
Urien,  Geraint,  or  the  warriors  of  the  Gododin  ?  Read  Merdhin's 
simple,  yet  wild  and  touching  complaints  on  his  madness,  in  his 
little  Avallenau ;  and  let  ingenuity  discover  a  single  motive,  that 
could  have  roused  any  bard  to  have  forged  it,  or  any  prince  ta 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS.  523 

have  exacted  the  forgery.  Men  do  not  forge  without  some 
palpable  motive.  These  poems  are  so  simple  and  so  natural  as  to 
discover  none. 

The  decisive  remark  on  this  topic  appears  to  me  to  be,  that  if 
Welshmen  of  the  twelfth  century  had  forged  these  poems,  it  would 
have  been  an  inevitable  consequence,  that  Wales  and  Welshmen 
would  have  been  the  objects  extolled.  But  it  is  singular,  that 
Wales  is  scarcely  mentioned  in  them,  and  the  most  applauded 
heroes  are  not  Welshmen.  Urien,  on  whom  Taliesin  has  left  ten 
poems,  was  from  a  district  of  Cumbria.  The  persons  commemo- 
rated by  Aneurin  lived  as  far  north  as  this,  and  some  more  so. 
Llywarch  has  indeed  given  an  elegy  to  Cynddylan  and  another  to 
Cadwallon ;  but  his  longest  elegy  is  to  Urien,  and  another  is 
devoted  to  a  leader  in  Devonshire.  They,  of  whom  Merdhin 
principally  talks,  are  also  from  the  Northern  Britons.  To  suppose 
that  Welshmen  should  have  forged  to  perpetuate  the  celebrity  of 
other  Britons,  when  there  was  abundance  of  Welsh  heroes  who 
demanded  the  patriotic  lay,  is  surely  an  extravagant  idea.  Bards 
usually  sing  for  fame  and  profit;  and  if  they  forged,  would  most 
probably  have  had  the  same  things  in  view.  The  enemies  of  these 
poems  must  at  least  admit,  that  to  forge  such  poems  as  these,  was 
the  most  blundering  way  they  could  have  chosen  to  the  favourite 
temples  of  human  wishes. 

In  the  sixth  century,  these  poems,  besides  enshrining  the  me- 
mory of  the  friends  and  warlike  companions  of  the  bards,  must 
have  also  had  the  good  effect  of  stimulating  their  countrymen 
to  imitate  the  flattered  dead,  by  resisting  bravely  the  Anglo-Saxon 
invaders.  But  this  great  contest  had  been  over  for  ages  before 
the  twelfth  century  ;  it  \vas  over  before  the  time  of  Alfred,  and 
every  succeeding  Saxon  sovereign  made  the  re-establishment  of 
the  British  monarchy  more  impossible.  But  when  the  Normans 
had  spread  themselves  over  England,  and  added  another  warlike 
race  to  maintain  the  possession  of  the  island,  it  is  ridiculous  to 
suppose,  that  any  bard  would  have  forged  a  prophecy  of  the 
Welsh  recovering  it.  At  the  very  period,  in  which  the  forgery  is 
placed,  not  only  Wales  was  prostrate  before  the  king  of  London, 
but  even  Ireland  was  bending  to  his  sway. 

That  these  poems  could  not  have  been  written  in  the  twelfth 
century  appears  to  me  to  be  clear,  fioin 

III.  The  manner  in  which  Arthur  is  spoken  of  by  them. 

The  history  of  Jeffrey,  the  composition  of  the  twelfth  century, 
shows  us  how  Arthur  was  in  those  days  considered.  The  Welsh, 
compelled  to  yield  their  country  without  hope  of  recovery,  re- 
venged themselves  both  on  the  Saxons  and  on  Europe,  by  creating 
a  phantom  of  glory,  whose  gigantic  majesty  towered  above  that 
of  every  warrior  who  had  appeared  since  Alexander.  It  would  be 
a  very  curious  discussion,  to  trace  the  first  origin  of  Arthur's 
fabulous  history,  and  its  gradual  enlargement,  but  it  would  be  too 
digressive  from  the  objects  of  this  essay.  I  will  only  express  my 


524  A   VINDICATION   OF   THE 

opinion,  that  the  apparition  either  first  appeared,  or  at  least  ac- 
quired its  magnitude  and  its  terrors,  in  Bretagne.  I  believe  Jeffrey 
to  state  the  fact,  when  he  says,  he  found  the  history  of  Arthur  in 
a  book  brought  from  that  country.  Perhaps,  if  any  of  the  lays  or 
legends  concerning  the  Daniel  Dremrudd,  or  red  visage,  the  Alex- 
ander of  Bretagne,  could  be  found,  we  might  meet  the  prototype 
of  Arthur. 

But  that  Arthur's  fame  had  acquired  a  gigantic  shape  in  the 
twelfth  century  is  undoubted.  Alanus  de  Insulis,  was  born  1109, 
and  he  informs  us,  that  if  any  was  heard  in  Bretagne,  to  deny  that 
Arthur  was  then  alive,  he  would  be  stoned :  he  says,  "  Who  does 
not  speak  of  him?  he  is  even  more  known  in  Asia  than  in  Britain, 
as  our  pilgrims  returning  from  the  East  assure  us,  both  East  and 
West  talk  of  him.  Egypt  and  the  Bosphorus  are  not  silent.  Rome, 
the  mistress  of  the  cities,  sings  his  actions.  Antioch,  Armenia, 
Palestine,  celebrate  his  deeds." l 

I  will  allow  to  any  one,  that  Alanus  may  be  supposed  to  write 
hyperbolically  in  this  passage.  But  Alanus  was  neither  a  Welsh- 
man nor  a  Briton  ;  and  therefore  is  decisive  evidence  that  Arthur's 
fame  had  been  surprisingly  amplified  before  he  wrote. 

My  argument  then  is,  that  if  these  poems  had  been  forged  in 
the  twelfth  century,  they  would  have  betrayed  themselves  by  their 
panegyrics  on  Arthur.  Some  of  them  would  have  been  devoted 
to  this  favourite  of  fame.  In  some  the  miraculous  feats  of  Jeffrey's 
history  would  have  appeared.  The  very  contrary,  however,  is 
found.  Not  a  tittle  of  this  vast  celebrity  appears.  He  is  just 
mentioned  as  distinguished  and  no  more,  and  mentioned  as  any 
other  warrior.  I  hope  it  will  not  be  indecorous  to  cite  an  observa- 
tion on  this  point  from  my  History  of  the  Anglo-Saxons. 

"  This  state  of  moderate  greatness  suits  the  character  in  which 
the  Welsh  bards  exhibit  Arthur;  they  commemorate  him,  but  it  is 
not  with  that  excelling  glory  with  which  he  has  been  surrounded 
by  subsequent  traditions.  The  song  sometimes  swells  with  the 
actions  of  a  warrior;  but  it  was  an  age  of  warriors,  'and  Urien 
of  Reged  seems  to  have  employed  the  harp  more  than  Arthur. 
Llywarch  the  aged,  who  lived  through  the  whole  period  of  slaughter, 
and  had  been  one  of  the  guests  and  counsellors  of  Arthur,  yet 
displays  him  not  in  transcendent  majesty.  In  the  battle  of  Llong- 
borth,  which  Arthur  directed,  it  was  the  valour  of  Geraint  that 
arrested  the  bard's  notice ;  and  his  elegy,  though  long,  scarcely 
mentions  the  commander,  whose  merit,  in  the  frenzy  of  later 
fablers,  clouds  every  other.  As  his  poem  was  a  gift  to  the  dead, 
it  may  be  supposed  to  possess  less  of  flattery  and  more  of  truth  in 
its  panegyric ;  it  speaks  of  Arthur  with  respect,  but  not  with 
wonder;  Arthur  is  simply  mentioned  as  the  commander  and  the 
conductor  of  the  toil  of  war,  but  Geraint  is  profusely  celebrated 
with  dignified  periphrasis. 

"In   the   same   manner  Arthur   appears   in   the  Avallenau  of 

1  Alan  us,  p.  22. 


ANCIENT  BRITISH  POEMS,  525 

Merdhin ;  he  is  mentioned  as  a  character  well  known,  but  not 
idolized ;  yet  he  was  then  dead,  and  all  the  actions  of  his  patriotism 
and  valour  had  been  performed ;  not  a  single  epithet  is  added, 
from  which  we  can  discern  him  to  have  been  that  whirlwind  of 
war,  which  swept  away  in  its  course  all  the  skill  and  armies  of 
Europe.  That  he  was  a  courageous  warrior  is  unquestionable ; 
but  that  he  was  the  irresistible  warrior  of  the  British  history,  from 
whom  kings  and  nations  sunk  in  panic,  is  completely  disproved 
by  the  temperate  encomiums  of  his  contemporary  bards.'' l 

Can  any  one  believe,  that  Welshmen  Avould  have  forged  the 
works  of  the  contemporaries  of  Arthur,  and  not  have  taken  the 
opportunity  of  celebrating  their  favourite  chieftain  ?  Would  not 
this  be  contrary  to  human  nature  ?  When  Homer  wrote  his  Iliad 
and  Odyssey,  he  made  Achilles,  Ajax,  Diomed,  and  Ulysses,  his 
applauded  heroes.  When  Virgil  penned  his  JEneid,  he  gave  the 
lay  to  the  presumed  ancestor  of  the  Roman  race.  When  Mac- 
pherson  wrote  his  Fingal,  his  hero  was  all-conquering  and  a  High- 
lander. 

IV.  That  the  subjects  and  allusions  of  these  poems  are  such 
as  might  be  expected  from  their  authors. 

Aneurin's  poem  is  upon  the  fatal  battle  of  Cattraeth,  in  which 
he  had  combated.  Its  melancholy  catastrophe  was  occasioned  by 
the  Britons  commencing  the  contest  in  a  state  of  intoxication.  In 
this  poem  he  seems  to  have  had  two  principal  objects ;  one  was  to 
celebrate  the  warriors  who  had  fought  with  him,  and  whose  merit 
he  sings  with  all  the  artlessness  of  sincerity ;  the  other  was  to 
impress  on  the  memory  of  his  countrymen  the  cause  of  the  disaster. 
It  is  said,  that  Homer  composed  his  Iliad  to  teach  the  Greeks  the 
ruinous  effects  of  dissension.  He  may  have  done  so.  But  it  is 
much  more  evident,  that  one  great  purpose  of  the  Gododin,  was 
to  display  the  mischief  of  feasting  before  battle.  To  impress  this 
conviction  with  irresistible  effect,  the  bard  is  perpetually  bringing 
in  allusions,  very  much  diversified,  to  the  wine  and  mead,  which 
had  been  shared  by  his  countrymen.  The  whole  subject  of  the 
Gododin  announces  its  genuineness. 

The  subjects  of  the  poems  of  Llywarch  Hen,  are  the  deaths  of 
his  friend  Geraint  and  of  his  patrons,  Urien,  Cynddylan,  and  Cad- 
wallon,  and  upon  his  own  old  age,  and  the  loss  of  his  children. 
What  can  be  more  natural  ? 

The  poems  of  Taliesen  on  Urien  and  Elphin,  were  in  honour  of 
his  two  patrons.  His  historical  elegies  are  on  the  warriors  who 
were  known  to  him.  These  I  think  genuine.  Of  the  rest  of  the 
poetry  ascribed  to  him,  which  is  so  mystical  as  to  seem  very  fan- 
tastical, I  can  say  nothing.  I  leave  it  to  its  fate.  It  is  scarcely 
worth  being  rescued,  unless  its  mythological  allusions  could  be 
illustrated  from  other  sources.  They  are  not  now  intelligible. 
Merdhin's  Avallenau  is  avowedly  on  the  gift  of  an  orchard, 

1  History  of  Anglo-Saxons,  vol.  i.  pp.  249.  250. 


A   VINDICATION   OF   THE 

which  he  had  received ;  but  it  is  full  of  personal  allusions  to 
himself  and  such  of  his  contemporaries  whom  he  respected  or 
dreaded.  Surely  all  these  subjects  are  natural  topics  for  such 
bards  to  have  chosen — too  natural — too  artless,  for  fraud  to  have 
selected. 

Much  of  the  lyric  poetry  of  Horace  is  of  this  nature.  Many  of 
his  poems  are  on  Augustus,  and  some  are  addressed  to  Mecsenas 
and  others  of  his  contemporaries. 

Several  remarks  may  be  made  on  the  allusions  in  these  poems. 

1.  I  will  not  say,  that  because  the  author's  name  appears  in 
the  poems  ascribed  to  him,  their  genuineness  is  thereby  demon- 
strated. This  would  be  pushing  the  argument  too  far.  But  I 
may  remark,  that  Phsedrus  l,  that  the  ancient  Ennius2,  and  that 
the  elegant  Virgil3  have  inserted  their  own  names  in  their  com- 
positions; our  Cowley 4  has  done  the  same.  So  have  the  Welsh 
bards  of  the  twelfth  century,  Gwalchvnai 5,  Cyndelw6,  and  Lly- 
warch  P.  Moch.7  I  am,  therefore,  entitled  to  say,  that  to  find  the 
name  of  the  author  in  any  poem  is  to  find  a  circumstance  which 
has  often  accompanied  genuineness,  though  it  does  not  prove  it. 
Now  the  ancient  Welsh  bards  have  this  feature.  Then  in  the 
poems  of  Taliesin,  the  author  says, 

"  I  also  am  Tailesin 
Head  of  the  bards  of  the  West." 

Minnau  yw  Taliesin 
Ben  beirdd  y  Gorllewin. 

Dyhudd.  Elph.  Arch,  p.  21. 

"  I  am  Taliesin, 
With  a  speech  flowing  as  a  diviner." 

Mydwyf  Taliesin 
Areith  lif  Dewin. 

Canu  y  Byd  Mawr,  p.  25. 

In  another  place  he  mentions  both  his  name  and  habitation, 
which  is  a  peculiarity  rather  striking. 

1  Phtedrl  libellos  legere  si  desideras 
Vaces  oportet,  Eutychc,  a  negotiis. 

PH.ED.  Fab.  Prol.  Lib  3. 

2  Adspicite,  O  civeis,  senis  Ennii  imagini  formam, 
Hie  vostrum  panxit  maxuma  facta  patrum. 

His  Epitaph. 

Illo  VirgiUum  me  tcmpore  dulcis  alebat 
Parthenope,  studiis  florentem  ignobilis  oti. 

Georg,  iv.  563. 

*  Leave,  wretched  CowJey !  leave 

Thyself  with  shadows  to  deceive. 

Love  given  over. 
8  Arch.  p.  194.  8  Ib.  p.  207.  216.  7  Ib.  p.  301.  322.  327. 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS. 

"  And  I,  also,  Taliesin, 
Of  the  banks  of  the  lake  Ceirionydd."  1 

A  minnau  Daliesin 

O  Ian  llyn  Geirionydd.     Anrec  Urien,  p.  51. 

So  we  find  Aneurin  mentioning  himself: 

"  Inseparable  has  been  lamentation  and  Aneurin." 

Anysgarat  vu  y  nad  ac  Aneurin.  Ib.  p.  9. 

And, 

"When  the  earth  shall  come  upon  Aneurin" 

Er  pan  aeth  daiar  ar  Aneurin.  Ib.  p.  13. 

Llywarch  Hen  also  occasionally  mentions  his  own  name : 

"  My  wooden  crook  !  be  thou  a  branch  contented 
To  support  a  mourning  old  man  ; 
Llywarch  —  noted  for  complaints. 

"  My  wooden  crook,  be  thou  steady, 
And  support  me  better. 
Am  I  not  Llywarch,  from  many  remote?'" 

Baglan  bren  gangen  voddawg 
Cynnely9  hen  hiraethawg 
Llywar9  leverydd  nodawg. 

Baglan  bren,  bydd  y  sty  well 
A'm  cynnelyc  a  vo  gwell : 
Neud  wy v  Liywar9  lawer  pell  ? 

OWEN'S  Llyw.  p.  120. 

"  Sweetly  sang  the  birds  on  the  fragrant  tree 
Over  the  head  of  Gwen,  before  he  was  covered  with  sod. 
He  broke  the  armour  of  Llywarch  Hen." 

Teg  yd  gan  yr  aderyn  ar  berwydd  bren, 

U9  ben  Gwen,  cyn  ei  olo  dan  dywar^. 

Briwai  gal9  Llywarc^  Hen.  OWEN'S  Llyw.  p.  134. 

So  Merdhin, 

"  There  was  given  to  nobody  at  the  dawn  of  day 
What  was  given  to  Merdhin  before  he  became  old." 

A  rodded  i  neb  yn  un  pylgaint 
A  roed  i  Ferddin  cynnoi  henaint. 

Afallen.  Arch.  p.  50. 

1  Mr.  Owen  informs  me,  that  the  lake  of  this  name  is  a  few  miles  west  of 
Llanrwst,  in  the  wildest  part  of  the  Snowdon  Mountains,  in  Caernarvonshire. 
There  is  a  small  ruin  at  one  end  of  the  lake,  which  is  still  traditionally  called  the 
House  of  Taliesin. 


528  A   VINDICATION   OF   THE 

But  we  certainly  gain  a  material  point  by  having  the  author's 
name  inserted  in  a  composition.  It  rescues  us  from  the  doubt 
which  must  always  attend  anonymous  poetry,  whether  it  may  not 
belong  to  some  other  century  than  that  to  which  we  ascribe  it. 
The  author's  name  in  a  poem  narrows  the  question  into  this  alter- 
native. The  poem,  then,  either  must  be  the  genuine  work  of  the 
author  named,  or  an  express  forgery  made  for  the  purpose  of 
passing  to  the  world  as  that  author's  composition.  The  chances 
of  such  a  direct  wilful  forgery,  are  much  fewer  than  the  chances 
of  that  possible  mistake  to  which  anonymous  poetry  is  liable.  But 
I  think  that  the  supposition  of  a  wilful  forgery  of  these  poems 
cannot  be  supported.  I  therefore  submit  that  the  poems  which 
have  the  names  of  these  bards,  if  they  were  not  wilfully  forged, 
must  be  genuine. 

2.  That  authors,  who  were  contemporaries,  should  mention 
each  other  in  their  poems,  is  extremely  natural.  Thus  Horace 
notices  Virgil  more  than  once  l,  and  Cowley  inscribed  a  poem 
to  Sir  William  D'Avenant.  This  is  not  indeed  a  seal  of  genuine- 
ness, which  cannot  be  counterfeited,  but  it  does  not  strike  my 
mind  as  one  of  those  obvious  precautions  which  a  forger  of  the 
twelfth  century  would  use.  I  therefore  adduce  this  circumstance 
as  very  favourable  to  the  genuineness  of  these  poems.  Thus 
Aneurin  mentions  Taliesin  : 

IC  I,  Aneurin,  knew 
"What  is  known  to  Taliesin, 
Who  participates  in  mind." 

Mi  a  wn  vi  Aneurin 

Ys  gwyr  Taliesin, 

Oveg  cyvrenhin.  God.  p.  7. 

In  the  same  natural  manner  Taliesin  notices  Aneurin  in  his 
poems  : 

"  Aneurin  !  I  know  his  name, 
With  his  genius  of  flowing  panegyric; 
And  I  am  Taliesin, 

On  the  borders  of  the  lake  of  Ceirionydd; 
May  I  be  blind  in  age, 
Or  in  the  anguish  of  death, 
If  I  praise  not  Urien." 


1  Molle  atque  facetum 

Virgilio  annuerint  gaudentes  rure  Camoenac. 

Lib.  1.  Sat.  7. 

Navis,  qua?  tibi  creditum 

Debes  Virgilium.  Lib.  1.  Carm.  3. 

He  also  mentions  Virgil  in  his  Art  of  Poetry  >  line  55.,  and  in  his  journey  to  Brun- 
dusium,  line  40. 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS.  529 

A  wn  i  enw  Aneurin,  gwawdrydd  awenydd, 

A  minnau  Daliesin 

O  Ian  llyn  Geirionydd ; 

Ny  daliwyf  yn  hen 

Ym  dygyn  angau  angen 

Oni  molwyf  Urien. 

TAL.  Anrec  Urien,  p.  51. 

So  Taliesin  composed  a  dialogue  between  himself  and  Merdhin, 
and  thus  mentions  both  in  it : 

"  Since  I,  Merdhin,  am  after  Taliesin, 
Equally  common  will  be  my  prophecy." 

Canys  mi  Myrtin  gwydi  Taliesin 
Bydded  cyffredin  fy  darogan. 

Ymdidan,  Arch.  p.  48. 

3.  Another  trait  of  genuineness  is,  that  they  speak  of  events 
which  happened  in  the  age  in  which  they  lived,  as  passing  under 
their  own  eyesight. 

Thus  Taliesin,  on  the  battle  of  Gwenystrad,  where  Urien 
Reged  commanded,  who  we  know  flourished  in  the  sixth  century, 
exclaims, 

"  In  the  pass  of  the  ford  /  saw  the  ghost-like  men 
Dropping  their  arms  in  pallid  misery." 

Yn  nrws  rhyd  gwelais  \  wyr  lledruddion 
Eirf  dillwng  rhag  blawr  gofidon. 

"  /  saw  Urien's  brow  covered  with  fage, 
When  he  attacked  the  enemy  by  the  white  stone  of  Calysten.'' 

Gweles  i  ran  reodig  gan  Urien 

Pan  amwyth  ai  alon  yn  llech  wen  Galysten. 

TAL.  Gwenyst,  p.  52. 

Llywarch  thus  frequently  shows  a  personal  acquaintance  with 
the  events  he  describes.  Thus  on  Geraint's  battle : 

At  Llongborth  I  saw  the  noisy  tumult, 

The  glory  biers, 

And  men  red  from  the  onsets  of  the  foe. 

In  Llongborth  I  saw  the  weapons 
Of  the  warriors  dropping  blood. 

/  saw  the  edges  striking  together, 

Men  in  terror,  and  blood  upon  the  brow, 

From  Geraint,  the  great  son  of  his  father. 

In  Llongborth  I  saw  tumultuous  struggling 
On  the  stones — ravens  at  their  feast, 
And  on  the  chieftain's  brow  a  crimson  gash. 
VOL.  III.  MM 


530  A   VINDICATION    OF    THE 

I  saw  a  confused  running 

Of  men  together,  and  blood  on  the  feet. 

"  Ye  that  are  the  men  of  Geraint,  make  haste."  * 

There  is  certainly  an  air  of  reality  in  this  description.  It  does 
not  consist  of  general  phrases  which  are  the  common  appendages  of 
poetical  battles.  The  images  selected  seem  taken  from  the  tumul- 
tuous circumstances  of  a  conflict,  which  the  bard  had  actually 
witnessed. 

The  personages  mentioned  in  this  battle  decide  its  chronology. 
The  bard  styles  Geraint  the  son  of  Erbin,  and  he  mentions  Arthur 
as  the  commander  of  the  Britons  : 

At  Llongborth  were  slain  to  Arthur 
Valiant  men,  who  hewed  with  steel. 
He  was  the  emperor  and  director  of  the  toil.  2 

Thus  the  chief  features  of  this  elegy  attest  its  genuineness. 

In  his  elegy  on  Urien  Reged,  we  meet  with  the  same  personal 
assertions,  which  it  is  natural  for  genuine  poems  to  contain : 

I  bear  a  head  at  my  side ;  the  head  of  Urien  ; 

The  mild  leader  of  his  army  — 

Upon  his  white  bosom  is  the  sable  raven.3 

In  his  elegy  on  Cynddylan  we  meet  with  an  idea  which  it  is 
unlikely  that  any  but  the  real  author  of  the  poem  should  have 
conceived.  Cynddylan  had  fallen  against  the  victorious  Saxons, 
and  the  first  image  which  occurs  to  his  friend  and  bard  is,  that 


1  Tn  Llongborth  gwelais  drydar 
Ac  elorawr  yn  ngwyar 

A  gwyr  rhudd  rhag  rhuthr  esgar. 

Tn  Llongborth  gwelais  i  arvau 
Gwyr  a  gwyar  yn  dineu. 

...  -  Gwelais  gymminad 
Gwyr  yn  ngryd  a  gwaed  ar  iad 
Rhag  Geraint  mawr  mab  ei  dad. 

Yn  Llongborth  gwelais  drabludd 

Ar  fain  brain  ar  goludd 

Ac  ar  gran  cynran  manrudd. 

Gwelais  i  breithred 

Gwyr  ynghyd  a  gwaed  ar  draed 

A  vo  gwyr  i  Eraint  brysied.  Arch,  p.  101. 

2  Yn  Llongborth  lias  i  Arthur 
Gwyr  dewr  cymmynynt  a  dur 

Ammherawdyr  llywiawdyr  llavur.  Ibid.  p.  102. 

s  Pen  a  borthav  ar  vy  nhu ;  Pen  Urien 
Llary,  llyw  ei  llu 
Ac  ar  ei  vron  wen  fran  ddu.  Ibid.  p.  103. 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS.  531 

his  domains  and  palace  are  on  fire.  He  sees  the  flames  arising — 
he  anticipates  the  calamities  which  the  victorious  foe  will  pour 
upon  the  country  —  he  calls  upon  the  maidens  of  Wales  to  be- 
hold the  ravage,  and  to  recollect  the  misery  which  will  attend 
the  married  state  from  the  loss  of  husbands,  children,  and  pro- 
perty : 

Stand  out,  ye  virgins,  and  behold  the  territory  of  Cynddylan, 
The  palace  of  Pengwern  !     Is  it  not  in  flames  ? 
Woe  to  the  youthful  who  wish  for  social  ties. l 

This  is  followed  by  another  trait  that  seems  to  have  been  bor- 
rowed from  real  nature.  It  is  that  the  bard  recollects  a  tree  — 
a  favourite  object — and  expresses  his  hope  that  it  will  escape  in 
the  devastation : 

One  tree,  around  which  the  twining  woodbine  clasps, 

Perhaps  will  escape — 

But  what  God  wills,  be  it  done  ! 2 

In  the  Gododin  of  Aneurin,  there  are  also  expressions  which 
indicate  that  the  events  passed  in  his  sight.  There  seems  much 
of  the  particularity  of  genuineness  in  these  lines : 

I  beheld  the  scene  from  the  highland  of  Odren  : 

A  sacrifice  round  the  omen-fire  which  they  brought  down. 

I  saw  it  as  usual  on  the  town  of  Fledegein, 

And  the  men  of  Nwython  toiled  to  excess. 

I  saw  men  in  complete  order,  by  the  dawn,  from  Addoen, 

And  the  head  of  Dyfnwal,  ravens  were  consuming.  3 

Taliesin  also  avows  his  personal  acquaintance  with  the  events 
he  narrates : 

Conspicuously  before  the  sons  of  Llyr  at  the  outlets  of  Henvelen ; 
/  saw  the  oppression  of  the  tumult,  and  wrath  and  tribulation : 
The  weapons  glittered  on  the  splendid  helmets 
Conspicuously  before  the  Lord  of  Fame  in  the  dales  of  the  Severn, 
Before  Brochwel  of  Powys,  who  loved  my  muse. 

Arch.  p.  66. 

1  Sevw9  allan  vorwynion,  a  syllw9  werydre  Cynddylan 
Llys  Pengwern  neud  tandde 

Gwac  ieuainc  a  eiddynt  brodre.  Arch.  p.  107. 

2  Un  pren  a  gwyddvid  arno, 
O  dianc  ys  odid 

A  vyno  Duw  dervid.  Ibid.  p.  107. 

*  Gweleis  y  dull  o  ben  tir  Odren 
Aberth  am  goelcerth  a  disgynnyn 
Gweleis  oedd  cynnevin  ar  dref  Ffledegein 
A  gwyr  Nwythion  rygodesyn 
Gweleis  gwyr  dullyawr  gan  aur  addevyn 
A  phen  Dyfnwal  a  breich  brein  ae  cnoyn.  ANEURIN,  p.  18, 

M  M    2 


532  A    VINDICATION   OF    THE 

Ceint  rac  raeibion  Llyr  yn  ebyr  Henfelen 
Gweleis  treis  Irydar  ac  asar  ac  anghen 
Yd  lethrynt  lasnawr  ar  bennawr  disgywen 
Ceint  rhag  udd  clodeu  yn  noleu  Hasren 
Rhag  Brochwel  Powys  a  garwys  fy  Avven. 

TALIESINj  p.  66. 

4.  Many  passages  may  be  noticed  in  these  poems  which  seem 
to  have  been  taken  from  objects  and  incidents  then  really  existing, 
and  which  could  hardly  have  occurred  to  the  mind  of  a  fraudulent 
impostor,  especially  in  those  rude  ages,  when  the  artful  precautions 
of  literary  deceit  were  very  little  understood. 

Urien  had  a  sister  named  Eurddyl.  It  was  natural  that  on 
Urien's  assassination,  Llywarch,  his  friend,  should  think  of  the 
grief  which  the  catastrophe  would  occasion  to  his  sister,  and  that 
the  bard  should  mention  the  circumstance  in  his  elegy  on  Urien  ; 
accordingly  he  twice  alludes  to  her  feelings  : 

Eurddyl  will  be  disconsolate  to-night, 
In  Aber  Lieu  Urien  was  slain.1 

It  seems  to  me  to  be  likewise  a  genuine,  but  not  an  obvious 
circumstance,  that  in  the  night  after  the  battle,  in  which  his 
patron  Cynddylan  fell,  the  bard  should  feel  himself  interrupted  by 
the  screams  of  the  birds  of  prey  over  their  dismal  repast.  Their 
cries  recall  to  his  recollection  his  friend,  whose  remains  were  at 
their  mercy : 

Eagle  of  Eli,  thou  dost  scream  loudly  to-night ; 
In  the  blood  of  men  thou  dost  eagerly  swim  — 
He  is  in  the  wood  —  heavy  is  my  grief.8 

Llywarch  speaks  of  an  event  as  having  happened  on  the  pre- 
ceding night.  This  is  a  phrase  which  would  hardly  have  been 
used  in  a  surreptitious  poem  : 

Gwen,  by  the  Llawen,  watched 

Last  night,  with  the  shield  uplifted  — 

As  he  was  my  son,  he  did  not  retreat.3 

Is  not  the  following  passage  the  description  of  a  man  who  had 
beheld  the  object  he  mentions  ? 

When  Pyll  was  slain,  gashing  was  the  wound, 
And  the  blood  on  the  hair  seemed  horrible.* 

1  Handid  Eurddyl  avlawen  henoetb, — 

Yn  aber  Lieu  lladd  Urien.  LL.  HEN,  Arch.  p.  105. 

2  Eryr  Eli,  gorelwi  beno, 

Yn  ngwaed  gwyr  gwynnovi ; 

Ev  yn  nghoed,  trwm  hoed  i  mi.  Ib.  p.  109. 

3  Gwen  wrth  Lawen  ydd  wyliis 
Neithwyr,  a'r  ysgwyd  ar  ygnis  ; 

Can  bu  mab  i  mi  ni  ddiengis.  Ib.  p.  116. 

4  Pan  las  Pyll  oedd  tywyll  briw 

A  gwaed  ar  wallt  hyll.  Ib.  p.  117. 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS.  533 

There  is  much  natural  representation  in  the  passage  of  his  elegy  on 
Urien,  of  the  confused  state  of  bis  army  after  their  leader's  fall : 

On  Friday  I  saw  great  anxiety 
Among  the  baptized  embattled  hosts, 
Like  a  swarm  without  a  hive.1 

The  account  of  the  pursuit  made  after  Urien's  murderer  is  also 
very  natural : 

There  is  commotion  in  every  region, 

In  search  of  Llofan  with  the  detested  hand.2 

The  real  Llywarch,  seated  in  the  mansion  of  Urien,  when  he 
wrote  his  elegy,  might  allude  to  it  as  before  him,  in  the  manner 
he  does  in  the  following  verses,  but  the  images  would  hardly  have 
occurred  to  an  impostor  : 

Many  a  hunting  dog  and  towering  hawk 
Have  been  trained  on  this  floor, 
Before  Erlleon  became  polluted. 

This  hearth — ah  !  will  it  not  be  covered  with  nettles  ! 

Whilst  its  defender  lived 

It  was  accustomed  to  petitioners. 

This  hearth,  will  it  not  be  turned  up  by  swine  I 

It  has  been  more  accustomed  to  the  clamour  of  men 

And  the  circling  horns  of  the  banquet.3 

The  topics  of  a  forger  are  more  general  than  these,  and  more 
remote  from  individual  reality. 

The  images  of  a  light  fall  of  snow — of  the  warriors  advancing 
over  it  to  the  combat ;  but  of  Llywarch  staying  at  home,  from 
age,  have  the  semblance  of  reality  in  these  lines  : 

Scarcely  has  the  snow  covered  the  vale — 

The  warriors  are  hast'ning  to  battle. 

I  shall  not  go :  infirmity  will  not  let  me.4 

1  Dyw  Gwener  gwelais  i  ddiwyd  mawr 

Ar  vyddinawr  bedydd 

Haid  heb  vodrydav  by  bydd.  LL.  HKN,  Arch.  p.  105. 

a  Cyrchyniad  yn  mhob  bro 

Yn  wysc  Llovan  Llawddifro.  Ib.  p.  106. 

*  Llawer  ci  geilic  a  hebawc  wryenic 

A  lithiwyd  ar  y  llawe 

Cyn  bu  Erlleon  llawedrawr. 

Yr  aelwyd  hon  neus  cudd  dynad 

Tra  vu  vyw  ei  gwarcheidwad 

Mwy  gorddyvnasai  eirchiad. 

Yr  aelwydd  hon  neus  cladd  hwch 

Mwy  gorddyvnasai  elwch  gwyr 

Ac  am  gyrn  cyveddwch.  Ib. 

4  Otid  eiry  toid  ystrad 

Dyvrysiant  cedwyr  i  gad 

Mi  nid  av  anav  ni'm  gad.  Ib.  p.  119. 

H  M    3 


534  A   VINDICATION   OF    THE 

In  the  poems  of  Taliesin,  there  are  some  passages  which  seem 
taken  from  the  life.  I  would  refer  to  the  Mead  Song  already 
quoted,  on  this  subject,  and  will  also  adduce  another  passage  on 
his  son  : 

Avagddu,  my  son,  also, 

The  blessed  Lord  caused  him  to  be  formed. 

In  the  mutual  contention  of  songs, 

His  wit  was  superior  to  mine.1 

This  seems  a  very  natural  turn  of  thought  for  a  parent  proud 
of  his  son. 

The  apostrophe  of  Aneurin  to  the  son  of  Clydno,  may  be  also 
mentioned : 

He  would  slay  the  ravagers  with  the  swiftest  blade: 
Like  rushes  would  they  fall  before  his  arm. 
Son  of  Clydno  !  of  extended  fame  :  I  will  sing  to  thee 
With  praise  without  bound,  without  end.2 

When  the  same  poet,  after  celebrating  the  valour  of  a  hero, 
calls  by  name  on  some  persons  who  were  present  at  the  battle  as 
witnesses  to  the  truth  of  his  panegyric,  it  seems  to  me  not  to  be 
an  artificial  thought : 

When  Caradoc  hastened  to  the  conflict, 

Like  the  boar  of  the  wood  fiercely  he  would  tear. 

The  bull  of  battle  —  he  fell'd  them  down  in  the  struggle. 

He  would  allure  the  wild  dogs  with  his  hand. 

My  witness  is  Owen  the  son  of  Eulad, 

And  Gwrien,  and  Gwyn,  and  Gwriat.3 

The  following  account  of  the  escape  of  the  bard  from  this 
destructive  battle,  may  be  also  noticed  as  an  artless  indication  of 

1  Afagddu  fy  mab  innue 

Dedwydd  Dofydd  rhwy  goreu 
Ynghysamryson  cerddeu 
Oedd  gwell  ei  synwyr  no'r  fau'.  TALIESIN,  68. 

The  bards  frequently  contended  with  each  other  for  pre-eminence,  and  their 
patrons  adjudged  prizes  to  the  superior  genius.  An  instance  of  these  contentions 
in  the  twelfth  century,  was  the  competition  of  Cyndelw  with  Seisyll,  for  the  chair 
of  Madoc,  prince  of  Powys.  The  poem  in  the  Welsh  Archaiology,  p.  210.,  is  upon 
this  struggle.  In  the  fifteenth  century  these  contentions  were  very  frequent.  In 
the  above  passage,  Taliesin  alludes  to  those  of  his  times. 

2  Ef  laddei  oswydd  a  llafn  llymmaf 
Mai  brwyn  yt  gwyddynt  rac  y  adaf 
Mab  Clytno  clothir  canaf  y  ty 

Or  clot  heb  or  heb  eithaf.  ANEUR.  p.  9. 

3  Pan  gryssyei  Garadawc  y  gat 
Mai  baedd  coet  trychwn  trychiat 
Tarw  beddin  yn  trin  gomynyat 
Ef  lithyei  wyd  gwn  oe  anghat 
Ys  vy  nhyst  Ewein  vab  Eulat 

A  Gwrien  a  Gwyn  a  Gwriat.  Ib. 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS.  535 

the  author  of  the  poem  being  a  contemporary  and  witness  of  the 
scene  he  narrates  : 

Men  went  to  Cattraeth  :  they  were  notorious. 

Wine  and  mead,  from  gold,  were  their  liquors  : 

Three  heroes,  and  three  hundred  and  sixty  wearing  the  golden 

torques. 

They  were  of  those  who  hastened  after  excess  of  liquor. 
There  escaped  only  three  from  the  power  of  their  swords. 
Two  war  dogs  from  Aeron  and  Cynon, 
And  I — from  my  blood-spilling  by  the  value  of  my  blessed 

muse.1 

From  the  passage  which  I  shall  next  cite,  it  would  seem  that 
Cenau,  the  son  of  Llywareh  Hen,  had  once  released  Aneurin  from 
a  prison.  In  mentioning  this  warrior,  it  was  very  natural  that  the 
bard's  gratitude  should  remember  and  record  the  incident  to  which 
he  had  been  so  much  indebted  ;  but  I  do  not  think  that  the  thought 
would  have  occurred  to  a  fraudulent  impostor,  as  the  author  of  the 
Gododin  must  have  been,  if  he  was  not  an  Aneurin : 

From  the  power  of  the  sword,  illustrious  to  protect — 
From  the  fierce  prison  of  earth  he  brought  me ; 
From  the  place  of  death  ;  from  an  unlovely  land, 
Cenau,  the  son  of  Llywarch,  energetic  and  bold.2 

The  expressions  which  Aneurin,  before  this,  used  concerning 
the  misfortune  to  which  he  here  alludes,  have  an  appearance  of 
reality  unsuitable  to  imposture  : 

I  am  not  turbulent,  or  self-willed  ; 

I  will  not  revenge  my  destiny  — 

In  the  earthy  house, 

With  the  iron  chain 

A^bout  the  top  of  my  two  knees, 

From  the  mead,  from  the  festive  horns, 

From  the  host  at  Cattraeth.3 

1  Gwyr  a  aeth  Gattraeth  buant  en  wawc 
Gwin  a  med  o  eur  vu  eu  gwirawd 
Blwyddyn  yn  erbyn  wrdyn  deawd 

Triwyr  a  thri  ugeint  a  thrichant  eurdorchaud 

Or  saul  yt  grysiasant  uch  gormant  wiraut 

Ny  diengei  namyn  tri  o  wrhydri  ffossawt 

Deu  gatci  Aeron  a  Chenon  dayar  awt 

A  minneu  om  guaetfreu  gwerth  vy  guennaut.        ANKUR.  p.  4. 

2  Onerth  y  cleddyf  claer  vy  hamuc 
O  garchar  anwar  daear  ym  due 
O  gyvle  angheu  o  anghar  dut 

Ceneu  vab  Llywarch  dihafarch  drut.  Ib.  p.  8. 

3  Nyt  wyf  vynawc  blin 
Ni  ddialav  vy  ordin 
Yn  y  ty  deyerin 
Catuyn  heyernin 

M  M  4 


536  A   VINDICATION   OF   THE 

It  would  seem,  from  this  passage,  that  the  bard  had  been  taken 
prisoner  at  this  unfortunate  battle. 

It  would  be  intruding  too  long  on  the  patience  of  the  reader, 
to  discuss  this  subject  in  its  full  extent.  I  will  therefore  only 
notice, 

5thly,  Those  allusions  which  relate  to  the  personal  feelings  of 
these  bards.  Fictitious  poems  seldom  touch  on  this  topic,  be- 
cause it  is  not  easy  to  counterfeit  true  feeling.  I  can  still  less 
suspect  any  one  before  the  twelfth  century  to  have  thought  of 
counterfeiting  it. 

In  the  poems  of  Taliesin  upon  Urien,  there  is  a  perpetual  ex- 
pression of  gratitude,  which  is  far  more  likely  to  be  found  in  a 
composition  addressed  to  a  living  patron,  whom  such  sentiments 
would  gratify,  than  to  have  been  used  in  forged  poetry. 

Several  of  Taliesin's  panegyrical  odes  close  with  these  earnest 
phrases  of  attachment.  I  will  cite  three  : 

I  also,  Taliesin — 
May  I  be  blind  in  age, 
Or  in  the  anguish  of  death, 
If  I  praise  not  Urien.1 

In  the  future  severe  death  of  necessity, 
May  I  not  be  in  smiles, 
If  I  praise  not  Urien.2 

I  am  not  increasing, 

But  into  age  I  am  departing  : 

Yet  in  the  severe  death  of  necessity, 

May  I  not  be  in  smiles, 

If  I  praise  not  Urien.3 

Other  expressions  of  gratitude  may  be  noticed : 

There  is  superior  happiness  1^ 

For  the  illustrious  in  fame  ;  for  the  liberal  of  praise ; 
There  is  superior  glory, 

Am  benn  vy  deulin 

O  ved  o  vuelin 

O  Gattraeth  wnin.  ANEUR.  p.  7. 

1  A  minneu  Dalyesin  — 
Ny  dallywyf  yn  hen 
Ym  dygyn  aghen 

Oni  moluyf  Uryen.  TALIES.  p.  51. 

2  Ym  dygn  angeu  angen 
Ni  byddif  im  dirwen 

Na  molwyf  Urien.  lb.  p.  55. 

3  Nad  wyf  cynnydd 

Ac  yn  y  fallwyf  hen 
Ym  dygn  angeu  angen 
Ni  biddif  ym  dyrwen 

No  molwyf  Urien,  lb. 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS.  537 

That  Urien  and  his  children  exist, 

He  reigns  the  supreme,  the  sovereign  Lord.1 

Urien  of  Reged,  the  most  generous  that  is,  and  will  be  ; 

And  that  has  been  since  Adam  ;  Urien,  of  the  amplest  sword.2 

Another  paragraph  on  Urien  is  : 

I  am  an  old  wanderer — 
I  am  of  cheerful  talents  — 
Silence  would  be  envy. 
Be  mine  the  praise  of  Urien.3 

All  these  expressions  are  favourable   to  the  argument  of  the 
genuineness  of  the  poetry. 

Many  personal  feelings  occur  in  Llywarch's  poetry,  which  at- 
test their  own  genuineness.     I  will  cite  only  a  few. 

In  his  elegy  on  his  patron  Cynddylan,  who  fell  in  battle,  he 
says: 

The  hall  of  Cynddylan  is  gloomy  this  night ; 
Without  fire ;  without  a  family  — 
My  overflowing  tears  gush  out. 

The  hall  of  Cynddylan  pierces  me  to  see  it 
Without  a  covering ;  without  a  fire  : 
My  general  is  dead,  and  I  myself  alive.4 

The  self-reproach  of  the  last  line  is  striking  !   Very  natural  is  the 
following  reflection  : 

Brethren  I  have  had,  who  were  free  from  evil, 
Who  grew  up  like  the  saplings  of  the  hazel  — 
One  by  one  they  are  all  departed  ! 6 

1  Ys  mwy  llawenydd 

Gan  glodfan  clodrydd 

Ts  mwy  gogoniant 

Fod  Urien  ai  blant 

Ac  ef  yn  Arbennig 

Tn  oruchel  wledig.  TALIKS.  p.  55. 

8  Dryen  o  Reget  hael  ef  syd 

Ac  a.vyd 

Ac  a  vu  yr  Adaf  letaf  y  gled.  Ib.  p.  51. 

*  Wyf  carddenhin  hen 

Wyf  cyfreu  lawen 

Athaw  y  dygen 

Meu  molawd  Drien.  lb.  p.  40. 

4  Ystavell  Cynddylan  ys  tywyll  heno 
Heb  dan  heb  deulu 

Hidyl  mau  yd  gynu 

Ystavell  Cynddylan  a'm  gwan  ei  gweled 

Heb  doed,  heb  dan 

Marw  vy  nglyw  byw  my  hunan.  LL.  HEN.  p.  114. 

5  Brodyr  ambwyad  ni  vail 
A  dyvynt  val  gwyail  coll 

O  un  i  un  edynt  oil.  Ib.  p.  1 12. 


538  A   VINDICATION   OF   THE 

In  his  elegy  on  his  old  age,  and  on  the  loss  of  his  children,  he 
has  many  very  interesting  passages : 

Before  I  appeared  on  crutches,  I  was  comely ; 
My  lance  was  the  foremost  of  the  spears ; 
I  am  heavy — I  am  wretched.1 

Old  age  is  scoffing  at  me, 

From  my  hair  to  my  teeth  ; 

And  the  eye  which  the  young  ones  loved.2 

I  think  there  is  much  beauty  in  the  following  image  of  the  help- 
lessness of  age : 

This  leaf,  is  it  not  blown  about  by  the  wind  ? 
Woe  to  it  for  its  fate  I 
Alas,  it  is  old.3 

There  is  much  nature  in  the  following  passages,  if  we  conceive 
them  to  have  been  written  by  the  real  Llywarch,  whose  life  ex- 
tended to  a  long  period  : 

The  four  most  hateful  things  to  me  through  life, 

Have  met  together  with  one  accord : 

Cough,  age,  sickness,  and  grief. 

I  am  aged  —  I  am  lonely.     I  am  decrepit — cold  — 

After  having  enjoyed  the  bed  of  honour. 

I  am  rash  —  I  am  outrageous. 

They  who  loved  me  once,  now  love  me  not. 

Maidens  love  me  not.     I  am  resorted  to  by  none; 

I  cannot  move  myself  along — 

Ah,  death  !  wilt  thou  not  befriend  me  ! 4 

There  is  much  of  a  genuine  appearance  in  Aneurin's  expression 
of  his  feelings  in  this  passage  : 

1  Cyn  bum  cain  vaglawg  bum  eirian 
Oedd  cynwayw  vy  mhar 

wyv  trwm  wyv  truan.  LL.  HEN,  p.  112. 

2  Yn  cymmwedd  y  mae  henaint  a  mi 
O'm  gwallt  i'm  daint 

A'r  cloyn  a  gerynt  yr  ieuaint.  Ib.  p.  115. 

s  Y  ddeilen  hon  neus  cynnired  gwynt 
Gwae  hi  o'i  thynged 
Hi  hen.  Ib. 

4  Vy  mhedwar  priv-gas  erymoed 
Ymgyvarvyddynt  yn  unoed 
Pas  a  henaint  haint  a  hoed. 

Wyv  hen  wyv  unig  wyv  anelwig,  oei; 
Gwedy  gwely  ceinmyg. 

Wyv  ehud  wyv  anwar 

Y  sawl  a'm  caroedd  ni'm  car 

Ni'm  car  rhianedd  nim  cynnired  neb 

Ni  allav  ddarymred 

Wi  o  angau  na'm  dygred.  Ib. 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS.  539 

Miserable  am  I  after  the  fatigue  of  the  conflict, 

To  suffer  the  pangs  of  death  in  sensibility  I 

Twice  heavily  afflicted  am  I,  to  have  seen 

The  falling  of  our  men  in  all  directions, 

And  to  have  felt  the  anxious  sigh  and  grief 

For  the  valiant  men  of  the  social  land ; 

For  Rhuvaun,  for  Gwgawn,  Gwiawn,  and  Gwylyget ! l 

In  Merdhin's  Avallenau,  there  is  also  much  display  of  natural 
feelings  appropriate  to  his  character.  The  allusion  to  his  insanity 
is  interesting : 

I  myself  am  a  wild  horrible  screamer ; 

I  am  pierced  with  horrors  —  I  am  covered  by  no  raiment ! 2 

The  following  passages  very  forcibly  display  his  situation  and 
feelings : 

Gwendydd  does  not  love  me  —  she  never  greets  me. 
I  am  hated  by  the  minister  of  the  favours  of  Rhydderch. 
I  have  ruined  his  son  and  his  daughter. 
Death  relieves  all — why  does  it  not  visit  me?3 

Since  Gwenddolau,  no  prince  honours  me, 

No  pleasure  allures  me,  no  fair  one  cheers  me ; 

Yet  in  the  battle  of  Arderydd  I  wore  the  golden  torques, 

Before  I  was  disastrous  to  her  who  has  the  appearance  of  the  swan.4 

I  heard  the  rumour  in  the  first  dawn  of  the  day, 
That  the  minister  of  the  favours  of  Meuwyd, 

Twice,  thrice,  and  four  times  in  one  day 

Oh,  Jesus  !   why  did  not  my  destruction  come, 

Before  it  happened  to  my  hand  to  destroy  the  son  of  Gwendydd  ?5 

1  Truan  yw  gennyf  gwedy  lluddet 
Goddef  gloes  angheu  trwy  agcyffret 
Ac  eil  trwm  truan  gennyf  vy  gwelet 
Gogwddai  an  gwyr  ny  pen  o  draet 
Ac  ucheneit  hir  ac  eilyuet 

Tn  ol  gwyr  pybyr  temyr  tutuet 

Rhuvawn  a  Gwgawn  Gwiawn  a  Gwylyget  ANEUR.  p.  12. 

2  A  minnau  wyf  gwyllt  gorthryfiad 

Ira  cathrudd  cythrudd  nim  cudd  dillad.  MERDDIN,  Afall.  p.  151. 

3  Mi  nim  car  Gwenddydd  ac  nim  hennyrch 
Wyf  cas  gan  wasawg  gwaesaf  Ryddyrch 
Ry  rewiniais  iei  fab  ef  ai  ferch 

Angeu  a  ddwg  pawb  pa  rag  nam  cyvairch.  Ib.  p.  152. 

4  A  guedi  Gwenddoleu  neb  rhiau  nim  peirch 
Nim  gogawn  gwarwy  nim  gofwy  gordderch 
Ac  yngwaith  Arderydd  oed  aur  fy  ngorthorch 

Cyn  i  bwy  aelaw  heddiw  gan  eiliw  eleirch.  Ib. 

s  Chwedleu  a  gigleu  yn  nechreuddydd 
Rysorri  gwassawg  gwaesaf  Meuwydd 
Dwywaith  a  theirgwaith  pedeirgwaith  yn  undydd 
Och  lesu  !  na  ddyfu  fy  nihenydd 
C'yn  dyfod  ar  fy  Haw  Haith  mab  Gwendydd.  Ib. 


540  A   VINDICATION   OF   THE 

After  predicting  that  Arthur  shall  re-appear,  and  Gwenhwyvar 
be  punished,  he  exclaims, 

Worse  has  befallen  me,  without  hope  of  deliverance. 
The  son  of  Gwendydd  is  slain  —  my  hand  did  it.1 

I  will  close  this  head  of  my  subject  by  remarking  what  appears 
to  me  to  be  a  striking  instance  of  identity  of  composition  in  the 
works  of  Llywarch  Hen.  Most  authors  have  a  style,  a  manner 
peculiar  to  themselves.  The  poems  of  Llywarch  Hen  display 
such  a  peculiarity,  and  as  all  of  them  contain  it,  I  will  adduce  it 
as  a  proof  that  they  all  spring  from  one  author,  which  is  a  cir- 
cumstance of  no  small  consideration  in  the  question  of  their 
genuineness. 

It  is  a  favourite  habit  with  Llywarch  Hen,  when  an  idea  has 
occurred  to  him  which  he  feels  to  be  interesting,  to  dwell  upon  the 
idea  for  a  considerable  time,  and  to  recur  to  it  several  times  before 
he  leaves  it.  Thus,  in  his  poem  on  his  age,  his  attention  having 
been  excited  by  the  staff  which  supported  him,  he  begins  seven 
stanzas  successively  with  an  address  to  it,  calling  it  "Baglan  bren," 
"my  wooden  crook."  P.  114. 

In  the  poem  on  his  children,  which  is  connected  in  the  MSS. 
with  that  on  his  age,  (but  in  my  opinion  very  improperly,  as  they 
are  clearly  two  distinct  poems2,)  the  idea  of  his  son  Gwen  occurs 
to  him.  He  immediately  pursues  it  for  six  stanzas,  beginning 
each  with  his  son's  name.  P.  116. 

In  his  elegy  on  Cynddylan,  he  begins  fourteen  stanzas  with  his 
friend's  name.  The  recollection  of  Cynddylan's  hall,  and  its  de- 
serted appearance,  in  consequence  of  the  prince's  fall,  afterwards 
comes  into  his  mind,  and  he  begins  several  stanzas  with  allusions 
to  it,  as  he  afterwards  alludes  to  the  Eagle  of  Eli,  and  the  churches 
of  Bassa.  P.  108,  109. 

In  his  elegy  on  Urien,  the  same  practice  is  observable.  He 
describes  himself  as  having  the  head  of  Urien  at  his  side,  and  he 
repeats  the  image  for  thirteen  stanzas. 

His  elegy  on  Geraint  contains  twenty-four  stanzas,  all  com- 
mencing with  one  of  three  phrases.  "  Rhag  Geraint  gelyn"  in- 
troduces three  stanzas.  "  Yn  Llongborth  gwelais"  begins  twelve 
stanzas,  and  the  first  line  of  the  next  stanza  is  common  to  all  that 
follow. 

I  do  not  adduce  this  peculiarity  as  a  poetical  beauty.  It  is 
certainly  not  the  offspring  of  taste,  or  imagination,  but  is  a  trait 
which  identifies  all  these  poems  to  be  the  works  of  one  author ; 
and  this  author,  from  the  poems  themselves,  appears  to  have  been 
Llywarch  Hen.  I  think  I  can  account  for  this  peculiarity  by 

1  Gwaeth  i  mi  a  dderfydd  heb  ysgorfa. 

Lleas  mab  Gwendydd — fy  Haw  ai  gwna.       MEKDDIN,  Afatt.  162. 

2  The  poem  on  his  old  age  contains  (I  think)  only  the  first  twenty  stanzas.     I 
think  it  then  ceases,  and  that  what  follows  is  a  distinct  and  separate  poem  on  the 
loss  of  his  children,  which  should  be  printed  separately. 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS.  541 

saying  that  alliteration  was  the  rage  of  the  Welsh  bards,  as  I  shall 
presently  show,  and  that  in  this  peculiarity  Llywarch  was  striving 
to  show  how  many  varieties  of  thoughts  he  could  put  together 
under  the  same  idea,  and  connect  with  the  same  words.  To  begin 
several  stanzas  with  saying  "  the  hall  of  Cynddylan,"  is  the  same 
idle  play  of  mind,  as  to  begin  several  words  with  the  same  letters. 
How  much  of  these  practices  sprang  from  the  Druidical  contri- 
vances to  assist  their  memory  while  they  taught  their  youths  so 
many  verses1,  without  committing  them  to  writing,  cannot  now  be 
determined. 

Aneurin  and  Merdhin  have  this  habit  so  much,  as  to  show  it  to 
be  a  characteristic  of  the  poetry  of  that  day.  But  Llywarch's 
poems  have  it  to  an  unexampled  excess,  which  stamps  them  all 
with  the  same  mark. 

V.  On  the  Language  of  the  Bards. 

On  the  language  of  these  bards,  it  is  very  favourable  to  the 
genuineness  of  their  poems,  that  though  they  were  written  in  Welsh, 
they  have  not  been  found  intelligible  by  many  modern  Welshmen. 
Evans,  who  has  published  an  essay  on  the  Welsh  poetry,  mentions 
this  several  times.  He  says  of  the  Gododin,  "  by  reason  of  its 
great  antiquity,  it  is  not  easily  understood,"  p.  17.  Again  "many 
of  Taliesin's  poems,  on  account  of  their  great  antiquity,  are  very 
obscure,  as  the  works  of  his  contemporaries  are,"  p.  18.  In  speaking 
of  the  poem  of  another  bard  of  these  times,  he  again  complains  of 
the  obscurity  and  difficulty  of  these  venerable  remains,  p.  49.  He 
says  of  the  best  antiquaries  and  critics  in  the  Welsh  language 
living  in  his  time,  that  "  they  all  confess  that  they  do  not  understand 
above  one-half  of  any  of  Taliesin's  poems,"  p.  54. 

The  difficulty  of  understanding  these  poems,  which  Brans  so 
strongly  states,  and  which  so  many  Welshmen  have  felt  and  lamented, 
is  just  what  would  be  found  in  genuine  poems  of  the  sixth  century. 
I  adduce  it  as  an  attestation  of  their  genuineness.  It  is  not,  indeed, 
an  insuperable  difficulty,  because  the  means  to  overcome  it  are  open 
to  every  one.  The  writings  of  one  age  are  the  best  guides  to  our 
understanding  those  of  a  preceding.  They  who  are  conversant 
with  the  poems  of  the  fourteenth  century,  will  understand  those  of 
the  twelfth,  and  all  who  have  carefully  exercised  themselves  in  the 
compositions  of  the  twelfth  century,  will,  by  patient  labour,  com- 
prehend and  read  those  of  the  sixth.  Dr.  Owen  Pughe,  whose 
leisure  has  been  devoted  to  the  ancient  literature  of  his  country, 
has  facilitated  its  study  to  every  one  by  his  new  dictionary  of  HP 
language,  in  which  the  diction  of  the  old  bards  is  particularly 
attended  to,  and  illustrated.  The  circumstance  of  the  difficulty 
of  the  language  to  modern  Welshmen,  is  surely  an  important 
feature  of  genuineness.  On  this  topic,  however,  it  would  be  inde- 

1  Caesar  says  of  the  Druids,  "  magnum  ibi  numerum  versuum  ediscere  dicuntur." 
—  L.  vi.  c.  13. 


542  A    VINDICATION   OF   THE 

corous  in  me  not  to  speak  very  diffidently.     Welshmen  are  the 
only  competent  judges  on  this  curious  point. 

It  is  certainly  indispensable  to  the  genuineness  of  these  poems, 

VI.  That  their  historical  allusions  should  be  true. 

As  far  as  I  have  examined  these  poems,  their  historical  allusions 
seem  to  me  to  be  singularly  true.  I  say  singularly,  because  they 
present  none  of  the  fables  which  we  meet  with  in  Jeffrey. 

I  consider  it  as  a  very  remarkable  circumstance,  that  the  Welsh 
bards,  and  the  most  valuable  of  the  triads,  express  or  imply  a  train 
of  history  very  unlike,  and  sometimes  very  contradictory  to,  that  of 
Jeffrey.  Such  is  the  difference,  that  if  Jeffrey's  facts  on  many 
occasions  be  true,  the  Welsh  bards  must  be  forgeries.  If,  however, 
the  world  be  right  in  its  opinion,  that  Jeffrey  is  the  fabler,  then 
the  dissimilarity  between  him  and  the  bards  is  a  striking  circum- 
stance in  favour  of  the  poems. 

I  have  already  observed,  that  they  completely  negative  the  won- 
derful history  of  Arthur.  In  abiding  this  test,  they  stand  a  very 
severe  and  perilous  one,  from  which,  if  they  had  been  fabricated, 
they  could  not  have  escaped. 

They  present  another  trying  test  of  their  genuineness  in  their 
general  subjects.  If  they  had  been  only  on  love  adventures,  or 
love  complaints,  descriptions  of  nature,  or  mere  effusions  of  senti- 
ment, they  could  not  have  been  examined  on  these  grounds, 
because  such  topics  may  belong  to  one  age  as  well  as  to  another. 
But  historical  poems  on  men,  and  incidents  contemporary  with  the 
bards,  are  such  as  forgery  can  never  well  execute,  from  the  indi- 
vidual minutiae  they  require,  and  by  which  they  can  be  detected 
the  more  easily.  Will  any  one  impeach  them  on  this  side,  which, 
if  they  were  factitious  compositions,  would  be  their  weakest  ? 

It  would  be  a  task  too  long  for  this  essay  to  show  the  justice  of 
all  the  allusions  point  by  point.  I  will  only  add  some  general  ob- 
servations, and  wait  for  the  attack  before  I  make  the  defence. 

1.  As  far  as  authentic  history  goes,  it  proves  that  there  were 
such  persons  as  these  to  whom  many  of  these   poems  are 
addressed,  or  who  are  mentioned  in  them.      I  mean  Urien, 
Geraint,    Cadwallon,   Cynddylan,    Cian   Gwyngwn,  Rhyd- 
derch,  Gvvendolau,  Gwen,  Cunedda,  Aeddan,  and  others. 

2.  The  British  states  in  the  north  of  the  island,  which  they 
particularize,  or  imply,  present  a  curious  train  of  real  his- 
torical facts. 

3.  The  numerous  little  independent  kingdoms  in  other  parts 
of  the  island,  which  they  also  imply,  and  the  civil  discords 
to  which  they  allude,  were  historical  facts. 

4.  Llywarch's  elegy  on  Urien   turns  chiefly  on   his  murder. 
That  he  was  assassinated  can  be  proved  from  other  autho- 
rities. 

An  historical  objection  has  been  raised  against  the  Welsh  bards, 
to  which  a  mistake  gave  rise.  The  objection  is,  that  the  Welsh 
bards  call  the  English,  Allmyn. 


ANCIENT  BEITISH  POEMS.  543 

The  objection  is  this.  The  term  Allmyn  obviously  corresponds 
with  the  Latin  Allemanni,  but  "at  the  supposed  period  of  the  bards, 
the  terms  Allemanni,  and  Allemannia,  were  almost  restricted  to 
modern  Switzerland."  The  statement  is,  that  the  word  passed  in 
late  times  from  the  French  language  into  the  Armorican,  and 
thence  into  the  Welsh.  The  inference  is,  that  poems  using  this 
word  must  have  been  written  much  posterior  to  the  sixth  century, 
because  the  term  Allemannia  was  not  applied  to  all  Germany  till 
a  much  more  recent  period. 

The  answer  is,  that  the  objection  does  not  apply  to  the  four 
bards  I  have  mentioned,  because  none  of  them  use  the  term  Allmyn. 
It  is  Golyddan,  not  Taliesin,  who  uses  the  word  Allmyn. 

Neither  Aneurin,  Taliesin,  Llywarch  Hen,  nor  Merdhin,  has  the 
word  Allmyn.  Aneurin,  in  speaking  of  the  invaders,  calls  them 
Saeson.  Taliesin  had  also  Saeson,  and  sometimes  Eingl.  Some- 
times he  uses  the  descriptive  name  of  Alltudion,  or  foreigners. 
He  once  has  the  word  Germania,  and  once  Saxonia.  Llywarch 
has  Sais,  Saeson,  and  once  Franc.  Merdhin  has  Saeson  and  Frain 
in  his  Avallenau,  the  only  one  of  his  poems  that  I  think  free  from 
interpolation. 

Hence  the  objection  does  not  impeach  the  genuineness  of  these 
four  bards,  as  it  does  not  concern  them. 

I  am  not,  therefore,  under  a  necessity  of  saying  any  more  on 
this  subject.  But  as,  if  it  be  applicable,  it  will  tend  to  discredit 
the  poem  of  Golyddan,  of  which  I  think  favourably,  I  will  make  a 
few  remarks  on  the  subject. 

To  suppose  that  the  Welsh  bard  used  the  term  Allmyn  as  the 
term  Allemanni,  that  is,  as  the  general  designation  of  the  German 
people,  or  with  the  full  sense  of  the  word  in  the  eighteenth  century, 
is  to  create  a  difficulty  on  purpose  to  make  it  an  objection.  The 
word,  as  used  by  the  bard,  has  no  such  meaning ;  and  if  it  has  not, 
the  objection  is  nothing. 

The  bard,  in  speaking  of  the  invaders,  sometimes  calls  them  All- 
myn. This  is  the  simple  fact.  The  only  question  upon  it  is,  what 
or  whom  does  he  mean  by  the  term?  I  will  presume  that  the 
Latin  word  Allemanni  was  in  his  mind  when  he  used  it.  But  who 
were  the  Allemanni,  not  in  the  thirteenth  century,  but  in  the  sixth? 
They  were  not  restricted  to  modern  Switzerland. 

The  Allemanni  made  themselves  celebrated  by  many  wars  against 
the  Romans  and  their  allies.  In  360,  and  365,  their  invasions  of 
Gaul  were  dreadful,  and  must  have  diffused  their  name  in  terror 
through  Britain,  and  every  country  adjacent. 

In  496,  they  assailed  the  Francs  and  Clovis.  "  From  the  source 
of  the  Rhine  to  its  conflux  with  the  Mein  and  the  Moselle,  the 
formidable  swarms  of  the  Allemanni  commanded  either  side  of  the 
river.  They  had  spread  themselves  into  Gaul,  over  the  modern 
provinces  of  Alsace  and  Lorraine."  Gib.  iii.  563. 

From  this  formidable  position  they  invaded  the  kingdom  of  Co- 
logne, and  the  battle  of  Tolbiac  ensued,  in  which  they  contended 
with  the  Francs  for  the  alternative  of  empire  or  servitude.  After 


544  A   VINDICATION   OF   THE 

a  long  and  varying  conflict,  the  Allemanni  were  totally  and  irre- 
coverably defeated.  Some  fled  to  other  countries,  as  they  who 
were  placed  in  Rhsetia1,  and  with  the  Ripuarii,  and  the  rest  were 
subjected  to  the  Francs.2 

The  name  of  the  Allemanni  had  then  become  the  designation  of 
a  large  part  of  the  German  nations  by  the  end  of  the  fifth  century. 
Whether  on  their  conquest  by  Clovis,  any  sailed  down  the  Rhine 
to  Britain,  as  a  part  travelled  to  Rhsetia,  is  not  stated,  but  it  is 
probable ;  and  an  indignant  British  bard  might  use  their  name  to 
stigmatize  the  invaders  of  his  country,  because  in  representing  them 
as  Allemanni,  as  those  celebrated  warriors  whom  the  Francs  had  at 
the  epoch  of  the  Saxon  invasions  defeated  and  dispersed,  he 
strongly  exposed  them  to  the  contempt  of  the  Britons.  Nothing 
was  better  fitted  to  rouse  their  valour  than  to  have  it  believed  that 
the  invaders  were  fugitives  themselves.  Conflicting  parties  fre- 
quently give  each  other  abusive  names,  which  become  at  last  almost 
historical  terms ;  witness  the  Cavaliers  and  Roundheads. 

That  it  was  really  used  as  a  term  of  opprobrium,  appears  to  me 
more  probable  from  the  meaning  which  the  Welsh  language 
afforded  for  the  expression.  Allmyn  signifies  foreigners,  as  well 
as  Allemanni.  The  most  usual  name  for  foreigners,  in  Welsh,  was 
alltudion,  from  all,  another,  and  tud,  a  country;  but  the  word  All- 
myn has  the  same  import,  for  men,  and  man,  is  the  Welsh  for  place. 
Therefore  just  as  all-tud  meant  another  country ;  so,  all-man,  an- 
other place,  was  nearly  its  synonyme. 

In  the  same  spirit  Milton  applied  the  word  Gallus  to  Salmasius, 
because  it  admitted  of  other  allusions  besides  its  obvious  meaning. 

I  think  the  passages  of  Golyddan,  in  which  Allmyn  is  connected 
with  alltudedd  prove  the  pun  which  he  intended  to  make  oppro- 
brious. 

Ef  gyrhaut  allmyn  i  alltudedd.  156. 

"  He  would  have  driven  the  foreigners  to  a  foreign  place." 
So, 

Allmyn  ar  gyrchwyn  i  alltudydd.  159. 

"  The  foreigners  removing  to  a  foreign  place." 

The  word  Allmyn  being  understood  to  denote  foreigners  as  well  as 
Allemanni,  it  was  used  as  a  contemptuous  paronomasia  by  an  indi- 


1  Marc.  ii.  16. 

2  Goldastus,  in  his  preface,  remarks  that  the  Frankish  writers,  from  the  perpetual 
wars  of  their  countrymen  with  the  Alemanni  before  these  people  were  broken  up, 
comprised  all  the  nations  who  used  the  German  dialects  in  that  name.     But  Wa- 
lafridus  Strabo,  who  flourished  in  840,  gives  us  the  boundaries  of  the  '  vera  et  vetus 
Alemannia,'  "  Qusecunque  regiones  ab  utroque  Rheni  latere  alpibus  includuntur  ab 
ortu  ejus  usque  ad  Rauracos  ;  comprehensis  ad  Acromii  dextram,  Alpigovia  ;  et  in 
Rheni  defluxu  continentibus  terris,  qua  parte  sese  Brisgovia  extendit  ac  flnit.     Ad 
sinistram  vero,  pleraque  Helvetia  et  bona  Burgundiae  parte." 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS.  545 

vidual,  to  convey  strong  opprobrium,  and  also  to  give  that  allitera- 
tion to  the  line,  of  which  the  Welsh  bards  were  so  fond  ;  and  it 
does  not  contradict  their  historical  designation. 

VII.  That  the  manners  which  they  express  are  consistent. 

In  the  poems  of  Ossian  we  certainly  meet  with  an  elegance  of 
sentiment,  a  refined  tenderness  and  delicacy  of  feeling  wholly  in- 
compatible with  the  period  to  which  Ossian  is  assigned.  The 
Welsh  bards  may  suffer  with  the  cultured  taste  for  the  avowal ; 
but  certainly  this  objection  cannot  be  urged  against  these  poems. 
These  bards  were  warriors,  their  songs  commemorate  warriors, 
and  their  feelings  and  sentiments  are  wholly  martial.  I  believe 
there  is  not  one  tribute  to  love  in  the  whole  series  of  the  ancient 
ones.  Friendship  and  grief,  and  gratitude  to  patrons,  occupy 
many  stanzas ;  but  Venus  and  Cupid  have  not  received  a  single 
compliment.  All  this  is  very  natural  for  the  turbulent  and  dis- 
astrous period  in  which  these  poets  lived.  In  more  tranquil  times, 
beauty  obtained  the  most  elegant  wreaths  of  the  Welsh  laurel. 
Love  has  sighed  in  Welsh  as  profusely  as  in  French,  and  much 
new  imagery,  and  much  originality  of  sentiment,  abound  in  the 
bardic  poets  of  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries. 

As  this  essay  is  intended  to  be  concise,  I  will  only  select  three 
specimens  of  the  reality  of  the  costume  of  manners  which  these 
poems  exhibit.  Aneurin,  in  describing  Caeog,  a  British  hero, 
mentions, 

Gwefrawr  godrwyawr  torchawr  am  ran. 
"With  wreaths  of  amber  twined  round  his  temples." 

This  singular  fact  of  the  ancient  Britons  wearing  amber-beads, 
is  confirmed  by  many  beads  of  amber  having  been  found  in  the 
barrows  on  Salisbury  plain,  which  have  been  recently  dug.  I 
understand  that  in  several  of  these  graves,  pieces  of  amber,  like 
beads,  have  been  met  with;  and  in  one,  as  many  beads  were 
found  as  would  have  made  a  wreath.  These  are  in  the  possession 
of  Mr.  Cunnington,  of  Heytesbury,  who  has  explored  many  tumuli 
during  last  summer,  and  whose  curious  museum  of  British  anti- 
quities, as  arrow-heads,  urns,  &c.  found  in  these  barrows,  is  highly 
worthy  the  notice  of  the  antiquary.1 

1  In  one  barrow  were  found  beads  of  amber  and  jet  of  various  sizes,  but  corre- 
sponding with  two  horn  rings,  to  which  the  strings  that  tied  them  were  probably  ap- 
pended. Wreaths  of  this  sort  are  also  described  in  Douglass's  Nenia  Britannica. 
Sometime  since,  an  ancient  Lorica  was  discovered  at  Mold,  in  Flintshire,  in  a 
mound  in  a  field  known  by  the  name  of  Cae  Ellillon,  or  the  goblin  field.  The 
account  in  the  Merthyr  Chronicle  states,  that  in  removing  the  mound,  the  workmen 
came  upon  a  skeleton.  The  skull  was  of  gigantic  proportion,  and  the  thigh  bones 
those  of  a  man  of  great  stature.  Lying  on  the  chest  was  found  the  corslet,  studded 
over  with  two  or  three  hundred  amber  beads,  and  crossed  with  a  kind  of  filagree 
work  of  fine  gold,  giving  somewhat  the  appearance  of  the  angles  found  on  the  old 
Saxon  arch ;  the  whole  based  on  pure  gold.  The  beads  are  said  to  preserve  their 
freshness  and  transparency.  On  this  statement  Dr.  Owen  Pughe  observes,  that 

VOL.  III.  N    N 


546  A   VINDICATION   OF   THE 

Another  part  of  the  British  costume  which  they  notice  is  the 
wearing  the  golden  torques.  Llywarch  mentions  it,  p.  135: 

Four  and  twenty  sons  I  have  had 

Wearing  the  golden  wreath,  leaders  of  armies. 

Aneurin  mentions  it  several  times  : 

Of  all  who  went  to  Cattraeth,  wearing  the  golden  tore,  or  wreath, 

On  the  business  of  Mynydauc,  courteous  to  his  people, 

There  went  not,  among  the  Britons 

Of  Gododin,  a  man  of  war  superior  to  Cynon. 

He  states,  that  in  the  battle  of  Cattraeth  there  were 
Three  hundred  and  sixty-three  who  had  the  golden  torques. 

In  attestation  of  the  reality  of  this  ornament,  I  cannot  do  better 
than  cite  from  Gibson's  Camden  the  following  passage  upon  it : 

"In  1692,  an  ancient  golden  torques  was  dug  up  near  the  Castle 
of  Harlech,  in  Merionethshire.  It  is  a  wreathed  bar  of  gold,  or 
perhaps  three  or  four  rods  jointly  twisted,  about  four  feet  long, 
flexile,  but  naturally  bending  only  one  way,  in  the  form  of  a  hat- 
band. It  is  hooked  at  both  ends.  It  is  of  a  round  form,  about  an 
inch  in  circumference,  and  weighs  eight  ounces."  Gibson's  Addi- 
tions to  Camden,  p.  658.,  edit.  1695. 

I  consider  the  use  of  mead,  which  is  mentioned  in  several  of 
the  poems  as  the  drink  of  their  feasts,  and  of  horns  as  the  drinking 
vessels,  as  circumstances  of  consistent  manners  ;  so  are  the  allu- 
sions to  transmigration,  which  abound  in  Taliesin,  and  many 
appropriate  traits  in  Aneurin  and  Llywarch.  But  on  this  point  I 
ask  the  adversaries  of  the  poems  to  make  out  objections. 

VIII.  That  the  form  and  composition  of  the  poems  suit  their 
period. 

If  they  exhibited  a  complex,  or  even  a  regular  epic  fable,  or 
any  mode  of  arrangement  that  critical  rules  would  approve ;  if 
they  were  dressed  in  an  elegant  costume,  or  betrayed  any  skilful 
polish  of  manners  or  sentiment,  we  might  have  some  room  for 
suspicion.  But  they  have  nothing  of  this  sort ;  they  are  as  inarti- 
ficial, as  humble  in  design,  and  as  rude  in  execution,  as  scepti- 
cism could  desire.  They  show  us  the  real  wilderness  of  nature, 
with  all  the  discordant  mixture  of  occasional  fecundity  and  inter- 
vening aridity.  Pleasing  passages,  and  very  dull  ones ;  bursts  of 

this  person  must  have  lived  since  the  Romans  left  the  island,  or  it  is  likely  the  body 
would  have  been  burnt ;  and  if  he  had  lived  about  the  year  600  or  after,  he  would 
have  been  deposited  in  one  of  the  churches  :  hence  we  may  attribute  his  existence  to 
about  500.  Dr.  Owen  Pughe  infers  that  he  was  Benlli  Gawr  or  Benlli  the  Giant, 
who  had  his  friends  about  him  at  his  DIN,  on  the  summit,  called  after  him,  Moel  Benlli, 
and  in  sight  of  his  residence  called  Wydd-greig,  now  called  MOLD,  as  well  as  in 
view  of  Dyffyn  Clwyd  on  the  other  side.  The  grave  of  his  son  Beli  is  about  eight 
miles  off,  for  the  Englynion  Milwar  (Warrior's  Triplets)  say  that  Belli  lies  at 
Lianarmon  yr  lal.  —  Athenceum,  27th  Jan.  1838,  p.  72. 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS.  547 

light,  and  the  most  chilling  gloom  perpetually  succeed  each  other, 
without  any  careful  disposition,  or  judicious  contrast.  They 
display  no  order  but  that  of  the  natural  association  of  such  ideas 
as  they  express.  If  they  sing  of  battles,  the  heroes  are  praised 
without  art,  and  the  conflicts  are  described  without  method.  Not 
a  trace  of  the  fine  models  of  Greece  or  Rome,  not  a  single  imita- 
tion of  their  imagery  or  their  poetical  architecture  can  be  dis- 
cerned. They  are  just  such  compositions  as  such  bards,  in  such  an 
age,  would  be  expected  to  write.  Many  traits  of  glowing  poetry 
abound.  Much  of  the  inspired  bard  will  be  seen,  but  no  contri- 
vance, no  taste,  no  delicacy,  no  art,  no  polish.  The  Gododin  of 
Aneurin,  the  longest  of  the  poems,  is  a  very  distinguished  monu- 
ment of  antiquity,  and  its  internal  evidence  is  peculiar  and  strong. 
It  is  not  of  easy  construction,  because  its  text  is  much  injured; 
and  because  it  contains  much  lyrical  measure,  intermixed  with  the 
full  heroic  rime,  and  with  the  singular  ornaments  of  Welsh  poetry, 
of  which  I  shall  hereafter  speak.  The  expressions  are  oftentimes 
very  concise,  its  transitions  very  rapid  and  frequent,  its  diction 
strong  and  figurative ;  and  sometimes  made  more  difficult  by  the 
peculiar  compound  words  in  which  the  poet  indulges,  and  which 
the  Welsh  language  with  great  facility  admits.  Though  an  heroic 
poem  of  920  lines  with  one  subject,  it  exhibits  a  strong  character 
of  genuine  unpolished  irregularity.  It  hath  no  elegant  or  artful  in- 
troduction or  invocation  ;  the  bard  was  a  warrior,  and  had  fought 
in  the  conflict  he  describes.  He  was  commemorating  friends  and 
fellow-soldiers  ;  he  had  to  state  what  he  saw ;  there  is  therefore  no 
reflective  and  refined  address.  He  bursts  at  once  into  his  subject, 
and  begins  it  with  describing  not  his  plan  or  purpose,  but  one  of 
his  heroes. 

From  its  genuineness  it  has  also  no  regular,  well-disposed  fable  ; 
no  careful  concatenation  of  events,  no  well-placed  or  skilfully 
contrasted  incidents ;  the  poem  is  like  a  real  native  forest,  wild, 
impressive,  and  picturesque,  but  very  devious  and  irregular.  It  is 
rather  poetic  memoranda. of  a  disastrous  conflict,  penned  by  a 
friend,  who  had  witnessed  its  events  in  all  the  confusion  in  which 
they  had  occurred,  than  a  well  conceived,  and  artfully-arranged 
series  of  individual  conflicts,  like  the  poems  of  Homer,  which 
though  genuine,  as  to  the  author,  yet  contain  incidents  which  the 
poet's  invention  has  arranged  as  it  pleased. 

The  Gododin  abounds  with  strong  and  frequent  bursts  of  feel- 
ing highly  natural  to  its  alleged  author,  but  which  are  not  so 
likely  to  have  been  shown  in  a  forged  poem,  where  the  author 
would  have  to  support  an  artificial  character.  One  topic  of  this 
sort  which  pervades  the  poem,  is  that  incident  which  occasioned 
the  loss  of  the  battle ;  I  mean  the  inebriety  of  the  Britons :  to 
this  the  bard  is  perpetually  alluding.  As  he  notices  the  friends 
who  fell  around,  he  cannot  drive  from  his  memory  the  chief  cause 
of  their  calamity  :  this  was  extremely  natural. 

The  poem  suddenly  opens  with  the  presence  of  a  mounted  war 
rior,  whom  the  bard  contemplates  and  describes  : 

NN    2 


548  A    VINDICATION    OF    THE 

GREDYV  was  a  youth 

Vigorous  in  the  tumult. 

A  swift,  thick-maned  steed, 

Was  under  the  thighs  of  the  fair  youth. 

A  shield  light  and  broad 

Hung  on  the  slender  fleet  courser. 

His  sword  was  blue  and  shining  ; 

Golden  spurs  and  ermine  adorned  him.1 

But  the  poet  contemplates  him  only  to  sing  his  elegy  ;  from  the 
next  lines  we  find  Gredy  v  was  one  of  the  victims  of  the  day. 

It  is  not  for  me, 

To  envy  thee. 

I  will  do  nobler  to  thee  ; 

In  poetry  I  will  praise  thee. 

Alas  !  sooner  will  the  bloody  bier  arive, 

Than  nuptial  festivity.  — 

Sooner  will  the  ravens  have  food, 

Than  the  dear  friend  of  Owen 

Enjoy  a  family. 

Perishing  in  his  abode  under  the  ravens 

Is  the  courser,  by  the  valley, 

Where  the  son  of  Marco  was  slain.2 

From  this  warrior,  the  bard  turns  immediately  to  commemorate 
another,  who  appears  to  have  been  a  great  favourite,  as  many 
stanzas  are  devoted  to  him  : 

Caeawg  instantly  the  foremost  wherever  he  came, 

The  portion  of  mead  from  the  chief  lady  had  held  — 

The  point  of  his  shield  was  pierced.     When  he  heard 

The  shout,  he  gave  no  protection.     He  pressed  on, 

Nor  did  he  retire  from  the  battle  when  the  blood  flowed  around. 

Like  rushes  he  cut  down  the  men.     He  would  not  depart. 

1  Gredyf  gwr  oed  gwas 
Gwhyr  am  dias 
Meirch  mwth  myngvras 

Y  dan  mordhuyt  mygr  was 
Ysguyt  ysgafn  llydan 
Ar  bedrein  mein  buan 
Cledyvawr  glas  glan 
Ethy  aur  a  phan. 

2  Ny  bi  ef  a  vi 
Cas  y  rhof  a  thi 
Gwell  gwnaf  a  thi 
Ar  wawt  dy  voli 
Cynt  i  waet  elawr 
No  gyt  i  neithiawr 
Cynt  y  uwyd  i  vrein 
Noc  yr  argynrein 
Cu  oyveillt  Euein 
Cwl  y  vot  y  dan  vrein 
March  ym  pa  vro 
Ladd  un  mab  Marco. 


ANCIENT   BRITISH    POEMS.  549 

The  Gododin  relates  not  on  the  ground  of  Mordai 

Before  the  tents  of  Madoc  when  he  returned, 

The  return  of  more  than  one  in  a  hundred. 

Caea\vg  the  overwhelmer  raised  his  spear  ; 

He  was  like  the  attack  of  an  eagle  on  the  strand  when  allured. 

His  promise  was  a  token ;  most  beloved. 

He  nobly  executed  his  purpose  :  he  retreated  not 

From  the  army  of  Gododin.     He  lay  hid  — 

Valiant  to  urge  the  conflict,  he  was  exalted  in  it. 

But  neither  his  figure  nor  his  shield  preserved  him, 

He  was  not  able  to  survive  the  excessive  bruises 

From  the  blows  of  the  embattled  host. 

Caeawg  the  leader,  with  the  countenance  of  a  wolf, 

With  amber  wreaths  twined  over  his  eye-brows. 

Fatal  was  the  amber,  the  ornament  of  the  banquet. 

Oh !  that  he  had  disdained  the  strife  of  the  wallowing  men  ; 

When  Gwyned  came  to  the  north  to  share 

The  council  of  the  son  of  Ysgvran. 

Caeawg  the  leader  armed  in  the  shout, 

Though  he  is  not  now  the  hero  ardent  for  deeds  of  blood, 

To  share  in  opening  the  front  of  the  arrayed  forces, 

He  overthrew  five  bands  before  his  blade. 

Of  the  men  of  Deira  arid  Bernicia,  the  dreadful  ones ! 

Twenty  hundred  of  these  perished  in  an  hour  I 

Ah  !  sooner  shall  the  wolf  have  flesh  than  thou  a  wedding  ; 

Sooner  shall  the  raven  have  prey  than  thou  repose  again. 

Sooner  shall  the  hurdle  come  with  the  mangled  from  the  bloody 

earth. — 
This  was  the  dismal  price  of  the  mead  in  the  pale  disastrous 

hour. 
And  yet  by  the  skilful  he  shall  be  extolled,  while  there  exists  a 

singer.1 

1  Caeawc  cynhaiawc  men  y  dehai 
Diphun  ymlaen  bun  medd  a  dalhei 
Twll  tal  i  rodawr  yn  y  clywei 
Aur  ni  roddei  naud  meint  dilynei 
Ny  chyliei  o  gamhawn  yn  y  verei 
Waet  mal  brwyn  gomynai  gwyr  nyt  elhei 
Nys  adrawdd  Gododin  ar  lawr  mordei 
Rac  pebyll  Madawc  pan  atcor  ei 
Namyn  un  o  gant  yn  y  delei 

Caeawc  Cynnyvint  cyvlat  erwyt 
Ruthyr  Eryr  yn  y  lyr  pan  lithiwyt 
Yamot  a  vu  not  a  garwyt 
Gwell  a  wnaeth  y  arvaeth  ny  giliwyt 
Rac  bedin  Ododin  o  dechwyt 
Hyder  gymmell  ar  vreithell  vanawyt 
Ny  nodi  nac  ysgeth  nag  ysgwyt 
Ny  ellir  anet  rhy  vaethuwyt 
Rac  ergit  cadfannau  catwyt 

Caeawc  cynhorawc  bleide  maran 
Gwefrawr  godrwyawr  torchawr  am  ran 

N   N    3 


550  A   VINDICATION   OF   THE 

The  fate  of  these  two  heroes  occasions  him  to  advert  to  the 
cause.  He  proceeds  to  mention  that  the  Britons  had  been  feasting 
too  plentifully  before  the  battle  : 

The  warriors  went  to  Gododin  full  of  laughter, 

To  bitter  conflict  with  the  clashing  swords. — 

Short  interval  of  joy  indeed  ! 

The  son  of  Botgad  lamented  it. — Manly  was  his  arm. 

But  they  went  in  a  mass.     Their  punishment  was  complete 

Both  old  and  young.  —  The  bold  and  the  powerful  — 

The  certain  death  of  the  conflict  pierced  them. 

The  warriors  went  to  Gododin  a  laughing  phalanx, 

Soon  the  embattled  host  rose  against  them,  in  unlovely  contest. 

They  flew  with  blades  shining,  without  din. 

The  puissant  column  with  spears  alive,  moved  on. 

They  went  to  Cattraeth. — Loquacious  were  their  hosts, 

Pale  mead  had  been  their  feast,  and  was  their  poison. 

Three  hundred  with  machines  were  in  array. 

But  what  a  calm  succeeded  to  their  joy  I 

They  went  in  a  mass,  their  punishment  was  complete  ; 

The  certain  death  of  the  conflict  pierced  them  through.1 

Bu  guefraur  guerthvaur  guerth  gwinvan 
Ef  gwrthodes  gwrys  gwyr  discrein 
Yt  dyffei  Wyned  a  gogledd  ei  rann 
O  gyssul  mab  ysgyran 
Ysgwyd  wr  ancyfan 

Caeawc  cynhorawc  arvawc  yggawr 
Cyn  od  iw  y  gwr  gwrd  eggwyawr 
Cyvran  yn  racwan  rac  bydinawr 
Cwydei  pym  pymunt  rac  y  llafnawr 
O  wyr  Dewyr  a  Bryneich  dychrawr 
Ugeincant  eu  divant  yn  unawr 
Cynt  y  gig  y  vleid  nog  yt  e  neithiawr 
Cynt  e  vud  y  vran  noc  yt  y  elawr 
Cyn  noe  argyurein  e  waet  e  lawr 
Gwerth  med  ynghcyntedh  gan  liwed  awr 
Kyneid  hir  ermygir  tra  vo  cerdawr. 

1  Gwyr  a  aeth  Ododin  chwerthin  ognaw 
Chwerwyn  trin  a  llain  yn  ymduliaw 
Byrr  vlyned  yn  bed  udynt  yndaw 
Mab  Botgat  gunaeth  guynyeth  gunith  e  law 
Cyt  eiwynt  y  lanneu  y  benytyaw 
A  hen  a  ieueing  a  hydyr  a  allaw 
Dadyl  diheu  angeu  yn  eu  treiddiaw 

Gwyr  a  aeth  Ododin  chwerthin  wanar 
Digynny  ei  emm  bydin  trin  diachar 
Wy  ledi  a  llavnawr  eb  vawr  drydar 
Colovn  glyw  reitlwyw  rodi  arwar 

Gwyr  a  aeth  Gattraeth  oed  ffraeth  y  lu 
Glasved  eu  hancwyu  ae  gwenwyn  vu 
Trychant  trwy  beiriant  yn  cattau 
A  gwedy  elwch  tawelwch  vu 
Cyt  eiwynt  y  lanneu  y  benytu 
Dadtl  dieu  angeu  y  «u  treudu 


ANCIENT   BRITISH    POEMS.  551 

These  are  the  first  seventy-three  lines  of  the  Gododin,  and  will 
serve  as  sufficient  specimen  of  its  style  and  character. 

The  name  of  Aneurin  has  stood  very  high  in  the  estimation  of 
his  countrymen  ;  but  all  human  greatness  is  relative.  The  lumi- 
nary of  the  sixth  century,  which  shone  with  transcendent  lustre  in 
a  rude  country,  where  all  around  was  dark  and  dreary,  will  appear 
but  a  cloudy  orb,  when  it  is  presented  to  our  notice  in  the  noontide 
radiance  of  modern  intellect.  We  must  not  approach  the  ancient 
Welsh  bards  as  the  competitors  for  the  wreath  of  a  Pindar  or  a 
Gray.  These  poets  were  the  offspring  of  highly  cultivated  ages ; 
while  the  ancient  Welsh  bards  were  but  the  descendants  of  rude 
ancestors,  possessed  indeed,  for  centuries,  of  the  singular  institu- 
tion of  Druidism  or  Bardism,  but  yet  composing  for  a  barbarous 
people,  and  confined  to  the  narrow  benefit  of  a  local  education. 

Whoever  reads  these  very  ancient  poems  with  attention,  will  be 
struck  with  a  very  great  disparity  between  their  versification  and 
the  intellect  they  display.  The  versification  is  formed  on  one  of 
the  most  peculiar,  difficult,  and  artificial  systems  conceivable,  and 
it  is  executed  as  elaborately  as  it  was  designed. 

To  instance  only  from  the  Gododin.  — 

One  of  the  practices  by  which  its  versification  was  governed, 
was  rime.  This  is  essential  to  the  poetry.  All  the  poems  of  the 
ancient  bards  are  rimed  at  the  end  of  the  line  ;  nor  is  the  riming 
in  couplets,  which  is  comparatively  easy,  but  the  same  rime  is 
carried  on  for  several  lines.  Thus  in  these  final  rimes  in  p.  1. 

dehai  erwyt  maran 

dalhei  lithiwyt  am  ran 

clywei  garwyt  gwinvan 

dilynei  giliwyt  discrein 

verei  dechwyt  rann 

elhei  vanawyt  ysgyran 

mordei  ysgwyt  angcyfan 

atcorei  vaethuwyt 

delei  catwyt 

The  same  rime  is  sometimes  carried  on  to  great  length.  In  p.  9., 
there  are  twenty-three  lines  together  riming  with  in ;  and  in  p.  ?., 
there  are  eighteen  lines  in  enn. 

But  besides  these  final  rimes,  they  also  studied  to  introduce 
other  riming  syllables  dividing  the  words  of  every  line.  Thus, 

Caeawc  cynhaiawc  men  y  dehai 
T)\phun  ymlaen  bun  medd  a  dalhei 

This  practice  was  sometimes  extended  to  three  rimes  in  the  line, 
as 

Gwefrawr  Godrwyawr  torchawr  am  ran  — 
Blwydd?/w  yn  erbyn  \\vdyn  deawd  — 
Dadyl  d\eu  angeu  y  eu  treudu  — 

In  all  these  examples  the  rimes  are  on  final  syllables. 

N  N    4 


552  A   VINDICATION    OF   THE 

In  addition  to  these  difficult  peculiarities,  was  also  the  habit  of 
alliteration,  or  of  making  two  or  more  words  in  the  line  begin  with 
the  same  letter.  Thus  in  the  first  line, 

Gredyf  gwr  oed  gwas 

In  the  third  and  fourth, 

Meirch  mwth  myngvras 
Y  dan  mordhuyt  mygr  was 

Sometimes  it  was  used  profusely,  as  in  this  line, 
Bu  bwyt  brein  bu  bud  y  yran 

These  alliterations  are  almost  as  incessant  as  their  final  rimes. 

Nor  were  they  content  with  confining  their  alliterations  to  the 
commencing  letter,  but  they  often  extended  them  to  syllables 
making  a  sort  of  alliterative  rimes.  Thus  in  two  lines, 

Bu  guefraur  guerihvawr  guerth  gwinvan 
Ef  gwrthodes  gwrys  gwyr  discrein 

Sometimes  it  happened,  or  was  contrived,  that  the  same  line 
should  exhibit  the  commencing  alliterative  rimes,  and  the  final 
syllables  rimes. 

Mab  Botgat  guanethguanyeth  gumth  e  law 
Ny  mynws  gwrawl  gwydawl  chwegrwn 

In  selecting  these  difficulties  of  the  ancient  Welsh  versification, 
I  state  those  only  which  struck  me  as  an  Englishman.  I  believe 
there  are  many  other  niceties,  perceptible  and  precious  to  Welsh 
bards  and  critics. 

That  such  slavish  attention  to  the  incessant  consonancy  of  syl- 
lables could  never  be  exercised  without  a  sacrifice  of  the  most 
valuable  qualities  of  poetic  thought,  must  be  felt  by  all  to  whom 
the  lays  of  Parnassus  are  familiar.  I  was  therefore  not  surprised 
to  find  the  works  of  the  Welsh  bards  beneath  my  expectations 
as  poems.  But  I  must  pay  the  tribute  due  to  the  genius  of 
Aneurin,  to  say,  that  notwithstanding  the  oppressive  trammels  in 
which  he  marched,  and  notwithstanding  the  gloom,  disasters,  and 
confusion  of  the  period  in  which  he  lived,  his  Gododin  has  many 
passages  which,  for  glowing  expression,  striking  metaphor,  genuine 
feeling,  and  poetic  imagery,  must  please  and  interest  in  every  age. 

My  opinion  of  the  poetry  of  TAHESIN'S  works  is  by  no  means 
consistent  with  his  general  fame.  His  power  of  versification,  in- 
deed, excites  my  surprise :  it  seems  to  have  been  as  easy  for  him 
to  rime  in  all  sorts  of  measures,  as  for  others  to  write  prose  ;  and 
he  introduces  frequently,  even  in  his  shortest  measures,  the  pe- 
culiarities of  bardic  consonancy.  Some  of  his  poems  are  in  what 
I  would  call  the  full  heroic  rime,  like  the  mead  song  already  quoted 
(p.  60.),  others  in  short  rimed  metres  of  various  lengths.  But 
though  he  was  certainly  accomplished  in  all  the  arts  of  bardic  ver- 
sification, he  is  not  very  distinguished  for  genuine  poetry  of  thought 
and  imagery  Sometimes  indeed  the  poet  bursts  out,  as  in  the 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS.  553 

following  description  of  the  gleam  of  the  steel  points  of  weapons, 
which  is  very  original  and  picturesque  : 

I  saw  mighty  men, 

Who  thronged  together  at  the  shout ! 

I  saw  blood  on  the  ground, 

From  the  assault  of  swords. 

They  tingd  with  blue  the  wings  of  the  dawn, 

When  they  threw  off  the  ashen  spears.1 

Several  passages  of  this  sort  may  be  found  ;  but  he  has  not 
always  much  connection  of  subject,  and  very  often  much  bardic 
mythology  appears.  This  is  in  nothing  more  conspicuous  than  in 
his  allusions  to  his  own  transmigrations.  As  this  is  a  curious 
subject,  I  will  detain  the  reader's  attention  for  a  short  time  upon 
it. 

Among  the  Welsh  remains  is  a  MS.  of  poetical  triads.  The 
MS.  has  been  entitled,  Barddas ;  or,  the  Book  of  Bardism,  or 
Cyvrinac  Beirdd  Ynys  Prydain.  The  triads  were  collected  to- 
gether at  different  periods.2  Some  of  them  state  the  bardic  doc- 

1  Gweleis  wyr  gorsawr 
A  Ddygyrchynt  awr 
Gweleis  waed  ar  llawr 
Rhag  rhwthr  cleddysawr 
Glesynt  esgwyll  gwawr 
Esgorynt  yn  waewawr.  TALIES.  p.  40. 

2  That  the  reader  may  have  some  idea  of  the  book  from  which  I  am  going  to 
quote,  I  think  it  right  to  insert  some  extracts  from  its  prefaces,  with  which  Mr. 
Owen  has  favoured  me. 

The  book  was  last  transcribed  and  revised  by  Edward  Davydd,  who  died  1690. 
His  original  MS.  is  yet  extant,  in  the  library  of  Llan  Haran,  in  Glamorganshire, 
now  the  property  of  Mr.  Turberville.  The  collection  was  made  before  him,  by 
Llywelyn  Sion,  who  flourished  in  1580,  and  died  in  1616.  I  will  give  a  translation 
of  a  part  of  the  Welsh  preface  of  E.  Davydd,  and  after  that  some  extracts  from  the 
preface  of  the  former  collector,  Llywelyn  Sion  ;  Mr.  Owen  has  only  added,  in 
parentheses,  the  dates  of  the  persons  and  things  mentioned  therein. 

E.  Davydd's  Advertisement. 

"  Arranged  by  Edward  Davydd,  of  Margam,  in  Morganwg,  out  of  the  books 
of  bards  and  learned  teachers,  lest  the  materials  should  become  lost ;  and  more 
particularly  the  books  of  Meiryg  Davydd,  (1560.  presd.)  Davydd  Llwyd  Mathew, 
(1580.  disc.)  Davydd  Benwyn,  (1560.  presd.)  and  Llywelyn  Sion  of  Llangewys, 
(1560.  disc,  and  presd.  1580.)  who  were  bards  graduated  of  the  chair,  according 
to  the  privilege  and  custom  of  the  bards  of  the  Isle  of  Britain  ;  chiefs  of  science, 
under  the  authority  of  the  county  and  sovereign  of  all  the  lordship  of  Morganwg, 
Gwent,  and  Euas. 

"  This  arrangement  was  adjudged  to  be  just,  according  to  the  primitive  cha- 
racter of  vocal  song,  and  the  usage  of  the  primitive  bards  of  the  Isle  of  Britain ; 
and  was  sanctioned  in  the  congress  of  vocal  song,  held  at  Bewpyr  Castle,  in  Mor- 
ganwg, on  the  Monday,  Tuesday,  and  Wednesday  of  Whitsuntide,  in  the  year  1681, 
under  the  protection  of  Sir  Richard  Basset,  Knight,  Lord  of  the  place,  and  under 
the  proclamation  and  notice  of  a  year  and  a  day,  through  Morganwg,  Gwent,  and 
Euas. 

"The  chiefs  of  song  there,  were  Charles  Bwttwn,  Esq.,  Davyz  ir  Nant,  (1680. 
presd.)  Edward  Davyz,  of  Margam,  (1620.  disc.  1 660.  presd. ):  associated  with  them 


554  A   VINDICATION    OF   THE 

trines   about  the  metempsychosis.     These  triads  of   course  only 
prove  that  the  bards  of  the  middle  ages  had  these  notions ;  but  it 

were  the  following  poets  and  bards,  according  to  the  privilege  and  custom  of  the 
bards  of  the  Isle  of  Britain,  being  teachers  of  critical  judgment :  — 

"  And  this,  in  the  name  of  God,  and  all  Good. 

"  Hywel.  Lewys  Dav.  Ivan  Sion 

John  Roberts  Charles  Dav.  Meredydd 

Thomas  Lewys  Hopcin  Llywelyn 

Davydd  Edward  Lleision  Evan 

Sion  Padam  Jenkin  Richards 

Morgan  Grufydd  Bleddyn  Sion 

Samuel  Jones,  Clerk." 

Beginning  of  Edward  Davydd's  Preface. 

"  As  I  have  from  my  youth  taken  a  delight  in  the  study  of  bardism,  and  to 
search  the  books  of  the  bards  and  the  best  teachers,  and  more  especially  the  books 
of  the  oldest  bards  of  Wales ;  and  also  considering  the  injunctions  given  to  the  bards 
in  the  congress  of  Caerdyv  (1620.),  which  was  held  in  the  castle  there,  through 
the  protection,  licence,  and  command  of  the  Lord  William  Herbert,  that  they  should 
search  out,  and  establish  anew  the  old  order  and  regulation  of  the  art  of  song  and 
its  relations,  and  as  to  the  privileges  and  customs  of  the  bards  of  the  Isle  of  Britain, 
I  fully  gave  up  myself  to  the  enterprise  of  trying  whether  I  could  contribute  any 
kind  of  benefit  to  the  design." 

Extracts  from  the  Preface  of  Llywelyn  Sion  o  Langewydd.  (1580.  disc.  Died,  1616.) 

"  The  authors,  teachers,  and  judges  who  sanctioned  this  system  and  code,  were 
the  druids  and  bards,  after  they  had  come  to  the  faith  in  Christ ;  and  they  composed 
on  the  nine  canons,  that  is,  the  nine  primary  principles  of  vocal  song,  and  on  the 
recurrent  pause,  the  hupyrt  and  warrior  triplet,  which  were  with  them  metres  of 
authority.  Afterwards  came  Aneurin,  Taliesin,  Merddin,  and  others,  who  were 
primary  bards  of  the  Isle  of  Britain,  who  gave  unanimous  judgment  with  respect 
to  song,  and  formed  additional  metres  from  the  nine  primary  canons,  namely,  the 
two  Toddaids,  Englyn,  Proest,  Triban  Cyr9,  Llostawdyl,  Clogyrna9,  and  Cyngog  ; 
and  afterwards  were  devised  all  the  other  metres,  until  they  formed  twenty-four  in 
number,  each  of  which  originated  from  a  particular  and  different  character,  irrele- 
vant to  the  principles  of  each  other ;  and  more  than  that  number,  of  such  a  nature, 
there  cannot  be  of  metrical  principles. 

"In  the  congress  of  Caermarthen  (1450.),  heterogeneous  principles  were  intro- 
duced into  the  system,  by  the  pertinacity  of  Dawydd  ab  Edmwnd.  This  induced 
Gwilym  Tew  (1460.  presd.),  leuan  ab  Hywel  Swrdwal  (1430.  disc.)  and  J.  Getthin, 
ab  J.  ab  Lleision  ( 1 430.  pres. )  to  oppose  such  an  innovation,  and  they  proclaimed 
a  congress,  under  the  notice  of  a  year  and  a  day,  to  be  held  on  the  mountain  of 
Garth  Maelog  ;  and  in  addition  to  that,  they  obtained  the  authority  of  the  country, 
and  Lord  Richard  Nevill,  as  the  lord  paramount  of  Morganwg ;  and  in  that  con- 
gress the  bards  of  Morganwg,  Gwent,  and  Euas,  entered  their  protest,  and  repelled 
the  regulation  of  Caermarthen,  as  repugnant  to  the  privileges  and  customs  of  the 
bards  of  the  Isle  of  Britain.  From  that  time  forwards,  the  three  provinces  before 
mentioned  maintained  by  one  consent  their  primitive  regulation  of  science,  and 
afterwards  was  obtained  the  authority  for  an  exclusive  congress  for  these  three  dis- 
tricts, through  the  grant  of  King  Henry  the  Seventh.  In  the  congresses  that  were 
held  by  virtue  of  this  authority,  it  was  given  in  judgment,  and  established  as  a 
rule,  that  the  old  system,  with  its  regulation  and  principles  of  science,  should  be 
maintained  ;  and  from  that  time  to  this,  there  has  been  continued  in  Morganwg  a 
complete  opposition  to  the  regulation  of  Caermarthen;  with  an  injunction  upon 
the  members  to  search  out  the  ancient  practice  and  regulation  of  the  science.  But 
there  were  not  then  nearly  so  many  metres  in  use,  because  they  were  not  had  in 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS.  555 

is  highly  probable,  that  what  they  believed  on  this  point  they  de- 
rived from  their  ancestors ;  and  as  we  know  that  the  Druids  be- 
lieved in  transmigration,  we  may  consider  them  as  the  source  of 
the  opinions. 

They  mention  three  regions  of  existence,  which  it  is  very  curious 
to  observe,  they  denominate  cylchau,  or  circles.1 

In  the  cylch  y  Ceugant,  or  the  circle  of  the  all-enclosing  circle, 
there  was  nothing  either  alive  or  dead  but  God  (Duw),  and  he 
only  could  pervade  it.  The  circle  of  Gwynvyd,  or  felicity,  is  that 
which  men  are  to  pervade  after  they  have  passed  through  their 
terrestrial  changes.  But  the  circle  of  Abred,  or  evil,  is  that  in 
which  human  nature  passes  through  those  varying  stages  of  its 
existence  which  it  must  undergo  before  it  is  qualified  to  inhabit  the 
circle  of  felicity. 

All  animated  beings  have  three  states  of  existence  to  pass 
through.  The  state  of  Abred,  or  evil  in  Annwn,  or  the  great 
deep  ;  the  state  of  freedom,  in  the  human  form,  and  the  state  of 
love,  which  is  happiness,  in  the  nev,  or  heavens.  All  beings  but 
God  must  therefore  undergo  three  angen,  or  necessities :  they 
must  have  a  beginning  in  Annwn,  or  the  great  deep :  a  progression 
in  Abred,  or  in  the  state  of  evil,  and  a  completion  in  the  circle  of 
felicity  in  heaven. 

In  the  evil  state  of  Abred  there  are  three  angen,  or  necessities. 
There  must  be  existence  in  its  least  possible  degree,  which  is  its 
commencement. — There  must  be  the  matter  of  every  thing,  from 
which  proceeds  increase,  or  progression  of  existence  which  cannot 
be  in  the  other  states,  and  there  must  be  the  forms  of  all  things 
whence  discriminating  individuality. 

The  three  necessary  causes  of  the  state  of  Abred,  are  to  collect 
the  matter  of  every  nature,  to  collect  the  knowledge  of  every  thing, 
and  to  collect  power  to  destroy  Gwrth,  (the  opposing,)  and  Cyth- 


common  practice ;  afterwards,  however,  many  were  found  out,  as  may  be  seen  in 
the  books  of  Gwilym  Tew,  and  William  Edwad,  who  were  bards  of  the  chair  of 
Morganwg.  Since  then  Lewys  Morganwg  (1500.  discd.  &  presc.  1520.),  has  written 
amply  and  more  explicitly  respecting  the  metres  and  the  nature  of  their  composition 
in  his  book  of  bardism.  Subsequent  to  this,  the  bards  of  the  three  districts  were 
summoned  together  in  the  castle  of  Caerdyv,  under  the  protection  and  licence  of 
the  Lord  William  Herbert,  where  a  congress  was  held  (1529.),  wherein  judgment 
•was  given,  with  order  and  regulation  of  the  science  of  song. 

"Some  time  afterwards,  Meiryg  Davydd  (1520.  discd.  1560.  presd.  died,  1600.), 
compiled  a  book  of  bardism  to  his  lord,  Sir  Edward  Lewys,  of  the  Van,  in  which 
there  is  seen  a  faithful  view  of  the  art  of  song,  as  to  its  nature  and  design.  This 
book,  I  Llywelyn  Sion  o  Langewydd,  obtained  ;  and  from  it  I  extracted  nearly  all 
that  is  in  this  book,  except  the  verses  by  way  of  exemplifications,  which  I  collected 
from  here  and  there,  out  of  books,  and  from  different  bards,  and  composed  some 
myself,  as  well  as  I  could  ;  and  in  this  book  of  my  compiling  is  seen  the  system  of 
Morganwg  as  to  vocal  song,  and  its  various  relations. " 

1  We  cannot  avoid  recollecting  here,  that  the  great  Druidical  temples  of  Stone- 
henge  and  Avebury,  the  smaller  remains  in  Cornwall,  that  formerly  in  Jersey, 
now  removed  to  Lord  Conway's  park,  and  others,  exhibit  circles  of  stones,  as  the 
essential  form  of  their  structure. 


556  A    VINDICATION    OF    THE 

raul l,  and  to  divest  ourselves  of  evil.  Unless  every  state  of  being 
be  thus  passed  through,  there  can  be  no  perfection. 

The  three  chief  infelicities  attached  to  the  state  of  Abred  are, 
that  we  incur  necessity,  oblivion,  and  death ;  and  these  things  are 
the  divine  instruments  for  subduing  evil  (drwg),  and  Cythraul. 
The  deaths  which  follow  our  changes  are  so  many  escapes  from 
their  power. 

Humanity  must  necessarily  suffer,  change,  and  choose,  and  as  it 
has  the  liberty  of  choosing,  its  sufferings  and  changes  cannot  be 
foreseen. 

In  passing  through  the  changes  of  being,  attached  to  the  state  of 
Abred,  it  is  possible  for  man,  by  misconduct,  to  fall  retrograde 
into  the  lowest  state  from  which  he  had  emerged. 

There  are  three  things  which  will  inevitably  plunge  him  back 
into  the  changes  of  Abred.  Pride;  for  this  he  will  fall  to  Annwn, 
which  is  the  lowest  point  at  which  existence  begins.  Falsehood, 
which  will  replunge  him  to  Obryn2,  and  Cruelty,  which  will  con- 
sign him  to  Cydvil3:  from  these  he  must  proceed  again  in  due 
course,  through  changes  of  being,  up  to  humanity. 

From  this  exposition,  we  see  that  the  Bardic  transmigration  was 
from  Annwn,  through  the  changes  of  Abred,  to  the  felicity  of 
heaven.  These  changes  never  ended  till  man  had  fitted  himself 
for  heaven.  If  his  conduct  in  any  one  state,  instead  of  improving 
his  being,  had  made  it  worse,  he  fell  back  into  a  worse  condition, 
to  commence  again  his  purifying  revolutions. 

Humanity  was  the  limit  of  the  degraded  transmigrations.  All 
the  changes  above  humanity  were  felicitating. 

To  acquire  knovvlege,  benevolence,  and  power,  is  the  object  of 
the  human  state  ;  and  these,  as  they  require  liberty  and  choice, 
cannot  be  attained  in  any  state  previous  to  humanity.  Knowlege, 
benevolence,  and  power,  are  the  arms  by  which  Drwg  and  Cyth- 
raul are  to  be  subdued.  Humanity  is  the  scene  of  the  contest. 

I  will  now  only  add,  that  to  have  traversed  every  state  of  ani- 
mated existence,  to  remember  every  state  and  its  incidents,  and  to 
be  able  to  traverse  every  state  that  can  be  desired  for  the  sake  of 
experience  and  judgment,  is  that  consummation  which  can  only  be 
attained  in  the  circle  of  felicity.  In  this  circle  man  will  be  still 
undergoing  rotations  of  existence,  but  happy  ones,  because  God 
only  can  endure  the  eternities  of  the  circle  of  infinity  without 
changing.  Man's  happy  changes  in  the  circle  of  felicity  will  ex- 
hibit perpetual  acquisition  of  knowlege,  beautiful  variety,  and 
occasional  repose.4 

1  Cythraul  is  the  British  name  for  the  devil.     It  means  the  destroying  principle. 
It  may  have  been  derived  from  the  ancient  mythology  of  the  nation ;  I  have  there- 
fore preserved  the  name  in  the  text. 

2  Obryn  literally  means  "something  nearly  equivalent."     It  therefore  implies  a 
degraded  transmigration  adequate  to  the  fault  committed. 

3  This  literally  means  "  a  corresponding  animal,"  or  a  transmigration  into  some 
ferocious  animal. 

4  Copious  extracts  from  the  Book  of  Bardism,  which  contains  these  tenets,  may 
be  found  at  the  end  of  the  second  volume  of  Mr.  Edward  Williams's  poems,  with 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS.  557 

He  may  visit  again  the  scenes  of  humanity  for  his  pleasure,  but 
cannot  incur  any  moral  depravity. 

Such  is  the  bardic  doctrine  of  transmigration,  as  it  appears  in 
the  Book  of  Bardism.  How  far  it  transmits  the  tenets  of  the 
druids  on  this  subject,  or  what  modifications  Christianity  introduced, 
cannot  now  be  ascertained. 

By  recollecting  this  doctrine  of  transmigrations,  we  may  under- 
stand many  passages  of  Taliesin.  His  Hanes  Taliesin  is  a  recital 
of  his  pretended  transmigrations ;  and  when  we  read  in  his  other 
poems,  that  he  has  been  in  various  animal  shapes,  as  a  serpent1,  a 
wild  sow,  a  buck,  or  a  crane,  and  such  like,  we  must  call  to  mind, 
that  those  scenes  of  existence  in  Abred,  which  were  between 
Annwn  and  humanity,  were  the  changes  of  being  in  the  bodies  of 
different  animals.  One  great  privilege  of  the  being  who  was  far 
advanced  in  his  progression  to  the  circle  of  felicity,  was  to  re- 
member all  the  states  through  which  he  had  passed.  Taliesin 
seems  to  have  been  eager  to  establish  his  claims  to  such  a  success- 
ful probation.  He  is  perpetually  telling  us  what  he  has  been. 
Oblivion  was  one  of  the  curses  of  Abred  ;  the  recovery  of  memory 
was  a  proof  that  Drwg  and  Cythraul  began  to  be  overcome.  Ta- 
liesin therefore  as  profusely  boasts  of  his  recovered  reminiscence 
as  any  modern  sectary  can  do  of  his  state  of  grace  and  election. 

There  is  so  much  of  Taliesin's  poetry  which  no  one  can  under- 
stand, that  I  cannot  but  place  him,  in  point  of  intrinsic  merit, 
below  the  other  bards,  although,  in  the  estimation  of  his  country- 
men, he  seems  to  have  been  ranked  in  a  superior  class. 

His  Cad  Goddeu,  the  Battle  of  the  Trees,  is  eminently  incom- 
prehensible, and  so  are  others.  That  I  may  not  be  thought  to 
condemn  him  unjustly,  I  will  beg  leave  to  present  the  reader  with 
his  poem,  called  Preiddeu  Annwn,  the  Spoils  of  Annwn.  If  its 
allusions  are  at  all  historical,  they  are  too  much  involved  in  my- 
thology to  be  comprehended.  In  his  mead  song,  there  is  a  con- 
nected train  of  thought.  In  the  following  poem,  all  connection  of 
thought  seems  to  have  been  studiously  avoided.2 

PREIDDEU  ANNWN. 

Praise  to  the  Lord,  supreme  ruler  of  the  high  region,3 
Who  hath  extended  his  dominion  to  the  shores  of  the  world. 

translations.  I  cannot  speak  of  this  gentleman  without  mentioning  his  talents  with 
high  respect.  He  has  died  this  year,  1827.  He  was  an  ardent  lover  of  his  native 
Wales  and  of  its  ancient  literature. 

1  Wyf  sarpb,  p.  27.  — bum  bwch.  — bum  banhwch. —  bum  garan,  p.  44. 

2  It  is,  however,  fair  to  remark,  that  if  the  Mabinogion  and  all  the  Welsh  remains 
were  to  be  accurately  studied,  it  is  probable,  that  enough  might  be  gathered  from 
them  to  elucidate  some  of  the  allusions  of  Taliesin  to  the  opinions,  tales,  and  tra- 
ditions of  his  day.     This  would  make  intelligible  many  passages  now  obscure. 

8  Golych  wledig  pendefig  gwad  ri 
Pe  ledas  y  pennaeth  tros  draeth  mundi 
Bu  cywair  carchar  Gwair  ynghaer  Sidi 
Trwy  dybostol  Pwyll  a  Phryderi 


A   VINDICATION   OF   THE 

Complete  was  the  prison  of  Gwair  in  Caer  Sidi, 
Through  the  anger  of  Pwyll  and  Pryderi, 

Neb  cyn  nog  ef  nid  aeth  iddi 

Yr  gadwyn  dromlas  cywirwas  ai  cedwi 

A  rhac  Prieddieu  Annwn  tost  y  geni 

Ac  yd  frawd  parahawd  yn  barddwedi 

Tri  lloneid  prydwen  ydd  aetham  ni  iddi 

Nam  saith  ny  dyrraith  o  Gaer  Sidi 

Neud  wyf  glod  geymyn  cerdd  o  chlywir 

Ynghaer  Pedryfan  pedyr  y  cbwelyd 

Ynghynueir  or  pair  pan  leferid 

O  anadl  naw  morwyn  gochynnessid 

Neu  pair  pen  annwfn  pwy  uynud 

Gwrym  am  ei  oror  a  Mererid 

Ni  beirw  bwyd  llwrf  ni  rydyngid 

Kleddyf  lluch  lleawc  iddaw  rhyddychid 

Ac  yn  Haw  Lleminawg  ydd  edewid 

A  rhag  drws  porth  Uffern  llugyrn  lloscid 

A  phan  aetham  ni  gan  Arthur  trafferth  ilethrid 

Namyn  saith  ni  ddyrraith  o  Gear  Vediuid 

Neud  wyf  glod  geimyn  cerdd  glywanawr 

Ynghaer  Pedryfan  Ynys  Pybyrddor 

Echwydd  a  Muchydd  cymysgettor 

Gwin  gloyw  eu  gwirawd  rhag  ei  gosgordd 

Tri  lloneid  Prydwen  ydd  aetham  ni  ar  for 

Namyn  saith  ni  ddyrraith  o  Gaer  Rigor 

Ni  obrynaf  lawyr  lien  llywiadur 

Tra  chaer  wydr  ni  welsynt  wrhyd  Arthur 

Tri  ugeint  canhwr  a  sefl  ar  y  mur 

Oedd  anawdd  ymadrawdd  ai  gwiliadur 

Tri  lloneid  Prydwen  yd  aeth  gan  Arthur 

Namyn  saith  ni  ddyrraith  o  Gaer  Goludd 

Ni  obrynaf  i  lawyr  llaes  eu  cylchwy 

Ny  wyddant  hwy  py  ddydd  peridydd  pwy 

Py  awr  ym  meinddydd  y  ganed  Cwy 

Pwy  gwnaeth  ar  nid  aeth  dolau  Defwy 

Ny  wddant  hwy  yr  ych  brych  bras  ei  benrhwy 

Seith  ugein  cygwn  yn  ei  aerwy 

A  phan  aetham  ni  gan  Arthur  afrddwl  gofwy 

Namyn  saith  ni  ddyrraith  o  Gaer  Vandwy 

Ni  obrynaf  Iwyr  llaes  ei  gevyn 

Ni  wddant  py  ddydd  peridydd  pen 

Py  awr  ym  meinddydd  y  ganed  perchen 

Py  fil  a  gatwant  ariant  y  pen 

Pan  aetham  ni  gan  Arthur  afrddwl  gynhen 

Namyn  saith  ni  ddyrraith  a  Gaer  Ochren 

Mynaich  dychnud  fal  cunin  cor 

O  gyfranc  uddydd  ai  Gwiddanhor 

Ai  un  hynt  gwynt  ai  un  dwfr  mor 

Ai  un  ufel  tan  twrwf  diachor 

Myneich  dychnud  fal  bleiddawr 

O  gyfranc  uddydd  ai  gwyddyanhawr 

Ni  wddant  pan  ysgar  deweint  a  gwawr 

Neu  wynt  pwy  hynt  pwy  ei  rynnawdd 

Py  va  ddifa  py  dir  a  plawdd 

Bed  Sant  yn  ddifant  o  bet  allawr 

Golychaf  i  wledig  pendeflg  mawr 

Na  bwyf  trist  Crist  am  gwaddawl.  P.  45. 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS.  559 

No  one  before  him  went  to  it. 

A  heavy  blue  chain  held  the  faithful  youth, 

And  before  the  spoils  of  Annwn  gloomily  he  sings  : 

And  till  doom  shall  continue  in  his  lay. 

Thrice  the  fulness  of  Pridwen,  we  went  into  it. 

Except  seven,  none  returned  from  Caer  Sidi. 

Am  I  not  a  candidate  for  fame  to  be  heard  in  the  song  ? 

In  Caer  Pedryfan,  four  times  revolving, 

In  the  first  word  from  the  cauldron  when  it  was  expressed 

From  the  breath  of  nine  damsels  it  began  to  be  warmed. 

Is  it  not  the  cauldron  of  the  chief  of  Annwn,  in  its  fashion 

A  ridge  round  its  edge  of  pearls  ! 

It  will  not  boil  the  food  of  a  coward  not  sworn 

A  sword  bright  flashing  to  him  was  brought 

And  in  the  hand  of  Llaminawg  was  left, 

And  before  the  passage  of  the  gate  of  Uffern  (or  hell) 

The  horns  of  light  were  burning. 

And  when  we  went  with  Arthur,  in  his  labours  like  lightning, 
Except  seven,  none  returned  from  Caer  Vedivid. 

Am  I  not  a  candidate  for  fame  in  the  song  to  be  listened  to  ? 

In  Caer  Pedryvan,  in  the  isle  of  Pybyrddor, 

The  twilight  and  the  jet  of  night  moved  together, 

Bright  wine  their  beverage  before  their  hosts ; 

Three  times  the  fulness  of  Prydwen  we  went  on  the  sea, 

Except  seven,  none  returned  from  Caer  Rhegor. 

I  will  not  have  merit  from  the  multitude  with  the  ensign  of  the 

governor ; 

Beyond  Caer  Wydr  they  beheld  not  the  prowess  of  Arthur ; 
Three  times  twenty  hundred  men  stand  on  the  wall, 
He  will  be  unprotected  who  converses  with  its  sentinel. 
Three  times  the  fulness  of  Prydwen  we  went  with  Arthur, 
Except  seven,  none  returned  from  Caer  Coludd. 

I  will  not  have  merit  from  the  multitudes  with  trailing  shield, 

They  knew  not  on  what  day,  or  who  caused  it, 

Nor  what  hour  in  the  splendid  day  Cwy  was  born ; 

Nor  who  made  that  he  went  not  to  the  meanders  of  Defwy : 

They  knew  not  the  brindled  ox,  with  his  thick  head-band, 

Seven  score  knobs  in  his  collar. 

And  when  we  went  with  Arthur  of  mournful  memory, 

Except  seven,  none  returned  from  Caer  Vandwy. 

I  will  not  have  merit  from  the  multitudes  of  drooping  courage  ; 

They  knew  not  what  day  the  chief  was  caused, 

Nor  what  hour  in  the  splendid  day  the  owner  was  born  ; 

What  animal  they  keep  of  silver  head. 

When  we  went  with  Arthur  of  mournful  contention  ; 

Except  seven,  none  returned  from  Caer  Ochren. 


560  A   VINDICATION    OF    THE 

Monks  pack  together  like  dogs  in  the  choir, 

From  their  meetings  with  their  witches  ; 

One  has  the  course  of  the  wind,  one  the  water  of  the  sea, 

One  the  burning  of  the  fire,  of  unbounded  tumult. 

Monks  pack  together  like  wolves, 

From  their  meetings  with  their  witches, 

They  know  not  when  the  twilight  and  the  dawn  divide, 

Nor  what  the  course  of  the  wind,  nor  who  agitates  it, 

In  what  place  it  dies,  on  what  region  it  roars, 

The  grave  of  the  saint  vanishing  from  the  foot  of  the  altar, 

I  will  pray  to  the  Lord,  the  great  Supreme, 

That  I  be  not  wretched — may  Christ  be  my  portion.1 

Could  Lycophron  or  the  Sibyls,  or  any  ancient  oracle,  be  more 
elaborately  incomprehensible  ? 

In  his  historical  poems,  Taliesin  is  more  level  to  our  perceptions. 

When  he  sounds  his  harp  in  praise  of  Urien,  we  can  understand 
and  applaud  the  lay.  I  will  give  a  specimen  of  this  in  his 

DADOLWCH  URIEN. 
The  Reconciliation  with  Urien. 

Be  the  lion  the  most  implacable  ! 2 
I  will  not  revile  him. 

1  See  a  note  on  this  poem  in  the  Appendix. 
2  Lieu  uydd  echassaf 
Mi  nyw  dirmygaf 
Urien  yd  gyrchaf 
Iddaw  yd  ganaf 
Pan  ddel  fyngwaeslaf 
Cynwys  a  gaffaf 
Or  part  hgoreuhaf 
Y  dan  eilassaf 
Nid  mawr  nim  dawr 
Byth  gweheleith  a  welaf 
Nid  af  attadynt  ganthynt  ni  byddaf 
Ni  chyfarchaf  fl  gogledd 
Ar  mei  teyrnedd 
Cyn  pei  am  laweredd 
T  gwelwn  gynghwystledd 
Nid  rhaid  ym  hoffedd 
Urien  nim  gommedd 
Llwyfenydd  diredd 
Ys  meu  eu  rheufedd 
Ys  meu  y  gwyledd 
Ys  meu  y  llaredd 
Ys  meu  y  deliedeu 
Ai  gorefrasseu 
Medd  o  fauleu 
A  da  dieisieu 
Gan  deyrn  golau 
Haelaf  rygigleu 
Teyrnedd  pob  laith 
It  oil  ydynt  gaith 
Rhagot  yt  gwynir  ys  dir  dy  olaith 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS.  561 

But  Urien  I  will  approach, 

And  to  him  I  will  sing. 

When  he  who  is  my  assurance  comes, 

I  shall  obtain  superintendence, 

Of  the  most  excellent  part, 

Under  the  flow  of  melody. 

The  endless  lineage  which  T  see 

Concerns  me  not  much  ; 

I  shall  not  go  to  them  nor  be  with  them, 

I  will  not  address  myself  to  the  north, 

But  to  my 

First,  if  there  should  be  multitudes  about 

That  I  might  see  mutual  pledging  ; 

Their  affection  is  not  necessary  to  me, 

For  Urien  will  not  refuse  me 

The  lands  of  Llwyfenydd. 

Mine  will  be  their  riches, 

Mine  will  be  their  wilds, 

Mine  will  be  their  produce, 

Mine  will  be  their  beauties  ; 

And  their  luxuries, 

Mead  out  of  bugles, 

And  good  inexhaustible, 

From  a  splendid  prince. 

The  most  generous  that  has  been  heard  of 

The  kings  of  every  language, 

To  thee  are  all  captive. 

For  thee  there  will  be  mourning  when  thy  death  shall  be  certain, 

Whilst  it  would  menace  me. 

After  possession  I  will  declare, 

That  there  was  none  I  could  better  love ; 

As  far  as  I  could  know. 

At  times  I  behold 

The  extent  of  what  I  shall  obtain. 

Excepting  to  God  most  high, 


Cydef  mynnasswn 

Gwedy  helu  henwn 

Nid  oedd  wel  a  gerwn 

Hyd  ys  gwybyddwn 

Weithian  y  gwelaf 

Y  meint  a  gaffaf 

Namyn  y  Duw  uchaf 

Nis  dioferaf 

Dy  deyrn  Veibon 

Haelaf  dynedon 

Wy  canau  eu  hysgyron 

Tn  nhiredd  eu  galon 

Ac  yn  y  vallwyf  hen 

Ym  dygyn  angeu  angen 

Ni  byddaf  im  dirwen 

Na  molwyf  Urien.  *•  59. 

VOL.  III.  O  O 


562  A   VINDICATION    OF   THE 

I  will  not  renounce 

Thy  royal  sons 

The  most  generous  of  men. 

Their  shafts  resound 

In  the  lands  of  their  foes  ; 

And  until  I  shall  wither  old, 

In  my  severe  death  of  fate  ; 

I  shall  not  be  happy, 

Unless  I  am  praising  Urien.1 

As  Taliesin's  poem  on  the  battle  of  Argoed  Llwyfain  has  been 
much  alluded  to  by  the  bards  of  the  middle  ages,  I  will  also  cite 
it.  Fiamddwyn  is  a  word  implying  flame-bearing,  and  is  supposed 
to  have  been  the  name  by  which  the  Britons  distinguished  Ida. 
It  is  certain  that  Ida  fought  in  this  quarter. 

BATTLE  OF  ARGOED  LLWYFAIN. 

In  the  morning  of  the  day  of  Sadwrn  was  a  great  battle2 
From  when  the  sun  emerged  till  it  flamed  on  high ; 
Fiamddwyn  hastened  quickly  with  four  bodies 
To  encompass  Goddeu  and  Reged  : 
He  spread  from  Argoed  to  Arfynydd. 
They  retained  not  life  till  the  day  expired. 

1  I  have  been  much  indebted  to  Mr.  Owen  for  his  assistance  in  my  Welsh  trans- 
lations.    In  every  difficulty  of  construction  I  have  taken  his  opinion  as  my  guide. 

2  Y  bore  Dduw  Sadwrn  Cad  fawr  a  fu 
Or  pan  ddwyre  Haul  hyd  pan  gynnu 
Dygrysowys  Fflamddwyn  yn  bedwarllu 
Goddeu  a  Reged  i  ymddullu 

Dyfwy  o  Argoed  hyd  Arfynydd 

Ni  cheffynt  eiryoes  hyd  yr  undydd 

Atorelwis  Fflamddwyn  fawr  rtrybestawd 

A  ddodynt  yngwystlon  a  ynt  parawd 

Yr  attebwys  Owain  ddwyrain  ffossawd 

Nid  dodynt  nid  ydynt  nid  ynt  parawd 

A  cheneu  mab  Coel  byddai  Cymwyawg  lew 

Cyn  attalai  owystl  nebawd 

Atorelwis  Urien  Ddd  yr  echwydd 

O  bydd  ynghyfarfod  am  garennydd 

Dyrchafwn  eidoed  odduch  mynydd 

Ac  ymporthwn  wyneb  odduch  emyl 

A  drychafwn  beleidr  odduch  ben  Gwyr 

A  chyrchwn  Fflamddwyn  yn  ei  luydd 

A  lladdwn  ag  ef  ai  gyweithydd 

A  rhag  Gwaith  Argoed  Llwyfain 

Bu  llawer  Celain 

Rhuddei  frain  rhag  rhyfel  Gwyr 

A  gwerin  a  grysswys  gan  einewydd 

Arinaf  y  blwyddyn  nad  wyf  Kynnydd 

Ac  yn  y  fallwyf  hen 

Ym  dygn  angeif  angen 

Ni  byddif  ym  dyrwen 

No  molwyf  Urien.  P.  53. 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS.  563 

Flatnddwyn  demanded  with  great  impetuosity, 

"  Will  they  give  hostages  ?  are  these  ready  ?  " 

He  was  answered  by  Owen,  uprising  the  blow, 

"  They  will  not  give  them,  they  are  not,  shall  not  be  ready, 

And  Cheneu,  son  of  Coel,  would  be  like  an  irritated  lion 

But  he  would  withhold  hostages  from  any  one." 

Urien,  the  lord  of  peaceful  cultivation,  exclaimed, 

"  Being  assembled  for  our  kindred, 

Let  us  elevate  our  banners  above  the  mountains, 

And  push  forward  our  forces  over  the  borders, 

And  lift  our  spears  over  the  warriors'  heads, 

And  rush  upon  Flamddwyn  in  his  army, 

And  slaughter  with  him  and  his  followers." 

From  the  battle  of  Argoed  Llwyfain  was  many  a  corpse ; 

The  ravens  were  red  from  the  war  of  men, 

And  the  multitude  hastened  with  the  tidings. 

I  will  celebrate  the  year, 

I  am  not  increasing, 

But  in  age  am  declining, 

Yet  in  the  severe  death  of  necessity, 

I  shall  not  be  in  smiles, 

Unless  I  am  praising  Urien. 

Of  Taliesin's  poetry  we  may  say,  in  general,  that  his  historical 
poems  are  valuable  :  his  others  are  obscure  ;  but  as  they  contain 
much  old  mythology  and  bardic  imagery,  they  are  worth  attention, 
because  some  parts  may  be  illustrated  and  made  intelligible. 

We  may  now  consider  the  chief  objections  urged  against  these 
poems. 

FIRST    OBJECTION. 

They  have  used  rime  ;  but  rime,  say  the  objectors,  was  not 
known  to  Europe  in  the  sixth  century.  "  The  only  opinions 
which  now  divide  the  learned  on  this  subject"  are  "  whether  the 
use  of  rime  originated  from  the  Saracens,  who  took  possession  of 
Sicily  in  the  year  828,  or  arose  among  the  Italian  monks  in  the 
eighth  century."  But  "  it  is  certain,  that  it  was  totally  unknown 
to  the  ancient  language  of  Europe."1 

This  has  been  the  great  objection,  the  most  confidently  relied 
upon,  and  the  most  vehemently  pressed  against  the  genuineness  of 
these  poems-  I  own  when  I  first  heard  of  it,  it  sounded  very 
formidably  to  me.  If  this  account  of  the  use  of  rime  was  true, 
the  Welsh  bards  must  have  been  given  up.  I  therefore  took  some 
trouble  to  enquire  into  its  correctness. 

I  found  that  this  preremptory  opinion,  about  the  use  of  rime,  was 
a  complete  delusion.  I  stated  the  fruit  of  my  researches  in  two 
essays  which  were  read  before  the  Antiquarian  Society,  and  have 
been  since  printed  in  its  Transactions. 

1  Critical  Review,  Jan.  1800. 
o  o  2 


564  A   VINDICATION   OF    THE 

By  decisive  and  authentic  examples  from  authors  who  were 
there  quoted,  the  use  of  rime  was  traced,  from  age  to  age,  into 
the  fourth  century.  It  was  showed  that  it  was  used  in  Latin 
poetry  in  the  very  century  in  which  these  bards  lived,  and  in  the 
centuries  preceding.  The  subject  was  pursued  into  the  classical 
times.  I  intimated  the  reasons  and  the  authorities  which  sup- 
ported the  opinion  of  Muratori,  that  rime  was  an  appendage  of 
the  vulgar  unmetrical  poetry  of  the  Romans.  And  I  showed  its 
great  antiquity  in  the  languages  of  China,  Hindostan,  and  Judea, 
as  well  as  Arabia. 

My  examples  of  rime  between  the  ninth  century  and  the  fourth 
were  taken  from  these  authors  : 

Ninth  Century,  Otfrid. 

Eighth  Century,  The  song  of  the  Lombards. 

Boniface. 

Leobgytha. 

Coena. 
Seventh  Century,  Aldhelm. 

The  Prankish  Song. 

Eugenius. 

Drepanius  Florus. 

Columbanus. 
And  in  the  Sixth  Century,         Venantius  Fortunatus. 

Of  this  author  I  cited  two  riming  poems,  and  pointed  out  several 
riming  passages  in  his  other  works.  This  first  essay  will  be  added 
to  this  Appendix. 

In  my  second  essay  I  showed  the  use  of  rime  in  the  fourth 
century,  in  the  poem  of  St.  Austin  against  the  Donatists.  In  his 
short  preface  to  this  poem,  St.  Austin  says  : 

"  Volens  etiam  causam  Donatistarum  ad  ipsius  humillimis  vulgi 
et  omnino  imperitorum  atque  idiotarum  notitiam  pervenire  et 
eorum  quantum  fieri  posset  par  nos  inherere  memoriae,  psalmum 
qui  eis  cantaretur  per  Latinas  literas  feci  sed  usque  ad  v  literam, 
tales  enim  abdecedarios  appellant,  tres  vero  ultimas  omisi,  &c." 

The  Psalm  begins  thus  : 

•  Abundantia  peccatorum  solet  fratres  conturbare, 
Propter  hoc  Dominus  noster  voluit  nos  praemonere, 
Comparans  regnum  coelorum,  reticulo  misso  in  mare 
Congreganti  multos  pisces,  omne  genus  hinc  et  inde, 
Quos  cum  traxissent,  ad  littus  tune  coeperunt  separare, 
Bonos  in  vasa  miserunt,  reliquos  malos  in  mare 
Quisquis  recolit  Evangelium,  recognoscat  cum  timore 
Videt  reticulum  ecclesiam,  videt  hoc  seculum  mare, 
Genus  autem  mixtum  Piscis,  Justus  est  cum  peccatore, 
Seculi  finis  est  littus,  tune  est  tempus  separare, 
Quando  retia  ruperunt,  multum  dilexerunt  mare, 
Vasa  sunt  sedes  sanctorum,  quo  non  possent  pervenire."1 

1  Austin's  Works,  vol.  vii.  p.  3.     Lyons,  1586. 


ANCIENT   BKITISH   TOEMS.  565 

Twenty  similar  stanzas  of  twelve  lines  each  follow  the  preceding, 
all  ending  in  e,  and  each  stanza  beginning  with  a  successive  letter 
of  the  alphabet  as  far  as  v. 

Thus  the  objection  of  the  Welsh  bards  are  forgeries,  because 
their  poems  are  rimed,  is  completely  overturned.  Rime  was  in 
being  in  Europe  long  before  they  rimed. 

After  these  facts,  can  we  avoid  smiling  when  we  read  such  a 
passage  as  this? 

"  We  would  assume  opposite  grounds,  and  pronounce  at  once, 
that  the  use  of  rhyme  presents  mathematical  demonstration  that 
those  poems  are  glaring  forgeries."  l 

How  an  historical  fact,  even  if  it  had  been  as  the  critic  thought, 
could  make  a  mathematical^  demonstration,  he  has  yet  to  explain  ! 
But  whatever  sort  of  demonstration  he  meant,  the  facts,  as  to  the 
use  of  rime,  instead  of  proving  the  poems  to  be  forgeries,  are 
auspicious  to  their  genuineness. 

SECOND    OBJECTION. 

The  next  objection,  which  has   been   so  triumphantly   used,  is 

this: 

But  Giraldus  "  does  not  even  mention  the  use  of  rhyme  among 
his  countrymen  ;  or  if  it  at  all  existed,  he  considered  it  as  rude 
and  rustic  when  compared  with  alliteration.  Any  reader  will 
perceive  that  this  implied  neglect  in  the  one  case,  or  positive 
censure  in  the  other,  could  never  have  been  expressed  by  a 
writer  so  ardent  for  the  glory  of  his  country,  to  the  actual  con- 
demnation of  all  its  illustrious  bards.  It  follows,  therefore,  that 
all  those  pieces  ascribed  to  the  early  Welsh  poets  are  posterior 
to  the  days  of  Giraldus."'* 

In  support  of  these  objections,  a  passage  of  Giraldus  is  quoted, 
the  import  of  which  is,  that  the  Welsh  poets  were  chiefly  fond  of 
such  ornaments  as  alliteration.  Giraldus  adds,  "a  Welsh  poet, 
therefore,  would  thus  have  expressed  himself:" 

Digawn  duw  da  y  unic 
Wrth  bob  crybwylh  parawd.4 

This  objection  is  not  a  fact,  but  an  inference,  and  the  reasoning 
stands  precisely  thus : 

Giraldus  either  does  not  mention  rime,  or  considered   it  as 

rude  and  rustic ; 

But  Giraldus  was  ardent  for  the  glory  of  his  country  : 
Therefore  he  would  not  have  condemned  rime  if  the  ancient 
bards   had   used   it,    and   therefore   all    the   rimed   pieces 

1  This  gentleman  seems  to  have  been  fond  of  this  emphatic  epithet ;  for  after 
assuming,  and  then  asserting,  that  the  poems  in  question  were  unknown  to  Nen- 
nius,  Geoffrey,  and  Caradoc,  he  says,  "  we  may  conclude  with  a  mathematical  cer- 
tainty, that  they  are  modern  fabrications."     Surely  historical  certainty  and  mathe- 
matical certainty  are  not  quite  identical. 

2  Critical  Review,  January  1800,  p.  22. 

3  Ibid  p.  23.  4  IWd. 

o  o  3 


566  A   VINDICATION    OF    THE 

ascribed  to  the  early  Welsh  poets  are  posterior  to  the  days 
of  Giraldus 

The  logician  will  not  admire  the  closeness  of  this  reasoning,  as 
applied  to  a  question  of  fact.  To  determine  the  genuineness  of 
these  poems  by  Giraldus's  estimation  of  rime,  is  as  correct  a 
method  of  reaching  the  truth,  as  it  would  be  to  decide  against  the 
genuineness  of  Dryden's  rimed  tragedies,  because  modern  critics 
prefer  blank  verse.  It  is  also  a  modern  discovery  in  criticism, 
that  if  an  author  thinks  the  ancient  poems  of  his  country  rude 
and  rustic,  he  therefore  affirms  them  to  be  forgeries.  The  critic 
argues,  that  because  Giraldus  thought  the  use  of  rime  rude  and 
rustic,  therefore  these  ancient  poems  which  are  rimed  are  forgeries. 
If  a  reasoner  ask  why  is  this  inference  made?  the  objector's 
answer  is,  that  a  writer  so  ardent  for  the  glory  of  his  country, 
would  not  by  such  terms  as  rude  and  rustic,  have  condemned  its 
illustrious  bards.  Therefore  these  poems  could  not  have  existed 
in  the  time  of  Giraldus.  This  sort  of  reasoning  is  in  fact  an  as- 
sertion, that  the  poetry  which  a  patriotic  writer  calls  rude  and 
rustic,  cannot  be  the  works  of  the  ancient  bards  of  his  country. 

But  Horace,  though  a  patriot,  never  hesitated  to  describe  the 
poems  of  Ennius  or  Lucilius  as  rude  and  rustic,  and  yet  he  thought 
them  genuine.  Our  Lydgate  and  Chaucer  are  rather  rude  and 
rustic,  and  yet  no  writer,  however  ardent  for  the  glory  of  old 
England,  would  suspect,  that  in  so  considering  them,  he  was  im- 
peaching their  genuineness. 

Nothing  can  more  strongly  show  the  inapplicability  of  the 
objection  than  the  fact,  that  we  have  the  authority  of  Giraldus 
himself,  to  prove  that  the  works  of  the  old  bards  of  his  country, 
which  he  actually  deemed  genuine,  he,  yet,  did  think  rude  and 
rustic  in  the  strongest  sense.  The  very  words  in  which  he  speaks 
of  Merdhin's  poetry  are,  "  Britannicam  barbarien, "  "  British 
barbarism."  I  have  already  quoted  the  passage,  he  does  more : 
he  uses  the  very  phrase  of  the  objector ;  he  calls  the  style,  "  the 
rude  and  plain  simplicity  of  the  ancient  style,"  and  again,  "  the 
darkness  of  the  barbaric  tongue."  l 

But  the  critic  means  to  insinuate,  that  Giraldus  either  did  not 
know  that  rime  was  used  in  Welsh  poetry,  or  thought  such  rimed 
poetry  rude  and  rustic.  It  happens,  unfortunately  for  such  an 
insinuation,  that  every  Welsh  bard  of  every  age  used  rime.  Rime 
is  essential  to  Welsh  poetry.  The  poems  of  many  bards,  in  the 
days  of  Giraldus,  yet  exist,  and  they  are  all  rimed.  Could 
Giraldus  then  mean  to  decry  rime,  to  depreciate  such  poetry  as 
used  it,  to  hint  that  it  was  not  genuine?  The  moment  any 
gentleman  looks  over  the  first  volume  of  the  Welsh  Archaiology 
and  finds  584-  pages  of  poems  in  double  columns  all  rimed  and  all 
written  before  the  fourteenth  century,  he  might  answer  the  ques- 
tion himself  on  the  mere  probability  of  the  case. 

1  Sermon  is  an  tiqui  rudis  et  plana  simplicitas  —  barbarse  linguae  tenebras.  —  See 
before. 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS.  567 

But  Giraldus  can  also  answer  this  question  for  himself.  So  far 
is  it  from  being  true,  that  Giraldus  was  ignorant  that  his  country- 
men used  rime,  that  Giraldus  expressly  mentions  that  they  do  use 
rime  ;  and  what  is  more  —  what  is  scarcely  credible  —  he  mentions 
this  fact  in  the  very  passage  which  the  angry  critic  adduces  to 
prove  the  contrary.  1  dislike  to  use  harsh  words,  and  will 
therefore  make  no  observations  on  this  circumstance.  It  may 
have  arisen  from  some  casual  mistake.  The  beginning  of  the 
passage  of  Giraldus,  as  the  critic  translates  and  quotes  it,  is, 
"  they  are  so  subtle  and  ingenious  in  their  songs,  verses,  and  set 
speeches,  that  they  produce,  in  their  native  tongue,  ornaments 
of  wonderful  and  exquisite  invention  in  their  words-  and  in  their 
sentences."  l 

Now  the  words  translated,  "  songs,  verses,  and  set  speeches," 
are  in  the  original  "  cantilenis  rythmicis,  et  dictamine,"  not  songs, 
verses,  but  rimed  songs.  So  that  Giraldus,  instead  of  discrediting 
rimed  poems,  as  the  critic  asserts,  begins  the  passage  by  saying, 
that  it  is  of  the  rimed  songs  that  he  speaks,  and  that  it  is  these 
rimed  songs  which  possess  the  ornaments  that  he  proceeds  to 
applaud.  2 

One  of  the  examples,  which  I  cited  in  the  essay  on  rime,  read 
in  the  Antiquarian  Society,  and  which  I  have  not  seen  elsewhere 

1  In  cantilenis,  rythmicis,  et  dictamine  tarn  subtiles  inveniuntur  ut  mire  et  ex- 
quisitse  inventionis   lingua  propria  tarn  verborum  quam  sententiarum  proferant 
exornationes.    Unde  et  poetas  (quos  Bardos  vocant)  ad  hoc  deputatos  in  hac  natione 
multos  invenies,  juxta  illud  poeticum  : 

Plurima  concreti  fuderunt  carmina  Bardi. 

Pra;  cunctis  autem  Rhetoricis  exornationibus  annominatione  magis  utuntur,  eaque 
praecipue  specie,  qusc  primas  dictionum  literas  vel  syllabas  convenientia  jungit. 
Adeo  igitur  hoc  verborum  ornatu,  duae  nationes  Angli  scil.  et  Cambri  in  omni 
sermone  exquisite  utuntur,  ut  nihil  ab  his  eleganter  dictum,  nullum  nisi  rude  et 
agreste  censeatur  eloquium  si  non  schematis  hujus  lima  plene  fuerit  expolitum, 
sicut  Britannice  in  hunc  modum. 

Digawn  duw  da  y  unic, 

Wrth  bob  crybwylh  parawd. 
Anglice  vero, 

God  is  together  gammen  and  wisdome.  In  Latino  quoque  haud  dissimiliter 
eloquio  eandem  exornationem  frequens  est  invenire  in  hunc  modum.  Virgilius, 

Talem  casum  Cassandra  canebat, 

Et  illud  ejusdem  ad  Augustum. 

Dum  dubitet  natura  marem,  faceret  se  puellam 

Natus  es  o  pulcher  pene  puella  puer. 

In  nullis  tamen  linguis  quas  novimus,  haec  exornatio  adeo  ut  in  prioribus  duabus 
est  usitata. — Girald.  Cambria  Descript.  p.  889,  890.  ap.  Camd.  Anglica  Ilibernica, 
&c.  Francf.  1601. 

2  There  can  be  no  doubt,  that  cantilenis  rythmicis  in  the  twelfth  century,  meant 
rimed  songs.     There  can  be  as  little  doubt,  that  to  omit  the  word  rythmicis  en- 
tirely in  the  translation,  and  to  substitute  for  it  the  word  verses,  and  to  produce 
the  passage  thus  wrongly  translated  as  an  authority,  that  Giraldus  does  not  even 
mention  the  use  of  rime  among  his  countrymen,  was  improper.     I  may  remark  that 
cantilenis  rythmicis,  in  the  MS.  in  the  Cotton  Library,  has  not  in  the  printed  copy 
a  eomma  between  them. 

o  o  4 


568  A    VINDICATION    OF    THE 

quoted,  will,  I  think,  illustrate  the  meaning  of  the  word  rythmicis 
in  Giraldus,  and  the  true  application  of  his  passage. 

Aldhelm,  the  celebrated  bishop  of  the  West  Saxons,  who  died 
709,  in  his  Treatise  on  Virginity,  has  this  passage ;  "  ut  non  in- 
convenienter  carmine  rythmico  dici  queat." l  Here  we  find  the 
same  adjective,  rythmicus,  used,  as  by  Giraldus.  The  example 
which  Aldhelm  immediately  annexes  proves  that  it  exactly  cor- 
responds with  our  word  rimed.  The  example  is, 

Christus  passus  patibulo 

Atque  Iffiti  latibulo 

Virginem  virgo  virgini 

Commendabat  tutamini. 

This  is  precisely  a  cantilena  rythmica  composed  to  the  full  taste 
of  Giraldus.  It  has  the  annominato  which  he  loved,  just  as  it 
frequently  occurs  in  Welsh  poetry. 

There  is  another  proof  that  Giraldus  knew  well  the  use  of 
rime  among  his  countrymen.  The  two  Welsh  lines  cited  by 
Giraldus  — 

Digawn  Duw  da  y  unic 

and 
Wrth  bob  crybwylh  parawd, 

are  two  distinct  unconnected  lines,  part  of  two  old  riming  stanzas 
which  occur  in  a  poem  which  is  ascribed  to  the  tenth  century. 
The  complete  stanza,  containing  the  first  line,  is, 

A  glyweisti  a  gant  Duinnic 
Milur  doeth  detholedic 
Digaun  Duw  da  y  unic? 

The  other  lines  Giraldus,  or  his  transcriber,  has  not  quoted  so  cor- 
rectly. The  complete  stanza  is, 

A  glyweisti  a  gant  Anaraut 

Milur  donyauc  ditlaut 

Reit  wrth  amhwyll  pwyll  paraut.3 

As  the  last  line  stands  in  the  printed  Giraldus,  it  is  obviously  mis- 
copied.  Giraldus  adduced  it  as  a  specimen  of  the  annominatio, 
but  as  it  is  printed  in  his  work, 

Wrth  bob  crybwylh  paraud,4 

where  is  the  annominatio  ?  In  the  real  line  which  I  have  quoted, 
we  see  it  in  the  two  similar  letters  of  pwyll  and  paraut,  and  in  the 
similar  sounds  of  amhwyll  and  pwyll. 

Let  us  not  then  be  told  that  Giraldus  is  evidence,  that  rime  was 
not  used  by  the  Welsh  bards.5 

1  Aldhelm  de  Virgin,  p.  297.     Wharton's  edition. 

2  See  the  whole  poem  in  the  Welsh  Archaiology,  p.  172.  3  Ibid. 

*  In  the  MS.  of  this  tract  of  Giraldus,  in  the  Cotton  Library,  Domitian  A.  I. 
p.  122.  This  line  is  thus  quoted: — rbyn  dibuilh  puilh  paraut.  This  is  some- 
what nearer  the  true  line  than  the  printed  one. 

5  It  is  curious  to  observe,  how  much  stress  has  been  laid  on  the  fancied  igno- 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS.  569 

What  is  it  then,  which  Giraldus  really  says,  in  the  passage  so 
ostentatiously,  but  so  raistakingly,  quoted?  It  is  this:  that  the 
Welsh  bards  in  their  rimed  songs  had  those  ornaments  which  he 
calls,  of  wonderful  and  exquisite  invention  in  the  words  and  in 
their  sentences ;  and  of  which  he  particularizes  the  annominatio  ; 
he  does  not  say  that  they  had  these  ornaments  without  rime,  but 
that  in  their  rimed  songs  they  cultivated  these  ornaments.  Now 
this  statement  is  precisely  the  real  truth.  The  Welsh  poems  of  all 
ages  are  rimed,  but  have  also  those  alliterative  ornaments  of  which 
Giraldus  was  so  fond. 

It  was  not  poems  with  rime  which  Giraldus  called  rude  and 
rustic,  but  it  was  the  poetry  which  was  without  alliteration.  The 
alliteration  was  the  beauty  which  no  poems  omitted,  but  such  as 
were  rude  and  rustic. 

Therefore,  besides  the  misconstruction  of  the  cantileriis  ryth- 
micis,  the  critic  has  clearly  mistaken  the  sense  of  the  passage.  Gi- 
raldus was  speaking  of  alliteration  —  he  quotes  Welsh  passages 
which  have  it,  an  old  English  line  that  has  it,  and  he  proceeds  to 
quote  two  passages  of  Virgil  which  have  also  alliteration.  Now, 
if  it  had  been  true,  that  the  old  bards  had  not  used  alliteration, 
then  the  epithets  "  rude  and  rustic  "  would  have  applied  to  them. 

But  the  fact  is,  that  the  old  bards  abound  with  alliteration, 
though  not  so  frequently  as  the  poets  of  the  following  ages,  in 
whose  works  it  is  almost  incessant.  I  will  now  adduce  instances 
in  Taliesin  and  others,  of  that  annominatio  which  Giraldus  so 
much  esteemed. 

Creadur  cadarn  cyn  dilyw  — 
Ar  meirch  mawr  modur  mirein  eu  gwedd  — 
Meddwer  Maelgwn  Mon  ag  an  meddwa — 
Med  hedleid  moleid  molud  i  bob  tra. 

These  occur  with  several  others  in  one  page. 
So  Llywarch  Hen.     In  his  first  elegy  are, 

A  gwedy  gawr  garw  bwylliad  — 
A  gorvod  gwedy  gorborth  — 
Gwyr  ni  giliynt  rhag  ovn  gwaew — 
A  gwyr  rudd  ihag  ruthr  Geraint. — 

With  several  more. 

Merddin  also  uses  it,  though  more  sparingly, 

ranee  of  Giraldus  of  rime  in  Welsh  verse.  Mr.  Malcolm  Laing,  in  his  Dissertation 
on  Ossian's  Poems,  annexed  to  his  History  of  Scotland,  very  decisively  says,  vol.  ii. 
p.  436.,  speaking  of  rime,  "  In  Welsh  poetry  it  was  unknown  to  Giraldus  Cambrensis 
in  the  twelfth  century,  a  sufficient  proof  that  the  rhymes  of  Taliesin  and  the  Welsh 
bards  are  a  more  recent  forgery."  I  am  much  surprised,  that  any  gentleman  of 
character  should  speak  so  positively  upon  Welsh  poetry  without  knowing  any  thing 
about  it.  Independent  of  the  above  proofs  from  Giraldus  himself  that  he  knew  of 
rime ;  how  could  it  be  unknown  to  him,  when  Meilyr,  Gwalchmai,  Cynddelw, 
Owain  Cyveiliawg,  Llywarch  P.  Moch,  David  Benvras,  and  Elidyr  Sais  ;  all  men 
of  great  genius  and  reputation,  were  using  it  in  all  their  poems  in  Giraldus's  life- 
time ? 


570  A   VINDICATION    OF   THE 

Yn  gyfoed  gyfuch  gyhyd  gymmaint 
Trwy  fron  trugaredd  y  tyseddaint. 

Thus  we  find  the  ancient  bards  actually  exhibit  not  only  rime, 
but  also  these  ornaments  which  Giraldus  so  much  applauded.  Of 
course  the  passage  of  Giraldus,  which  has  been  so  much  relied 
upon,  is,  in  no  respect,  hostile  to  their  genuineness. 

I  pass  by  the  objection  that  Nennius,  Jeffrey,  and  Caradoc,  do 
not  mention  these  bards,  because  I  have  already  shown,  that 
Nennius  and  Jeffrey,  and  many  Welsh  writers  of  the  age  of  Ca- 
radoc expressly  mention  them. 

I  know  but  of  one  more  objection,  which  requires  to  be  an- 
swered, and  I  approach  it  with  respect,  because  it  has  been  also 
urged  by  men  of  candour  and  judgment.1 

It  is  in  substance  this  :  we  find  these  poems  placed  in  the  sixth 
century,  and  we  find  none  occurring  before  the  twelfth  century. 
This  leaves  an  interval  so  suspicious,  as  to  operate  very  strongly 
against  the  genuineness  of  any  poetry  earlier  than  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury. This  objection  is  a  fair  one,  and  calls  for  a  satisfactory  an- 
swer. I  hope  to  give  such  a  one  by  proving  these  things. 

1.  That  there  are  some  few  poems  of  the  centuries  between 
the  sixth  and  twelfth  yet  in  being. 

2.  That  many  bards  are  recorded  to  have  existed  during  this 
interval. 

3.  That  the  ravages  of  time  are  capricious,  and  that  similar 
chasms  occur  in  the  literary  history  of  other  countries. 

1.  Of  the  seventh  century  we  have  the  small  poems  preserved 
to  us  of  Meigant2,  Elaeth3,  and  Tysilio.4     Of  the  eighth  century, 
there  is  one  poem  of  Golyddan5,  and  two  of  Cuhelyn.6     There  is 
also  a  little  piece  of  Llevoed  of  the  tenth  century  7,  and  there  are 
some  anonymous  pieces  which  seem  to  belong  to  the  tenth  and 
eleventh.3 

2.  The  laws  of  Howel  Dha  show  a  regular  and  much-respected 
establishment  of  bards  in  the  tenth  century,  as   I  have  already 
mentioned.9     This  is  a  proof,  which  cannot  be  controverted,  that 
bards  did  flourish  during  the  interval  which  has  been  thought  so 
unfavourable. 

But  other  documents  furnish  us  with  the  names  of  several  of 

1  See  Monthly  Review  of  the  Welsh  Archaiology. 

2  An  elegy  on  Cynddylan  and  an  ode.     Welsh.  Arch.  p.  159,  160. 

3  Moral  Triplets,  p.  161.  4  A  Religious  Dialogue,  p.  162. 

5  The  Destiny  of  Britain,  p.  156.  6  Two  Religious  Odes,  p.  164.  180. 

7  The  Journey  of  Life,  a  Moral  Piece,  p.  1 54. 

8  As  the  Dialogue  between  Arthur  Cai  and  Glewwlyd,  Welsh  Art,  p.  167. 

The  Englynion  y  Clyweit,  or  a  collection  of  the  sayings  of  the  earlier  bards, 
p.  172. 

The  Dialogue  between  Arthur  and  Gwenhwyfar,  p.  175. 
The  Dialogue  between  Arthur  and  Eliwlod,  p.  176. 
The  Dialogue  between  Trystan  and  Gwalchmai,  p.  178. 
And  some  fragments. 

9  See  before,  p.  495,  496. 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS.  571 

these  bards.  A  triad  mentions  Avan  Verddig,  the  bard  of  Cad- 
wallon,  the  son  of  Cadvan1  and  Dygynnelvv,  the  bard  of  Owain, 
the  son  of  Urien.  Of  the  other  bards  who  lived  in  the  sixth  cen- 
tury, the  aphorisms  of  six  have  been  preserved  :  Idloes,  Ysgafnell, 
Ciwg,  Ystyfan,  Heinin,  and  Cennydd. 

Hast  thou  heard  what  Idloes  sang, 

A  man  mild  and  amiable  in  his  life  : 

"  The  best  quality  is  to  preserve  manners."2 

Hast  thou  heard  what  Ysgavnell  sang, 

The  son  of  Dysgyvundod,  the  impulse  of  battle? 

"  The  poor  will  not  be  presented  with  gifts  from  afar."3 

Hast  thou  heard  what  Ciwg  sang, 

The  completely  wise  bard  of  Gwynhylwg: 

"  Who  possesses  discretion  has  a  long  sight."4 

Hast  thou  heard  the  saying  of  Ystyfan  (or  Stephen), 
The  bard  of  Teilo  of  quick  reply  : 
"  Man  covets,  but  God  distributes."5 

Hast  thou  heard  the  saying  of  Heinin, 
The  bard  of  the  Bangor  of  Llanveithin  : 
"  The  brave  will  not  be  cruel."6 

The  saying  of  Cennydd,  the  son  of  Aneurin,  has  been  already 
given.7 

In  the  ninth  century  were  Cynllwg  and  Geraint,  the  Blue  Bard, 
who  have  left  these  aphorisms : 


1  Archaiol.  vol.  ii.  p.  64. 

A  glyweisti  a  gant  Idloes 

Gwr  gwar,  hygar  ei  einoes  : 

"  Goreu  cynneddv  cadw  moes." 

Cited  by  Mr.  Owen  in  his  Cambrian  Biography,  p.  194,  and  his  Dictionary,  voce 
Moes. 

3  A  glyweisti  a  gant  Ysgafnell, 
Vab  Dysgyvundaut  Ratgymell : 

"  Ny t  anregyt  tlaut  o  bell."     Englyn.  y  Clyweit.  W.  A.  1 73. 

4  A  glyweisti  a  gant  Ciwg, 

Banld  cyweirddoeth  Gwynhylwg : 
"  Terchen  pwyll  pell  ei  olwg." 

Ibid,  another  MS.  copy  not  yet  printed. 

5  A  glyweisti  9wedyl  Tstyfan, 
Bardd  Teilaw  atteb  bwan  : 

"  Dyn  a  £wennyd$  :  Duw  a  ran."  Ibid. 

•  A  glyweisti  ywedyl  Heinin, 

Vardd  o  vangor  Llanveithin  : 

"  Gwrawl  ni  vydd  ddysgethrin."  Ibid. 

7  See  before. 


572  A   VINDICATION    OF   THE 

Hast  thou  heard  the  saying  of  Cynllwg, 

A  hoary  bard  of  extensive  sight : 

"  He  enjoys  good,  who  has  not  evil."  l 

Hast  thou  heard  the  saying  of  the  Blue  Bard, 

Giving  social  counsel : 

"  Better  the  favour  of  a  dog,  than  his  hate."2 

In  the  tenth  century  several  bards  have  had  their  observations 
on  life  preserved  to  us. 

Hast  thou  heard  the  saying  of  Myvenydd, 

A  bard  with  a  genius  fond  of  books, 

"  There  is  no  good  governor  but  God."  3 

Hast  thou  heard  the  saying  of  Divwg, 

The  bard  of  old  Morgan  Morganwg : 

"  Who  seeks  not  good,  may  expect  evil."4 

Didst  thou  hear  the  saying  of  Idwallon, 
A  hoary  old  man,  resting  on  his  staff: 
"  With  the  ignorant  hold  no  dispute."5 

3.  Nothing  is  more  remarkable  and  often  more  lamentable  in 
literary  history,  than  the  apparent  capriciousness  with  which  the 
ravages  of  time  appear  to  have  been  exerted  on  ancient  MSS. 
Many  valuable  works  have  perished,  and  some  worthless  ones  have 
escaped.  The  books  of  some  periods  and  of  some  countries  have 
disappeared  and  others  have  survived,  without  any  adequate  rea- 
son for  either  event.  No  argument  can  therefore  have  less  force 
than  this.  We  may  as  well  interrogate  Time,  why  his  production 
of  human  genius  is  so  irregular  as  to  exact  critical  demonstration, 
why  his  ravages  upon  its  labours  have  been  so  inconstant  and 
partial. 

In  every  country  this  partial  destruction  of  literature  is  apparent. 
What  a  chasm  exists  in  the  works  of  Grecian  genius  before  Homer 
and  after  him.  Such  a  perfect  exhibition  of  human  talent  must 
have  been  preceded  by  many  productions  of  the  poetic  art.  But 

1  A  glyweisti  9\vedyl  Cynllwg, 
Vardd  llwyd,  llydan  «'i  olwg  ; 
"  Cavas  dda  ni  9avas  ddrwg." 

Englyn.  y  Clyweit.  W.  A.  173. 

2  A  glyweisti  9wedyl  y  Bardd  Glas, 
Yn  rhoi  cyhghor  cyweithas  : 

"  Gwell  cariad  y  ci  noi  gas."  Ibid. 

3  A  glyweisti  fwedyl  Myvenydd, 
Bardd  llyvreugar  ei  wenydd  : 

"  Namyn  Duw  nid  madlywydd."  Ibid. 

4  A  glyweisti  (jwedyl  Divwg, 
Bardd  hen  Vorgan  Morganwg  : 

"  Na  (jais  y  da,  aroed  y  drwg."  Ibid. 

5  Cambrian  Biography,  p.  1 95. 


ANCIENT   BRITISH   POEMS.  573 

where  are  they?  and  what  has  become  of  the  works  which  followed  ? 
Homer  stands  sublime,  like  a  towering  island  in  an  expansive  ocean. 
Hesiod  is  a  little  islet  near  him,  but  there  is  scarce  any  thing  else 
to  connect  him  with  his  ancestors  or  successors.  But  because 
Homer  and  Hesiod  shone  in  one  age,  and  Eschylus,  Sophocles,  and 
Pindar,  in  a  later  period,  we  are  not  so  unjust  as  to  brand  the  Iliad 
of  the  one,  or  the  works  and  days  of  the  others  as  surreptitious 
productions.  In  Judea,  David,  Solomon,  and  Isaiah,  shone  with 
excelling  merit.  But  what  a  darkness  between  Moses  and  David, 
and  Solomon  and  Isaiah  ?  Another  interval  of  gloom  succeeded 
after  the  prophets,  and  the  author  of  Ecclesiasticus  appeared. 
After  another  interruption,  came  Josephus  and  Philo,  and  what  a 
Cimmerian  midnight  since  I 

Where  are  the  historians  and  poets  of  Phenicia,  Carthage,  and 
Egypt  ?  We  know  that  many  existed  and  wrote ;  we  know  that 
two  of  these  nations  were  the  tutors  of  Greece,  and  the  other  the 
competitor  of  Rome ;  and  yet  all  their  literary  compositions,  how- 
ever curious,  or  however  meritorious,  have  passed  away  from 
human  knowlege,  like  the  clouds  which  dropped  their  treasures 
on  their  fields  ;  like  the  myriads  of  population,  which  swarmed  in 
their  cities,  and  established  their  fame. 

We  have  the  Frankish  poetry  of  Otfrid  in  850,  and  we  scarcely 
know  the  names  of  any  other  Frankish  poets,  who  came  after  him 
in  the  centuries  immediately  following.  Shall  he  be,  therefore, 
discredited?  What  chasms  exist  in  the  literature  of  Persia, 
Arabia,  and  Hindustan? 

The  ebbs  and  flows  of  intellect  and  literature  in  every  nation 
appear  very  capricious,  and  obey  no  fixed  rules. 

Our  own  country  has  abounded  with  these  vicissitudes.  While 
the  Romans  were  with  us,  the  national  mind  must  have  been 
ameliorated.  The  Saxons  came,  and  mental  darkness  followed. 
The  sun  of  intellect  streaked  the  gloorn  with  its  orient  rays,  and 
Bede,  Alcuin,  and  others  adorned  the  Saxon  name.  The  furies  of 
the  north  shrouded  the  hemisphere  with  their  tempests,  and  priests 
even  forgot  to  read  their  services.  ALFRED  reigned,  and  the 
glorious  beam  burst  through  the  stormy  cloud,  called  forth  by  his 
magic  voice,  and  irradiating  his  paths.  A  premature  evening  suc- 
ceeded ;  the  faint  light  which  glimmered  afterwards  soon  disap- 
peared in  the  Norman  midnight.  But  the  dawn  of  reason  again 
returned ;  it  struggled  with  the  interposing  clouds  ;  it  increased  ; 
it  diminished  ;  it  burst  forth  at  last  with  new  fervor,  and  a  settled 
radiance  has  now  spread  around,  which  every  century  augments, 
and  which  the  course  of  nature  promises  to  perpetuate. 

The  same  accidents  have  occurred  to  the  British  poetry.  The 
Druids  had,  as  Caesar  attests,  a  great  quantity  of  verses,  and  of 
course  had  poets,  whose  names  and  productions  have  perished  for 
ever.  Of  all  those  who  were  afterwards  distinguished,  during  the 
Roman  residence,  little  else  than  a  few  names  remain.  In  the 
sixth  century,  some  poets  of  eminent  genius  shone,  whose  works 
have  come  down  to  us.  Of  those  who  flourished  in  the  seventh, 


574:  A   VINDICATION,    ETC. 

eighth,  ninth,  tenth,  and  eleventh  centuries,  we  know  little,  and 
have  very  few  remains  ;  yet  we  can  ascertain,  that  bards  then  both 
lived  and  sang.  At  last,  in  the  twelfth  century,  the  genius  of 
Welsh  poetry  broke  out  in  new  lustre,  which  increased  through  the 
thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries.  But,  for  the  last  two  ages, 
what  has  become  of  it  ?  Another  chasm  has  taken  place,  like 
that  between  the  sixth  and  the  twelfth,  of  which  we  are  living 
witnesses. 

To  complete  the  argument  in  behalf  of  these  poems  ;  there  re- 
mains only  to  show,  that  the  forgery  could  not  have  been  practised 
without  detection  ;  that  there  is  nothing  extraordinary  in  these 
poems  being  genuine ;  that  they  are  attested  by  a  stream  of  na- 
tional belief,  and  that  any  scepticism  about  them  has  been  of  recent 
origin. 

Of  these  four  points,  the  two  last  are  so  notorious,  that  I  shall 
only  assert  them  without  the  fear  of  contradiction  ;  very  little  need 
be  added  on  the  others.  Whoever  considers  the  nature  of  the 
bardic  system ;  that  no  one  was  admitted  to  be  a  bard  but  after  a 
regular  initiation  and  tuition,  and  that  so  many  bards,  in  every  age, 
existed  competitors  for  fame  and  distinction,  must  perceive  that  so 
much  poetry,  as  to  occupy  580  pages  of  double  columns,  could  not 
be  forged  without  speedy  detection. 

We  have  proved  by  undeniable  evidence  and  reasoning,  that  the 
Welsh  had  bards  in  the  sixth  century,  and  in  particular  these  indi- 
vidual bards.  Is  it  then  any  thing  extraordinary  that  poets  should 
write  poetry ;  and  if  poetry  was  written,  is  it  a  miracle  that  part 
of  it  should  descend  to  us  ?  Let  us  recollect,  that  the  insignificant 
tract  of  Gildas  has  survived,  and  let  us  cease  to  be  surprised  that 
a  nation,  fond  of  its  bards,  should  preserve  some  of  their  composi- 
tions. 


END   OF    THE    VINDICATION. 


ESSAY 


ANTIQUITY  OF  RIME  IN  EUROPE. 


IT  has  been  lately  asserted,  that  "  the  only  opinions  which  now 
divide  the  learned  on  this  subject,  are,  whether  the  use  of  rime 
originated  from  the  Saracens,  who  took  possession  of  Sicily  in  the 
year  828,  or  arose  among  the  Italian  monks  in  the  eighth  cen- 
tury." i 

Both  these  opinions  may  be  shown  to  be  incorrect ;  a  few  facts 
Avill  prove  that  rime  was  much  earlier  in  existence.  It  is  also 
declared  to  be  "  certain  that  it  was  totally  unknown  to  the  ancient 
languages  of  Europe."'2  This  opinion  is  as  erroneous  as  the 
others. 

The  most  important  specimen  of  rime,  between  the  years  800 
and  900,  is  Otfrid's  Paraphrase  on  the  Gospels,  written  in  the 
Franco-theotisc  language.  The  author  lived  in  the  middle  of  the 
century.  It  occupies  380  folio  pages,  and  is  all  in  rime,  generally 
very  exact.  The  work  will  be  found  in  the  first  volume  of  Schil- 
ter's  Thesaurus.  It  was  originally  printed  by  Flacius,  Basil,  1571. 
8vo. 

There  is  extant  a  letter  of  Otfrid  to  Leutbert,  archbishop  of 
Mentz,  prefixed  to  his  paraphrase,  in  which  he  explains  his  reasons 
for  undertaking  this  work.  He  says,  that  some  worthy  persons, 
offended  at  the  obscene  songs  of  the  laics,  had  particularly  re- 
quested him  to  write  part  of  the  Gospels  in  the  vernacular  Theo- 
tisc  language,  that  the  singing  of  this  might  supersede  the  others. 
They  told  him  that  many  heathen  poets,  as  Virgil,  Lucan,  and 
others,  had  written  much  in  their  native  language,  while  the 
Prankish  nation  had  been  very  tardy  in  expressing  the  divine  word 
in  its  own  tongue.  Otfrid  adds,  that,  impelled  by  this  importunity, 
he  had  composed  a  part  of  the  Gospels  in  the  Prankish  language, 
that  they,  who  had  dreaded  the  difficulty  of  a  foreign  tongue, 
might  read  the  sacred  word  in  their  own. 

If  these  were  the  motives  of  Otfrid  in  this  composition,  is  it  not 
most  probable  that  it  was  not  only  written  in  the  vernacular  lan- 
guage, but  in  the  popular  form  of  his  nation  ?  If  rime  had  not 


Critical  Review,  Jan.  1800,  p.  22.  J 


2  Ibid. 


576  ESSAY    ON    THE 

been  a  great  companion  of  Prankish  poetry,  is  it  likely  that  he 
who  wrote  a  poetical  work  to  supersede  the  use  of  their  popular 
songs,  would  have  composed  it  in  rime  ?  If  rime  had  been  then  a 
novelty  in  France,  would  he  not  in  this  letter  have  apologized  for 
introducing  it  into  the  Franco-theotisc  language?  Would  he  not 
have  given  his  reasons  for  departing  from  its  popular  style  ?  On 
the  contrary,  he  expresses  himself  as  if  he  had  composed  his  work 
in  the  usual  poetical  form  of  his  countrymen. 

Indeed,  that  rime  was  the  usual  companion  of  their  poetry  seems 
to  be  clearly  deducible  from  another  of  his  phrases.  In  describing 
the  peculiarities  of  the  Franco-theotisc  language,  he  says,  "  it  per- 
petually seeks  rime.''  "  Scheeina  omoeteleuton  assidue  quaerit." 
This  remarkable  expression  seems  to  me  to  have  the  force  that 
rime  was  much  in  use  in  its  poetry;  for  certainly  the  Franco- 
theotisc  language  is  not  so  peculiarly  musical,  as  to  seek  or  tend 
to  rime  more  than  any  other. 

Otfrid's  aim  was  popularity.  But  if  the  Francs  had  not  used 
rime,  he  could  have  reached  his  aim  more  certainly  by  using  the 
ancient  metres  of  his  country,  than  by  the  difficult  labour  of  writ- 
ing so  large  a  work  in  rime.  I  should  also  conceive,  that  if  rime 
had  then  been  a  novelty  in  the  Frankish  language,  Otfrid  could 
have  scarcely  used  it  with  so  much  ease  and  perfection.  Yet, 
though  his  work  has  no  fewer  than  380  pages,  it  exhibits  the  use 
of  Frankish  rime  in  a  remarkably  easy,  fluent,  and  harmonious 
manner. 

There  is  another  proof  that  rime  was  an  appurtenance  of  ancient 
Frankish  poetry.  In  the  life  of  St.  Faron,  bishop  of  Meaux1, 
which  was  written  by  Hildegarius,  another  bishop,  who  lived  in 
the  same  century  with  Otfrid,  the  successes  of  Chlotarius  the 
Second,  against  the  Saxons  in  the  year  622,  are  mentioned.  The 
author  adds,  "  on  this  victory  a  public  song  (juxtarusticitatem),  in 
the  rustic  manner,  was  in  every  one's  mouth,  the  women  joining  in 
the  chorus." 

He  then  gives  this  extract  from  the  song  which  we  shall  find  to 
be  rime : 

"  De  Chlotario  est  canere  rege  Franconum, 
Qui  ivit  pugnare  in  gentem  Saxonum, 
Quam  graviter  provenisset  missis  Saxonum, 
Si  non  fuisset  inclytus  Faro  de  gente  Burgundionum." 

He  adds,  that  at  the  end  of  the  song  was, 

"  Quando  veniunt  missi  Saxonum  in  terra  Francorum, 

Faro  ubi  erat  princeps' 

Instinctu  Dei  transeunt  per  urbem  Meldorum 
Ne  interficiantur  a  rege  Francorum." 

After  these  quotations  he  says  :  "  We  choose  to  show  (rustico 
carmine),  in  rustic  verse,  how  famous  he  was  deemed." 

This  rustic  verse  we  see  was  rimed  verse.    Does  not  this  confirm 

1  See  it  in  Bouquet's  Recueil,  v.  iii.  p.  505. 


ANTIQUITY    OF   RIME   IN   EUROPE.  577 

the  inference  I  have  made  from  Otfrid,  that  rime  was  an  append- 
age of  the  popular  poetry  of  this  people  ?  This  song  was  made  in 
the  year  622. l 

Another  instance  tempts  me  to  suspect  that  rime  was  not  un- 
known to  the  ancient  languages  of  Europe.  The  ancient  song, 
once  so  popular  in  Gothland,  which  narrates  the  emigration  of  the 
Lombards,  and  which  ends  with  their  humiliation  by  Charlemagne, 
is  thus  mentioned  by  Stephanius :  "  Among  the  inhabitants  of 
Gothland,  a  very  ancient  song  was  formerly  sung  in  rime  in  their 
vernacular  language,  in  which  the  circumstances  concerning  the 
emigration  of  the  Lango-bardi  are  celebrated  more  truly  and  accu- 
rately than  by  Paulus  Diaconus."  He  afterwards  says,  "  from  the 
last  verse  it  may  be  understood  that  this  song  was  made  after  the 
close  of  the  Lombard  empire,  while  Charlemagne  was  reigning  so 
extensively  in  Germany  and  Italy."  Charlemagne  died  in  814. 
This  poem  is  in  exact  riming  couplets,  of  which  the  first  may  be 
adduced  as  a  specimen  : 

"  Ebbe  oc  Aage  de  Hellede  fro 
Siden  de  for  hunger  aff  skaane  dro."2 

If  this  song  was  written  at  the  close  of  the  eighth  century,  as 
Stephanius  intimates,  I  presume  it  was  in  the  customary  style  of 
the  national  poetry.  The  vernacular  poetry  of  every  country 
more  commonly  follows  ancient  rules  and  forms  than  it  adopts 
new,  unusual,  and  difficult  modes. 

That  rime  arose  among  the  Italian  monks  of  the  eighth  century, 
will  be  found  an  untenable  opinion,  if  w/ie  inspect  the  works  of 
those  who  wrote  poetry  in  that  and  the  preceding  centuries. 

The  first  that  may  be  mentioned  is  Boniface,  the  Anglo-Saxon 
missionary,  who  went  to  convert  the  uncivilized  Germans,  and  who 
perished  about  the  year  755.  He  closes  a  letter  to  Nithard  with 
fourteen  riming  couplets.  I  will  cite  the  two  first  as  a  specimen:3 

"  Vale  fratres  florentibus 
Juventutis  cum  viribus 
Ut  floreas  cum  domino 
In  sempiterno  solio." 

One  of  his  correspondents,  Leobgytha,  also  uses  them.  She 
ends  a  letter  to  Boniface  with  four  riming  lines.  She  says  she 
learnt  the  art  from  Eadburga,  his  pupil.4  Cona,  another  of  his 
correspondents,  adds  to  a  letter  to  Lullus,  six  hexameters,  which 
rime  in  the  middle.5 

Before  Boniface  lived  Aldhelm,  one  of  the  bishops  of  the  West 
Saxons.  He  was  most  highly  esteemed  by  his  countrymen  as  a 

1  It  was  remarked  by  Pelloutier  in  his  History  of  the  Celts. 

2  Stephanius  in  Saxonem,  181.  *  16  Magna  Bib.  Pat.  p.  49. 
4  Ibid.  p.  62.  *  Ibid.  p.  91. 

VOL.  III.  P   P 


578  ESSAY    ON   THE 

poet  His  death  is  placed  in  709,  and  therefore  his"1  works  pro- 
perly belong  to  the  preceding  ceutury,  because  in  that  he  must 
have  principally  lived.  Lullus,  the  contemporary  of  Boniface, 
says  to  a  friend,  "  I  pray  you  to  direct  to  me  some  little  works  of 
bishop  Aldhelm,  either  of  prose,  metre,  or  rime."  (Seu  prosarum, 
seu  metrorum,  seu  rythmicorum.)1 

Whether  either  of  the  long  riming  poems  annexed  to  Boniface's 
letters,  and  which  have  at  the  end  the  words  "  finit  carmen  Ald- 
helmi,"  2  were  written  by  Aldhelm,  I  will  not  determine;  but  the 
three  lines,  which  Simon  of  Durham  quotes  from  him,  rime  in  the 
middle.3  The  two  lines  which  Ducange  cites4  from  his  treatise 
De  octo  Vitiis,  are  a  rimed  couplet.  The  verses  which  he  made 
at  Rome,  and  which  are  given  by  Malmsbury5,  contain  several 
rimes,  as  well  as  some  lines  which  do  not  rime.  I  can  only  speak 
of  his  poems  by  these  fragments,  because  1  have  not  seen  any  of 
his  whole  poems,  of  which  some  are  yet  extant. 

But  we  have  Aldhehn's  own  evidence  that  rime  was  used  in  his 
time.  On  looking  into  his  prose  treatise  on  Virginity,  I  perceived 
that  he  had  two  riming  couplets,  which  he  expressly  calls  rime. 
His  words  are,  "  ut  non  inconvenienter  CARMINE  RYTHMICO 
dici  queat,"  'as  may  be  expressed,  not  unsuitably,  in  rimed 
verse.'6  The  verses  are  : 

"  Christus  passus  patibulo 
Atque  laeti  latibulo 
Virginem  virgo  virgini 
Commendabat  tutamini." 

Here  is  a  very  striking  example  of  rime  in  an  author,  who 
chiefly  lived  in  the  seventh  century.  It  may  be  suspected  from 
the  introductory  words  "  dici  queat,"  that  they  are  of  Aldhelm's 
own  composition,  written  in  a  momentary  whim  of  making  a  rime. 
The  same  caprice  seems  to  have  seized  him  in  several  other  parts 
of  this  little  treatise,  for  rimes  often  occur  in  it,  as  p.  342.,  p.  344., 
p.  362.,  and  in  other  places.  See  also  another  specimen  of  his 
rime,  quoted  in  p.  325.  of  this  volume  on  the  Anglo-Saxons, 
which  also  exhibit  a  poem  of  BEDE,  of  which  the  first  parts  is  in 
rime,  p.  328. 

Other  authors  of  the  seventh  century  have  rime.  Eugenius 
was  a  Spanish  bishop  who  died  657.  His  little  poem  on  the  im- 
ventors  of  letter  is  in  rime.  7  In  his  poem  on  Old  Age,  rime  is 
also  frequent  Sometimes,  as  in  the  beginning  of  it,  the  rimes  are 
alternate ;  sometimes  they  are  triplets ;  sometimes  couplets.  It 

1  16  Magna  Bib.  Pat.  p.  51.  2  Ibid.  p.  75.  Edit.  Paris,  1654. 

*  Twisden's  decem  Script,  p.  112.  4  1  Gloss.  Med.  Lat.  p.  923. 

s  3  Gale's  Script  p.  343. 

6  P.  297.     Wharton's  Edition.     This  use  of  rime  by  Aldhelm  had  not  been 
remarked  before. 

7  Published  in  Rivinius  Pat.  Hispan.  Lips.  1656. 


ANTIQUITY    OF    KIME   IN   EUROPE.  579 

has  also  several  middle  rimes.     His  Monosticha  on   the  Plagues 
of  Egypt  has  also  much  rime.  * 

Drepanius  Florus  was  another  poet  of  this  century  who  used 
rime.  He  lived  about  650.  His  Paraphrase  of  the  twenty-seventh 
Psalm  consists  of  stanzas  of  four  lines.  Some  of  these  are  partly 
rimed.2  The  two  following  are  wholly  so  : 

"  Audi  precantis  anxia 
Pater  super  me  murmura 
Dum  templa  coeli  ad  ardua 
Elata  tollo  brachia. 

"  Hie  namque  virtus  inclita 
Plebis  beatae  premia : 
Hie  ipse  Christo  proflua 
Servat  salutis  gaudia." 

His  poem  De  Cereo  Paschali  contains  fifty  lines,  of  which  seven- 
teen rime  at  the  end,  and  sixteen  in  the  middle.3 

To  the  beginning  of  this  century  belongs  the  rimed  poem  ot 
another  author,  as  he  is  placed  by  Usher4  and  Fabricius.5  He  is 
Columbanus  the  Irishman.  There  have  been  more  than  one  either 
of  the  same  name  or  of  one  very  similar.  But  the  person  who  was 
an  abbot  in  Gaul,  and  afterwards  in  Italy,  died  in  615,  according 
to  Fabricius.  He  was  the  author  of  a  few  poems  which  have  been 
oftentimes  printed.  The  structure  of  some  is  singular  and  ca- 
pricious. The  one  with  which  I  am  concerned  consists  of  forty- 
one  rimed  couplets  of  Latin  verse. 

Leyser  says,  "  it  does  not  seem  to  be  of  this  age."  He  gives 
no  reasons  for  his  opinion.  I  presume  the  rime  was  one  cause  of 
his  doubt,  and  its  not  having  appeared  before  Usher,  and  its  being 
unknown  to  Goldastus,  who  published  the  poems  of  Columbanus, 
were  other  causes  of  scepticism.  The  rime,  however,  can  be  no 
objection,  because  I  have  already  proved  that  rime  was  used  in 
this  age.  As  to  Goldastus  not  knowing  it,  the  facts  are,  that 
Goldastus  did  publish  it,  without  knowing  that  he  did  so;  I  mean 
without  knowing  it  to  be  a  poem.  After  the  poetry  of  Colum- 
banus, Goldastus  edited  two  of  his  letters,  as  he  called  and  thought 
them  ;  one  of  which  is  the  rimed  poem  in  question.  It  is  curious^ 
that  neither  Goldastus,  Usher,  Leyser,  nor  Fabricius,  discerned 

1  Masdeu  gives  a  funeral  inscription  in  Spain  of  the  7th  century  in  Rime. 

Parva  dicata  Deo 
permansit  corpore  virgo, 
hie  sursum  rapta 
coelesti  migrat  in  aula. 
obiit  junias 

decimo  quartave  calendas 
hie  est  querulis 
aera  de  tempore  martis. 
Quoted  in  Dr.  Dunham's  History  of  Spain  and  Portugal,  vol.  i.  p.  22 1 . 

2  16  Mag.  Bib.  p.  738.  *  Ibid.  p.  729. 

4  Vet.  Epist  Hib.  p.  7.  5    Bib.  Med.  Lat.  i.  p.  1125. 

p    p  2 


580  ESSAY   ON   THE 

that  this  letter  of  Columbanus  was  a  poem.  Usher  says  the  bishop 
of  Kilrnore  first  remarked  it  to  him.  This  is  surprising,  as  it  is 
very  exactly  rimed.  Goldastus  therefore  actually  published  it  in 
16(H,  among  his  Paraenetici  Veteres. l 

But  where  did  Goldastus  get  it  ?  He  informs  us :  "  We  saw 
two  copies  of  this  in  the  library  of  our  monastery  :  one  of  good 
antiquity  (bene  antiquum).,  but  anonymous  ;  another  copy,  not 
less  ancient,  but  far  preferable  in  this  respect,  that  it  expressed 
the  author's  name."  2 

Goldastus  also  published  with  it  another  short  composition, 
which  he  says  he  took  from  a  very  old  MS.  communicated  to 
him  by  the  superior  of  the  Abbey  of  St.  Gall,  intitled,  "  Incipit 
Epistula  Sci.  Columbani."  This,  though  not  professedly  in  rime, 
yet,  like  Aldhelm's  work,  has  much  rime  interspersed  in  it,  as 

"  Quae  quotidie  fugis 
Et  quotidie  venis  ; 
Quaa  veniendo  fugis, 
Et  fugiendo  venis ; 
Dissimilis  eventu 
Similis  ortu 
Dissimilis  luxu 
Similis  fluxu." 

In  some  other  passages,  words  of  like  endings  seem  to  be  pur- 
posely placed  together,  which  Aldhelm's  example  entitles  us  to 
say,  was  done  by  a  mind  acquainted  with  rime.3 

It  will  be  fair  to  say  that  this  letter,  the  rimed  poem,  and  the 
other  poetry  of  Columbanus,  have  great  identity  of  subject  and 
thought,  which  favours  the  idea  that  they  belong  to  one  author. 

Leyser  places  the  death  of  Columbanus  in  598,  or  595  ;  Fabri- 
cius  in  615.  On  either  computation  he  belongs  more  to  the  sixth 
century  than  the  seventh. 

But  we  can  adduce  another  evidence  that  rime  was  used  in  the 
sixth  century :  I  mean  Venantius  Fortunatus,  the  bishop  of  Poitou. 
He  was  a  very  fertile  poet.  In  565  he  celebrated  the  nuptials  of 
Sigebert  and  Brunechild,  and  died  about  600.  One  of  his  poems 
is  a  Hymn  to  the  Baptized,  published  by  Martene  in  his  De 
Antiquis  Ecclesiae  Ritibus,  from  a  MS.  of  the  cathedral  church  of 
Poitou.  Fabricius  has  reprinted  it  in  his  Bibliotheca  Mediae  Lati- 
nitatis,  t.  ii.  544.  As  it  belongs  to  a  period  so  early,  I  will  give 
the  three  first  stanzas  : 


"  Tibi  laus  perennis  auctor 
Baptismatis  sacrator 
Qui  sorte  passionis 
Das  prspmium  salutis. 


P.  146.     It  is  in  its  poetic  shape  in  Usher's  Sylloge  Epist.  Hib.  p.  9. 
Goldastus,  p.  153.  *  See  it  in  Goldastus,  p.  143. ;  in  Usher,  p.  7 


ANTIQUITY   OF   RIME   IN   EUROPE.  581 

"  Nox  clara  plus  et  alma 
Quam  luna  sol  et  astra 
Quae  luminum  corona 
Reddis  diem  per  umbram 
Tibi  laus. 

"  Dulcis,  sacrata,  blanda, 

Electa,  pura,  pulchra 

Sudans  honore  mella 

Rigans  odore  chrisma 

Tibi  laus." 

There  is  also  another  poem  of  this  author  handed  down  to  us, 
which  is  in  rime.  It  is  an  Elegy  on  Leontius.  I  quote  it  from 
the  Bibliotheca  Magna  Patrum  of  Paris,  torn.  viii.  p.  776.  It  has 
twenty-three  stanzas,  of  four  lines  each.  The  three  first  stanzas 
are  : 

"  Agnoscat  omne  seculum 
Antistitem  Leontium 
Burdegalense  praemium 
Dono  superno  redditum. 

"  Bilinguis,  ore  callido 
Crimen  fovebat  invidum 
Ferens  acerbum  nuncium, 
Hunc  jam  sepulcro  conditum. 

"  Celare  se  non  pertulit, 
Qui  triste  fun  us  edidit, 
Et  si  nocere  desiit 
Insana  vota  prodidit." 

As  this  author  usually  affected  the  classical  metres,  which  ap- 
pear to  have  stood  highest  in  estimation  in  all  Latin  poetry,  we 
must  not  expect  many  of  his  poems  to  be  rimed.  He  gives  us, 
however,  abundant  indications  of  a  mind  acquainted  with  rime, 
and  occasionally  indulging  the  propensity  to  use  it.  His  Quatrain 
to  bishop  Felix  is  rimed. !  In  another  poem  of  twenty-two  lines, 
eight  are  rimed  couplets.2  In  four  others  alternate  lines  are 
rimed,  as  in  some  of  our  stanzas,  and  five  have  middle  rimes. 

In  one  of  his  poems  on  Lupus,  the  first  four  lines  have  three 
rimes  in  as  ;  the  second  four  lines  have  three  rimes  in  us;  and 
the  third  four  lines  have  three  rimes  in  is.  The  rest  of  the  poem 
contains  also  much  rime  in  every  four  lines.  Half  of  the  lines  of 
this  poem  are  also  rimed  in  the  middle. 

In  several  others  of  his  poems,  rimes  apparently  intentional  and 
sought  for  may  be  noticed. 

The  use  of  rime  has  been  now  traced  up  to  the  middle  of  the 
sixth  century.  And  in  reaching  this  period,  it  is  impossible  I  can 

>  Bib.  Mag.  p.  785.  a  Bib.  Mag.  p.  780. 


582  ESSAY    ON   THE 

forget  that  contemporary  with  Fortunatus  were  the  Welsh  Bards 
whom  I  have  mentioned  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  History,  Taliesin, 
Aneurin,  Myrzin,  and  Llywarch  Hen. 

The  works  of  these  bards  have  been  just  printed  in  their  original 
language  in  the  Archaiology  of  Wales,  by  some  very  public- 
spirited  Welshmen.  I  understand  that  a  copy  has  been  presented 
to  this  society.  On  referring  to  them,  gentlemen  will  find  that 
these  poems  are  also  in  rime. 

When  I  first  became  acquainted  with  these  valuable  and 
venerable  remains,  I  intimated  that  they  made  a  new  theory  of 
the  origin  of  rime  necessary.  I  was  answered,  that  their  use  of 
rime  was  a  decisive  proof  that  they  were  supposititious.  This  as- 
sertion was  seconded  by  those  I  have  already  alluded  to,  that 
rime  was  unknown  to  the  ancient  languages  of  Europe,  and  that 
the  only  questions  now  were,  whether  the  use  of  rime  originated 
with  the  Saracens,  who  took  possession  of  Sicily  in  828,  or  among 
theltalian  monks  in  the  eighth  century.  If  these  assertions  were 
just,  of  course  the  authenticity  of  the  Welsh  Bards  was  shaken. 
I  had  myself  no  desire  to  support  them  if  they  were  forgeries, 
and  therefore  applied  myself  to  examine  ancient  works,  to  dis- 
cover when  rime  really  began  to  be  used  in  Europe.  In  this 
paper  I  have  traced  it  to  the  very  century  in  which  the  Welsh 
Bards  lived.  I  will  not  pursue  it  higher  now,  that  I  may  not  in- 
trude too  long  onthe  patience  of  this  indulgent  society.  At 
another  opportunit  I  will  beg  permission  to  state  what  has  oc- 
curred to  me  on  the  use  of  rime  before  the  sixth  century.  It 
may  be  also  curious  to  enquire  if  it  was  at  all  known  to  the 
Greeks  and  Romans,  and  what  are  the  most  reasonable  conclu- 
sions as  to  its  origin  in  Europe.1 

1  The  essay  on  the  last  topics  may  he  seen  in  the  Archaiologia,  vol.  xiv.  p.  187. 

These  two  essays  were  read  before  the  Society  of  Antiquaries,  on  the  21st  and 
28th  of  January,  and  the  24th  of  June,  1802.  In  the  last  I  quoted  the  poem  of 
St.  Austin,  against  the  Donatists,  which  consists  of  270  lines,  all  riming  in  e. 
He  was  born  in  354,  and  died  in  430.  He  states,  that  he  wrote  it  to  be  remem- 
bered and  sung  among  the  vulgar.  This  makes  it  probable  that  the  Romans  used 
rimes  in  their  vulgar  ballads.  This  poem  of  St.  Austin,  and  the  preceding  quotation 
from  Aldhelm,  overthrow  the  former  opinions,  that  rime  originated  from  the  Arabs, 
or  from  the  Italian  monks  of  the  eighth  century.  The  second  essay  exhibited 
riming  instances  of  the  homoio  teleuton  in  the  Greek  and  Roman  writers  on  rhetoric, 
and  some  passages  in  Homer,  Ennius,  Epicharmus,  Eubulus,  and  Hegesander  Del- 
phus,  which  seem  like  intentional  rimes.  Hebrew  rimed  passages  in  Job  were  also 
noticed.  Arch.  vol.  xiv.  p.  187. 

I  will  add  here  a  specimen  of  Chinese  rime  and  poetry,  which  I  have  observed  as 
I  was  revising  the  fifth  edition  of  this  history,  taken  from  their  ancient  book  the 
She-king. 

Fa  muh  chang  chang, 
Neaou  ming  yang  yang, 
Ch'huh  tsze  yew  kuh 
Tscen  yu  k'heaou  muh  ; 
Tang  k'he  ming  e  ; 
Kew  khe  yew  shing ; 


ANTIQUITY    OF    RIME   IN   EUROPE.  583 

Seang  pe  neaou  e, 
Tew  bew  yew  shing, 
Chin  e  jin  e, 
Puh  kew  yew  sang, 
Shin  cbe  ting  che 
Chung  ho  ts'heay  ping. 

In  felling  a  tree,  the  axes  of  many  resound  : 

The  birds  of  the  wood  sing  in  reiterated  notes  to  their  fellows  ; 

They  issue  forth  from  shady  retreats  in  the  valleys ; 

They  remove  to  the  groves,  and  perch  in  groups  upon  the  lofty  trees. 

To  each  other  they  chirp  in  responses ; 

These  are  the  sounds  by  which  friends  are  invited. 

Observe  those  birds ; 

Even  they  have  a  voice  to  invoke  friendship. 

Shall  it  then  be  that  men 

Desire  not  the  society  of  living  friends  ? 

The  Gods  listen  with  pleasure  to  those 

Who  continue  to  the  end  in  harmony  and  peace.  DR.  MORRISON 


THE   END. 


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The  history  of  the  Anglo- 
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